目录

奥巴马演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  美国的承诺

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2007年接受总统候选人提名时的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  无畏的希望

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2004年在民主党全国代表大会的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  谢谢你，艾奥瓦

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年在艾奥瓦州德斯莫内斯的竞选演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  更加完善的联邦

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年3月18日在费城国家宪法中心的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  我们所热爱的美国

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年6月30日在密苏里州独立城的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  美国的变革时代已经到来

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年11月4日在芝加哥格兰特公园的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  自由的新生

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2009年1月20日在华盛顿特区国会大厦前的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  独立日演讲

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2009年7月4日在白宫的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  民众的力量

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2013年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

附  录

2010国情咨文——2010年1月27日美国众议院

2011国情咨文——2011年1月25日美国众议院

2012国情咨文——2012年1月24日美国众议院

里根演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  开创国家复兴的时代

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1981年第一次总统就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  挣脱大地的束缚

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1986年悼念“挑战者”号宇航员的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  为持久的友谊奠定基础

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1984年在复旦大学的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  美国的精神觉醒

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根在美国全国福音派联会年会上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  推倒这堵墙

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1987年在柏林墙下的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  抉择的时刻

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1964年为总统候选人助选的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  离去如此甜蜜而感伤

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1989年在白宫发表告别演说

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  以你的荣耀谱写天空的绚丽

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1984年纪念诺曼底登陆四十周年演讲

第三节  精彩语录

罗斯福演说

出版说明

前  言

第一章  赞奋斗不息

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1930年任纽约州长后的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  政府的职责和权力

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1932年在联邦俱乐部的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1933年在白宫的第一次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  银行危机

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1933年的第一次炉边谈话

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  持久进步之路

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1937年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  论国家安全

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1940年的一次炉边谈话

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  对日宣战演说

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1941年针对偷袭珍珠港发表演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  四大自由

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1941年致美国国会的第八次国情咨文演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  论欧洲战争

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1941年在白宫发表演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十章  面对灾难

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1944年在竞选晚宴上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十一章  反法西斯战争

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福向国会报告雅尔塔会议情况的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十二章  建设持久的和平

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1945年在白宫的第四次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

布什演说

出版说明

前  言

第一章  自由和团结

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2001年在白宫的第一次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  人人都能当总统

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2001年在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  你们和我在一起

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于“9·11”事件当晚在白宫发表电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  悲痛化为愤怒

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于“9·11”事件后在国会发表电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  美国的价值观与中国政府的自信

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2002年在清华大学的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  最后决定的时刻

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什限萨达姆四十八小时内离开伊拉克的电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  抬起眼帘，望向天空

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2003年“哥伦比亚”号失事后的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  自由所到之处，仇恨无不让道

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2003年在“林肯”号航母上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  宣布连任

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2004年竞选获胜后的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十章  学会感恩

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2004年感恩节的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十一章  将自由带到全世界

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2005年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十二章  打击恐怖主义，消除贸易壁垒

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2005年在联合国六十周年大会上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十三章  振兴美国经济

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2008年在国会大厦最后一次发表国情咨文

第三节  精彩语录

第十四章  雷曼倒了，危机来了

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什关于金融危机的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十五章  经济形势十分严峻

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什就金融危机后美国经济形势发表演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十六章  昂首离开白宫

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2009年在白宫发表告别演说

第三节  精彩语录

肯尼迪演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  强者公正，弱者安全

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪参加总统竞选的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  我信任的美国

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1960年对大休斯顿部长协会的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  人人生来平等

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在白宫发表关于民权的电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  我是一个柏林人

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在柏林墙边的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  不以自由为代价换取和平

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1962年关于古巴导弹危机发表电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  我们选择登月

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1962年在赖斯大学关于航天事业的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  缔造一个和平的世界

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在美国大学毕业典礼上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

克林顿演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  新的契约

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1992年获民主党提名演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  复兴的新时代

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1993年第一次就职演说

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  创造新希望

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1997年第二次就职演说

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  大道之行，天下为公

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1998年在西安的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  游走北大，展望未来

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1998年在北京大学的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  二十一世纪的教育革命

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2000年国情咨文演说

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  温暖的关怀

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2007年哈佛大学毕业纪念日的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  美国的未来更美好

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2001年离职演说

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  信任与支持

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2012年提名奥巴马演讲

第三节  精彩语录

奥巴马演说

出版说明

自1776年《独立宣言》发表至今，美国建国已有两百三十多年。在这一历史阶段中，先后产生了四十四任总统。作为总统共和制国家的美国，其总统兼国家元首和政府首脑双重身份于一身，其在三权分立的国家政治架构中拥有极大的权力和影响力，在国家政治生活中拥有举足轻重的地位。正如美国第二十六任总统西奥多·罗斯福所说，美国总统是“国王和总理大臣的统一体”。

在美国，演讲是任何一个准备从政的人士必须具备的基本技能。无论地方议会议员、地方行政首脑还是美国联邦国会议员乃至美国总统，都是通过以演讲为基本形式的竞选活动产生的，这就决定了演讲这种活动在美国政治生活中的重大意义。而作为国家最高领导人的美国总统，他们的演讲往往在表明个人政治见解和基本立场、展露自身意志品质和性格特点的同时，在某种程度上还代表了美国的制度设计与价值观念、反映了美国的文化背景与社会演变。他们的演讲大都是针对当时美国所面临的国内外重大问题，讨论国家内政外交政策的优劣得失，表明解决问题的态度，指出今后的施政方向，激励和动员美国人民克服困难、奋力前行。从美国总统的演讲中，我们可以看到他们对时代潮流的认识、把握和对国家意志的充分表达，可以看到他们的政治才华和不同的人格魅力，还可以看到美国在其国家发展所经历的一个又一个时代转折点上，怎样面对困难、迎接挑战、坚韧不拔，一步步走向成功与成熟。

美国总统的演讲事先大多经过了精心的准备，语言精炼、用词规范、措辞讲究、逻辑严密，不但文采斐然、优美动人，而且有的放矢、言之有物。同时，每个总统的演讲都具有鲜明的个性特色。有的晓之以理，发人深省；有的动之以情，感人肺腑；有的则充满思辨，促使人们对人生、社会乃至世界进行更深层次的思考。

《美国总统演讲系列》丛书，重点选取了美国自成立以来几位重要总统的演讲，其中既有他们的就职演讲、卸任演讲，也有他们在重大事件发生时发表的演讲以及针对一些特定案例向公众发表的演讲等。选取这些演讲，并不代表我们认同其所包含的思想倾向或价值取向，只是想帮助广大读者从这些演讲中，加深对美国国情、美国社会的了解。相信广大读者在对这些演讲进行欣赏的同时，一定会对其反映出的世界观、价值观等做出正确的分析和判断。

编  者

2014年5月

前言

奥巴马（全名：Barack Hussein Obama II，贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马二世，1961年8月4日），美国第四十四任总统，出生于美国夏威夷州火奴鲁鲁，他的父亲祖籍是肯尼亚（The Republic of Kenya）。奥巴马是首位拥有黑人血统，并且童年在亚洲（印度尼西亚）度过的美国总统，与不同地方、不同文化背景的人共同生活过。2008年11月5日，奥巴马当选美国第四十四任（第五十六届）总统，他也是美国首位混血“黑人”总统。2011年4月4日，奥巴马宣布竞选2012年美国总统。2012年11月6日晚（当地时间），奥巴马在美国大选中获得超过270张选举人票，连任美国总统。

奥巴马的童年和青少年时期分别在印尼和夏威夷度过，后以优等生的学业成绩从哈佛法学院毕业。1996年，当选伊利诺伊州参议员，2004年11月当选为美国联邦参议员，是美国历史上第五位有非裔血统的联邦参议员。2007年2月10日，他以承诺结束伊拉克战争及实施全民医疗保险制为竞选纲领，正式宣布参加2008年美国总统选举，并于2008年11月5日正式当选。

就任总统后，他全面实施恢复美国经济的经济复兴计划，对能源、移民、公民医疗保健、教育、税政等领域进行变革；军事上主张从阿富汗和伊拉克撤军，并向伊斯兰世界表示友善而非以武力相威胁，还和核武大国俄罗斯签署削减核武器的《布拉格条约》。

老奥巴马出生在肯尼亚西部一个贫穷的小村庄，但是他的家庭在当地仍然属于较富有的家庭。奥巴马的祖父在城市做过小办事员、家庭厨师等各种杂役，回到家乡后以精明的头脑经营一个不错的小农庄。老奥巴马在学校时成绩优异，性格顽皮，后因经常违反学校的纪律而遭到开除，引起父亲的暴怒。后来在两名热心的美国教师的联系和帮助下，获得了去海外读书的机会和奖学金。老奥巴马将在家乡的妻子柯齐亚和孩子留给母亲照顾，先去夏威夷，后到达美国，在读书期间与邓纳姆相遇，生下奥巴马。奥巴马的祖母和许多亲戚如今仍住在那个小村庄，老奥巴马1982年因车祸去世后也埋在村内。

奥巴马两岁时，父母分居，随后离婚。他的父亲前往哈佛大学攻读博士学位，最终返回肯尼亚。而他的母亲则嫁给了一位印度尼西亚籍的学生Lolo Soetoro，并诞下一个女儿。奥巴马六岁时，与母亲一家迁居到印度尼西亚首都雅加达。四年后，奥巴马回到夏威夷，与外祖父母住在一起。从五年级起，奥巴马就读于位于檀香山的大型私立学校Punahou学校，且在当地读到十二年级，于1979年毕业。后来母亲与继父离婚，他便随母迁居美国本土。

到达美国本土后，奥巴马首先在加利福尼亚州的洛杉矶西方学院求学两年，期间在该校《宴会》杂志发表了诗歌《老爹》，后被《纽约客》杂志转载并广为流传。西方学院的学业结束后，他转至纽约市的哥伦比亚大学哥伦比亚学院，在那里主修政治学及国际关系。1983年，奥巴马毕业于哥伦比亚大学，毕业后在国际商务公司工作了一年。1985年到芝加哥工作，主持了一个非营利计划，以协助当地教堂为穷困的居民组织好职业培训。

他于1988年进入哈佛大学法学院，主修法律。1990年2月，由于被选为《哈佛法学评论》的首位非洲裔美国人主席，他首次获得了全国性的认可。奥巴马1991年毕业于哈佛大学的法学院，获得了“极优等”法学博士的学位。回到芝加哥后，奥巴马主持了一次选民登记活动，且为民权律师事务所Miner，Barnhill & Galland工作。后来，自1993年至2004年当选联邦参议员前的十一年中，奥巴马一直在芝加哥大学法学院任职宪法讲师。1992年，奥巴马与同校的米歇尔·鲁滨逊结婚，两人供职于芝加哥的同一家律师事务所。

1996年，奥巴马在芝加哥当选为伊利诺伊州国会参议员，并在之后的三年中连任；2000年，他挑战已担任了四年联邦众议员的波比·拉什（前黑豹党成员和社区活动家），竞选联邦众议员一席。选举结果为拉什获得61%的选票，他以30%的选票最终失败，此后也将主要精力投入到伊利诺伊州的参议工作中，编撰了要求对可能判死刑罪犯的审问必须录像的法律。

2002年，他竞选连任伊利诺伊州参议员。2003年1月，民主党重新取得议会的控制权，他被提名为州卫生与公众服务委员会主席。在他的立法提案中，他帮助编撰了《工作所得抵税法》，为低收入家庭提供援助，还致力于为一些无法承担健康保险的居民起草相关立法项目，协助通过了增加对艾滋病预防和病人照料的项目预算。

2004年7月，美国民主党召开全国代表大会，奥巴马被指定在第二天做“基调演讲”。（所谓“基调演讲”，就是民主党人阐述本党的纲领和政策宣言，通常由本党极有前途的政治新星来发表，1988年做“基调演讲”的人就是时任阿肯色州州长的克林顿。）奥巴马不负众望，他亲自撰写演讲稿，并发表了题为“无畏的希望”（The Audacity of Hope）的慷慨激昂的演讲。在演说中他提出消除党派分歧和种族分歧，实现“一个美国”的梦想。该演讲后，奥巴马成为全美知名的政界人物。同年11月，奥巴马以高达70%的选票顺利当选，成为美国历史上第五位非洲裔联邦参议员。

2007年2月10日，奥巴马在伊利诺伊州斯普林菲尔德市正式宣布参加2008年美国总统大选，并提出了重点在“结束伊拉克战争以及实施全民医疗保险制度”的竞选纲领。

2008年1月4日，在俄亥俄州民主党初选大会上，奥巴马赢得了38%的支持率，领先于知名度高于自己的约翰·爱德华兹以及希拉里·克林顿，在民主党诸位候选人中领跑。

2008年6月3日，奥巴马因其票数领先于希拉里·克林顿，被定为民主党总统候选人；同年8月23日，在民主党全国代表大会上奥巴马被正式提名，从而成为了美国历史上首个非洲裔总统大选候选人。

2008年11月5日，奥巴马击败共和党候选人约翰·麦凯恩，正式当选为美国第四十四任总统。当晚他在芝加哥发表当选演说，并以支持他的一位百岁选民为例，以数个“Yes we can”（是的，我们可以做到）来阐述美国人民非凡的创造力、美国社会的不断进步以及美国实力的强大，这次演说非常有震撼力，并富于强烈的感情色彩，有些黑人倾听时不禁流下了眼泪，“是的，我们可以（或：我们能够做到）”也成了他的名言。

2011年4月4日，奥巴马宣布将参加2012年总统竞选。民调显示，2009年奥巴马的支持率最高达到59%，而后开始滑落。2011年1月降至48%的水平，而由于经济手段改革与医疗体制改革受挫，奥巴马的支持率持续走低。到3月末降到最低的38%，后因击毙拉登而上升。4月又由于前述原因轻微下降。他的支持率平均在四五成之间，属于中等水平。

2011年11月，福布斯2011权力人物榜奥巴马排名第一。尽管在处理高失业率和经济衰退问题上的措施不足，导致奥巴马在国内支持率下降，但他在世界舞台上的表现完全不同。随着“基地”组织领导人本·拉登和利比亚前领导人卡扎菲相继被击毙，奥巴马的影响力迅速上升。

2012年5月5日，在美国弗吉尼亚州里士满的弗吉尼亚州联邦大学，奥巴马参加竞选集会，正式启动其争取连任的竞选之路，并先后在俄亥俄州和弗吉尼亚州两个重要的“摇摆州”举行了两场竞选集会。

2012年10月28日，一场来势凶猛的飓风“桑迪”冲击美国东海岸，搅乱了本已进入倒计时的美国总统大选，飓风过后，奥巴马和共和党总统候选人罗姆尼的支持率开始出现变化。根据盖洛普民调显示，多数美国人看好奥巴马出任下一届美国总统。10月31日盖洛普发布的民调结果显示，有54%的人认为奥巴马能够打败罗姆尼，获得总统连任，只有34%的人选择支持罗姆尼。这与8月份奥巴马最高支持率58%、罗姆尼36%的支持率的差距基本一致。

2012年11月1日，奥巴马和罗姆尼开始了最后一轮造势拉票工作。奥巴马大范围走访摇摆州，还邀请前总统克林顿为其助威；而罗姆尼则带领搭档瑞安等人展开跨越十一个州的“闪电战”。根据全国广播公司和《华尔街日报》11月4日公布的民调数据，奥巴马在有投票意愿的美国选民中支持率为48%，而罗姆尼支持率为47%，两人不相上下。

美国总统大选的选民投票于当地时间2012年11月6日举行，由于投票日当天并非法定节假日，因此越来越多的选民愿意选择提前投票。从提前投票的情况看，奥巴马较罗姆尼更胜一筹，但优势并不如四年前。奥巴马夫妇也鼓励选民提前投票，这也是历史上首次美国总统候选人夫妇不在选举日投票。

2012年11月6日，奥巴马在总统大选中获得超过270张选举人票，连任总统。 11月10日，佛罗里达州官方确认，奥巴马在2012年总统大选中赢得了该州的29张选举人票。奥巴马最后赢得332张选举人票，罗姆尼获得206张选举人票。

奥巴马于2013年1月20日在总统就职典礼上宣誓就职，美国总统选举宣告最终结束。

奥巴马就任总统后，美国正处于由房地产次贷危机引发的金融危机的蔓延期，全国经济异常萧条。为消除危机的负面影响，他对前任政府的某些政策做了比较大胆的改革，如制定耗资巨大的经济复兴计划、医疗改革、移民政策调整、能源战略修订、税收政策调整、教育体制改革等。

他通过对低收入家庭和企业就业岗位的减税，同时增加政府支出，来加大政府对财政、经济的刺激力度。他还将布什政府用于救市的7000亿美元中的余额（约3500亿美元）用于房屋业主和小企业的贷款供应，目的是要稳定房产市场和小企业的就业状况。

在环境与能源问题方面，他强调利用风能、太阳能和地热驱动车辆，为工厂提供能源。对于新能源的研究和开发，他实行加强支持力度和增加政府支出的举措。

关于美国的国际贸易政策，他主张以“公平”原则对贸易伙伴实行保护主义，并提出了修订北美自由贸易协定的构想。他还就中国的人民币汇率和对华贸易逆差问题，提出希望与中国方面进行谈判。

在货币政策上，他十分关注利率大幅度波动给经济带来的不利影响，主张加大对金融市场的监管力度。

为应对美国失业率上升的严峻形势，2011年6月，奥巴马在视察北卡罗来纳州时抛出“一揽子刺激就业措施”，希望在2012年扭转就业低迷的困境。

2008年11月16日，在美国国会会议上，当选总统后的奥巴马与候任新财政部长蒂莫西·盖纳及新白宫首席经济顾问劳伦斯·萨默斯探讨了经济复兴计划，26日提名联邦储备委员会前主席保罗·沃尔克为总统经济恢复顾问委员会负责人，负责组织、实施经济复兴计划。奥巴马经济复苏计划的主要内容有政府节能、启动大规模基建、学校进行大规模硬件设施升级、改进医疗状况和普及宽带网。他的计划内容均属耗资极其巨大的项目，他希望该计划能化解当前的经济危机、提高就业率以及增强国家在国际上的竞争力。

在能源战略上，奥巴马倡导绿色环保概念，以节能减碳、降低污染的绿色能源环境为工作目标，并计划倾巨资努力打造。他的能源战略内容包括改善现有电网系统，将太阳能、风能、地热能并入全美统一电网，最大限度地发挥国家电网的使用效率；发展节能型车辆。他还计划将用于进口石油的资金转向发展太阳能、风能和地热能电站，以减轻对石油的依赖，如此计划顺利实现，美国的能源体系将产生革命性变化，进而改变整个美国的生产和生活方式。有媒体指出，如果他的绿色能源战略获得成功，其意义将不亚于IT产业革命。

奥巴马在税收政策上倾向对企业和富裕人群增税，而对于普通家庭则主张减税，认为这样能使大多数美国工薪阶层在国家税制方面受益。他的税政有两项主要内容：其一，对一些富人利用其他国家或地区相对宽松的税收环境隐瞒收入、逃避税务核查之情形，税务部门有权要求海外银行配合美国的税务调查，堵住逃税行为；其二，改变跨国公司纳税方式，使跨国公司无法在外汇收入方面逃税。

奥巴马在教育方面基本遵循布什政府的现有教育框架，但提出了“零岁至五岁教育计划”和“美国机会税收优待计划”两项教育新主张。对于布什政府的《不让一个孩子掉队》的教育法案，他对其作了多项改进，强调学生的教育质量与教师业绩挂钩，改革为考试而教学，倡导教育科目要全面，对失败学生更多关怀，增加教育经费等。他对公立学校的现有状况并不满意，要求美国各州增加对特许学校的拨款，支持特许学校的发展，但其成效还有待时间检验。另外，他认为为提高美国在国际上的长远竞争力，必须强化国民教育，提高学校教育质量，将降低高中学生辍学率作为国家的首要任务。关于教师待遇问题，他主张实行绩效工资制，提出加强实施教师聘用、培训、留任及奖励的优惠计划。

在医改方案中，他提议将医疗保险覆盖面扩大到未投保人士，并规定保费增长的上限，人们在离职和变换工作时，他们的医保权益应予保留。他的医疗改革方案，计划耗时十余年，涉及资金9000亿美元。该计划包括一项政府保险计划，同时鼓励民众双向选择，参与公共合作医疗保险，其主旨是降低保险成本和提高民众的健康保障质量。医改计划将每一个美国公民都纳入政府的医保范围，从而减少非法保险公司的存在。该计划包括医疗保险开支的削减和提高保险公司税负两方面。2011年1月19日，众议院以245票支持，189票反对的投票结果，将奥巴马的医改法案废除。

奥巴马移民政策的主体思路基本以2007年的美国移民改革法案为基础，主要内容为加强边境管制，减少非法入境；增强政府监督，对雇用非法移民的雇主进行法律制裁；为非法移民提供一条最终可以获得美国公民身份的途径；缩短合法移民的移民排期。但由于诸多因素的制约，该法案当时并未获得国会通过。2008年11月，他成功当选总统，12月提名亚利桑那州州长珍妮特·娜珀莉塔诺为国土安全部部长，以继续实施其移民改革计划。

在宗教方面，奥巴马认为宗教信仰的力量能将人民团结在一起，并能给他们带来幸福，它是美国民众生活的重要组成部分。对于美国的宗教政策，他基本沿袭上一届政府的既定方针，支持宗教机构的社区活动。美国人口来源复杂，宗教人群庞大，教种教派林立，他认为美国宗教信仰的差异性不会引起国家分裂。他不反对教人士进入国家权力机构宗，比如总统办公室，认为这样做不但不会违背美国宪法所规定的政教分离精神，反而有利于调和政府与宗教组织及宗教人士的关系。他指出不能将宗教信仰作为战争的借口，亦反对以宗教信仰的差异性来人为地制造社会隔阂。他进一步分析指出，不同的宗教念诵不同的经文、听从不同的命令，但都有共同的真理，人民不能因所信奉的教种不同而排斥异教徒，甚至萌生仇恨。

2012年5月9日，奥巴马接受美国广播公司采访时说，他改变了自己先前的反对态度，转而支持同性婚姻。他是在在与自己的下属、一些同性恋军人、夫人米歇尔及两个女儿就这一问题开展讨论后，经过思考作出这一决定的。他说，自己最终认定必须就此公开表态，支持同性婚姻。

2009年11月，奥巴马对中国展开国事访问，他认为中美关系的新发展具有战略意义，同中国的伙伴关系使美国摆脱了严重的金融危机，并强调这一关系的重要性。另一方面，他会见达赖则使中国政府非常不满。奥巴马就职以来，在与胡锦涛通电话及访问会谈中，多次表示美中发展积极合作的全面关系对两国十分重要，对世界也十分重要。发展健康稳定的美中关系符合两国长期和战略利益。美国方面确认继续奉行长期以来坚持的“一个中国”政策，承认这是中国的核心利益。2012年2月，奥巴马对访美的中华人民共和国副主席习近平表示：“美方拒绝任何台独主张”。

对于伊朗核问题，他希望联合国以决议方式敦促其弃核。对于朝鲜核问题，他认为只要朝鲜放弃核武项目，美国会在经济援助与国际关系等诸多方面给朝鲜提供帮助。

奥巴马在华盛顿举行的全球核安全峰会上指出，当今的核危机不是来自敌对国家，而是恐怖分子，因此核风险在不断加大。如果恐怖组织掌握了核武器，将发生“全球性灾难”。为此，他呼吁全球在核材料的控制上要严格，要步调一致统一行动。他还认为目前国与国之间的核对抗几率已经减小，但因为国际恐怖组织的活跃，核安全形势反而更加严峻。

奥巴马就任总统后，要求美国中央情报局将追捕基地组织首脑本·拉登作为首要任务。2010年8月，美国锁定了拉登在巴基斯坦的住所。2011年5月2日凌晨1时30分（当地时间），奥巴马下令海豹突击队对拉登住所进行突然袭击，并将其击毙。奥巴马认为击毙拉登是美国打击“基地恐怖组织”的最大成就，使“正义得到了伸张”。

奥巴马喜欢与明星交往，想借大牌明星的公众形象提升政府的形象，使自己和以自己为首的政府能像好莱坞一样，受大众欢迎。与他交往的大牌明星有《007》扮演者布鲁斯南、《律政俏佳人》主演威瑟斯彭、喜剧演员本·斯蒂勒、《钻石王老五》主演乔治·克鲁尼等，他给予这些影视明星自由出入白宫的权力。他在总统竞选期间的演讲都能得到民众，特别是年轻人的喜爱。他是一个从社会底层走出来的美国总统，所以他对于普通大众有着很强的号召力。

第一章  美国的承诺

第一节  背景介绍

2007年２月，贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马二世，简称奥巴马，在伊利诺伊州宣布竞选总统，经过五个月预选后，他击败了纽约州联邦参议员希拉里，获得总统候选人提名。身为美国联邦参议员的奥巴马在民主党全国代表大会上接受总统候选人提名，成为美国历史上第一个获得主要党派总统候选人提名的少数族裔人士。

奥巴马在科罗拉多州丹佛一个能容纳七万五千人的体育场内发表演讲时说，布什政府过去八年的失败政策和国内党派斗争导致百姓生活水平下降。因此，他向民主党人、共和党人和独立派人士发出呼吁，采取变革措施，在二十一世纪“使美国的希望不灭”。

奥巴马随即向共和党竞争对手、亚利桑那州联邦参议员麦凯恩发出挑战。奥巴马说，麦凯恩在国会经常支持布什政府的政策，这足以使人对他的判断能力产生怀疑。此外，他还批评麦凯恩不了解美国民众所关注的医疗保健、教育和经济等问题。

奥巴马在演讲中重申，要对工薪家庭采取减税政策，通过发展可替代能源实现能源自给，为青少年提供世界一流水平的教育，并实现全民享有在其支付能力范围内的医疗保健服务。

针对麦凯恩批评他外交和国防经验不足，奥巴马说，民主党在罗斯福和肯尼迪担任总统时代的外交表现已经证实，该党具备处理这些事务的能力。

奥巴马还批评布什政府的外交政策让美国民主党和共和党几代人的努力“付之东流”。他说，民主党要挽回这些“遗产”，负责任地结束伊拉克战争，完成针对阿富汗塔利班和“基地”组织的战争，阻止伊朗获得核武器，建立新的伙伴关系以应对美国在二十一世纪面临的威胁。

第二节  奥巴马于2007年接受总统候选人提名时的演讲

To Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation.

With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.

Let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest—a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours—Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next vice-president of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.

To the love of my life, our next first lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia—I love you so much, and I'm so proud of all of you.

Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story—of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren’t well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.

It is that promise that has always set this country apart—that through hard work and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.

That’s why I stand here tonight. Because for 232 years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women,—students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors—found the courage to keep it alive.

We meet at one of those defining moments—a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil and the American promise has been threatened once more.

Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can’t afford to drive, credit card bills you can’t afford to pay and tuition that’s beyond your reach. These challenges are not all of government’s making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.

America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.

This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.

This country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he’s worked on for 20 years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.

We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.

Tonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land—enough! This moment—this election—is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: “Eight is enough.”

Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we’ll also hear about those occasions when he’s broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.

But the record’s clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush 90% of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than 90% of the time? I don’t know about you, but I’m not ready to take a 10% chance on change.

The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives—on healthcare and education and the economy—Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made "great progress" under this president. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisers—the man who wrote his economic plan—was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a “mental recession,”and that we’ve become, and I quote, “a nation of whiners”.

A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.

Now, I don’t believe that Senator McCain doesn’t care what’s going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn’t know. Why else would he define middle class as someone making under $5m a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a healthcare plan that would actually tax people’s benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize social security and gamble your retirement?

It’s not because John McCain doesn’t care. It’s because John McCain doesn’t get it.

For over two decades, he’s subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy—give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is—you’re on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No healthcare? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps—even if you don’t have boots. You’re on your own.

Well it’s time for them to own their failure. It’s time for us to change America.

You see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.

We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23m new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was president—when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.

We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job—an economy that honors the dignity of work.

The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great—a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.

Because in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton’s Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.

In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.

When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the south side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.

And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She’s the one who taught me about hard work. She’s the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she’s watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.

I don’t know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as president of the United States.

What is that promise?

It’s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.

It’s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.

Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves—protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.

Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who’s willing to work.

That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.

That’s the promise we need to keep. That’s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.

Change means a tax code that doesn’t reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.

Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.

I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.

I will cut taxes—cut taxes—for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.

And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as president: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.

Washington’s been talking about our oil addiction for the last 30 years, and John McCain has been there for 26 of them. In that time, he’s said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.

Now is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.

As president, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I’ll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I’ll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I’ll invest $150bn dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy—wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and 5m new jobs that pay well and can’t ever be outsourced.

America, now is not the time for small plans.

Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy. Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don’t have that chance. I’ll invest in early childhood education. I’ll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I’ll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American—if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.

Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible healthcare for every single American. If you have healthcare, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don’t, you’ll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.

Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.

Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect social security for future generations.

And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day’s work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.

Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I’ve laid out how I’ll pay for every dime—by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don’t help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less—because we cannot meet 21st-century challenges with a 20th-century bureaucracy.

And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America’s promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F Kennedy called our "intellectual and moral strength". Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programmes alone can’t replace parents; that government can’t turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.

Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility—that’s the essence of America’s promise.

And just as we keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America’s promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next commander-in-chief, that’s a debate I’m ready to have.

For while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just "muddle through" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he’ll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell—but he won’t even go to the cave where he lives.

And today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we’re wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war. That’s not the judgment we need. That won’t keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.

You don’t defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don’t protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can’t truly stand up for Georgia when you’ve strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice—but it is not the change we need.

We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don’t tell me that Democrats won’t defend this country. Don’t tell me that Democrats won’t keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans—Democrats and Republicans—have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.

As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm’s way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.

I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future. These are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.

But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other’s character and patriotism.

The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America—they have served the United States of America.

So I’ve got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.

America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can’t just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose—our sense of higher purpose. And that’s what we have to restore.

We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don’t tell me we can’t uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don’t know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America’s promise—the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.

I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that’s to be expected. Because if you don’t have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don’t have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.

You make a big election about small things. And you know what—it’s worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn’t work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it’s best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know. I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don’t fit the typical pedigree, and I haven’t spent my career in the halls of Washington.

But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don’t understand is that this election has never been about me. It’s been about you. For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us—that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn’t come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it—because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.

America, this is one of those moments.

I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I’ve seen it. Because I’ve lived it. I’ve seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I’ve seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.

And I’ve seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they’d pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I’ve seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.

This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that’s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that’s not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that’s not what keeps the world coming to our shores. Instead, it is that American spirit—that American promise—that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend. That promise is our greatest inheritance. It’s a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours—a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.

And it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln’s Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream. The men and women who gathered there could’ve heard many things. They could’ve heard words of anger and discord. They could’ve been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred. But what the people heard instead—people of every creed and color, from every walk of life—is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.

"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."

America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise—that American promise—and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.

Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America.

首先，向迪恩主席，我的好友迪克·德宾，以及我们这个伟大国家的同胞们致意。（注：霍华德·迪恩是奥巴马所在的美国民主党全国委员会主席；迪克·德宾是美国参议院中的民主党二号人物。）

怀着深深的感激与谦恭，我接受你们的提名，成为美国总统候选人。

首先让我感谢伴随我走过初选那段征程的候选人们，特别是走得最远的那一位——为工薪阶层的美国人奋争，为你我的女儿们带来激励的候选人——希拉里·罗德姆·克林顿。感谢克林顿总统，昨晚他的演讲对美国需要变革的阐述无以伦比。感谢泰德·肯尼迪，感谢他的奉献精神。当然还有我们的下任美国副总统乔·拜登，谢谢你。有这样一位我们这个时代最优秀的政治家伴随我走完最后这段竞选之旅是我的福气。拜登平易近人，从对其他国家的领导人，到他每晚乘火车下班回家遇到的售票员都是同样的。

我还要感谢我的妻子，我们的下一任第一夫人，米歇尔·奥巴马，以及萨沙和玛丽亚，我深爱你们，你们是我的骄傲。

四年前面对你们，我讲述了自己的故事——故事起始于一对分别来自肯尼亚和（美国）堪萨斯州青年夫妇的短暂结合。（注：这里指奥巴马的父母。奥巴马的父亲来自肯尼亚，曾在美国留学；母亲是美国堪萨斯州人。）他们并不富裕、默默无闻，但他们有这样一个共同的信念，那就是在美国，他们的儿子不管有什么样的理想，都有可能实现。

正是这个美国的承诺，让我们的国家与众不同——通过努力和牺牲，我们每个人都能够追求个人的梦想，但同时又组成美国这个大家庭。并且让我们的下一代也可以追求他们的梦想。

这就是为什么今晚我会站在这里。因为在过去的二百三十二年间，每当这个美国的承诺遇到挑战之时，普普通通的男女——学生、战士、农民、教师、护士和勤杂工，都展现出他们的勇气来保卫它。

我们正处在这样一个时刻——在这一时刻，我们的国家处于战争之中，经济一团乱麻，美国的承诺又一次遇到挑战。

今夜，从未有这么多的美国人在忍受失业，他们工作更辛苦，挣的却更少。如此多的家庭失去他们的住所，更多的人则眼睁睁看着他们的房子贬值。更多的人有车却开不起，信用卡账单难以支付，孩子的学费高到无法承受。不能说这些问题都是政府的责任。但不能有效地解决这些问题，却实实在在是华盛顿的政府与乔治·W·布什政策的失败。

美国，我们的人民应当比这过去的八年过得更好。我们不该是这样的国家。

在俄亥俄，一位一生努力工作即将退休的妇女发现一场突如其来的疾病让她陷入绝境。我们的国家不该这样！

在印第安纳，一位工人把和他相伴了二十年的机器设备打包运往中国，在向家人解释这一切时，他为自己的失败泣不成声。我们的国家难道不该对我们的人民更慷慨！

老兵们流落街头，他们的家庭陷入困顿。而一座美国的重要城市眼睁睁地被洪水吞没。我们的政府难道不应当对此更有同情心！

今晚，我对美国人民、对民主党、共和党和无党派人士，对我们这个伟大国家的所有人说，够了！这一时刻，这次大选，是决定在二十一世纪我们是否仍能信守美国承诺的机会。因为下周，那个带给你们两届乔治·布什和迪克·切尼的共和党，想要带给这个国家第三届同样的货色！（注：之后的一周将是共和党全国代表大会）今天我们聚集在这里，是因为我们热爱这个国家，我们不愿意让过去的八年再上演四年。当十一月四日（注：大选投票之日）到来时，我们必须站起来说：“八年已经够了。”

毫无疑问，共和党提名的总统候选人约翰·麦凯恩曾经为了我们的国家身着军装。他的勇敢和出色表现应当赢得我们的感激和尊重。而下周，我们还将听到他几次与共和党分道扬镳的陈述，让我们相信他会给我们带来这个国家所需要的改变。

但是，过去的记录清晰地表明：约翰·麦凯恩90%的时候都支持乔治·布什的观点。麦凯恩参议员喜欢谈论判断力，但是说真的，当你认为乔治·布什90%的时候都是正确的，这个时候你还有什么判断力可言？我不知道别人怎么想，但我不打算依靠这10%的改变几率。

事实是，在讨论我们所面对的重要问题时——从医疗到教育再到我们的经济——麦凯恩参议员都没有表达出他的独立观点。他说我们的经济在过去八年中取得了“巨大的发展”。他说经济的基础非常稳固。麦凯恩参议员的首席经济顾问——他为麦凯恩参议员撰写了经济规划——谈到美国人的焦虑感时说道，我们的国家正在经历一场“精神上的衰退”，我们已经变成了，我引用他的原话，“一个充满抱怨者的国家”。

一个充满抱怨者的国家？当密歇根州工厂自豪的汽车工人们发现工厂即将关闭，但仍然一如既往的坚持工作，只因为有人需要他们生产的刹车盘时，我们听到抱怨了吗？当一位军人的丈夫或妻子在自己的爱人又要离开家，去执行第三次、第四次甚至是第五次任务时，默默地担起了家庭的重担，我们听到抱怨了吗？他们都没有抱怨。他们仍然努力工作，仍然热爱生活，毫无怨言。这才是我所知道的美国人。

我不相信麦凯恩参议员不关心美国人的生活，我想他只是不知道。否则他怎么会将中产阶级定义为年收入少于500万美元的人呢？否则他怎么会提出上千亿美元的针对大企业和石油公司的减税计划，却不肯为超过一亿的普通美国大众减免哪怕只是一分钱？否则他怎么会提出实际加重了人民负担的医疗政策？怎么会提出对美国家庭毫无帮助的教育政策？怎么会提出社会保障的私人账户计划，这不是拿你的退休金赌博吗？

约翰·麦凯恩不是不关心，而是根本不知道。

过去的二十多年里，他一直秉承着那种陈旧、迂腐的共和党哲学——让美国人拥有更多的资产，这样每个人就可以担负自己的福利。在华盛顿，他们称之为“所有者社会”，但这种哲学背后的意思是——你只能靠你自己了。失业？你运气不好。没有医疗保险？自己去买吧。生在穷人家？你只能白手起家——即你一无所有。一切都得靠你自己。

现在，是时候让他们品尝自己的失败了。让我们来改变美国。

大家都知道，我们民主党用另外一种完全不同的方法来衡量这个国家的发展。

我们判断国家是否发展，要看有多少人能够找到工作来支付贷款；要看你是否可以每月存下一点钱为了你的孩子将来可以去读大学。判断国家是否发展，要看比尔·克林顿总统在任期间新创造的两千三百万个工作机会和美国家庭平均收入上升了7500美元，而不是乔治·布什时期的下降2000美元。

我们判断我们的经济实力并不是看亿万富翁的数目，或者财富五百强企业的利润，而是要看一个拥有非凡创意的人能否开创自己的事业，或者一个靠小费生活的服务员能不能请一天假去照顾生病的孩子而不会丢掉她的工作——我们需要一个崇尚工作尊严的经济体系。

我们用来衡量经济实力的基本原则是，我们是否真正践行了那些让国家变得更伟大的承诺——这也是我今晚站在这个台上的唯一原因。

因为在那些从伊拉克和阿富汗归来的年轻的退伍军人的脸上，我看到了我祖父的影子。珍珠港事件后他加入了军队，并在巴顿将军的部队中服役，依靠“美国退役军人权利法案”，他才有机会接受大学教育。

看到那些努力学习至深夜的年轻学生，我想起了我的母亲，她在独自抚养我和妹妹的同时还取得了学位。虽然她曾经依靠发放给穷苦人的食品券度日，却仍然可以借助学生贷款和奖学金将我们送到这个国家最好的学校去读书。

当我听到又一位工人告诉我他的工厂倒闭时，我就想起二十多年前当本地的钢厂关闭时，与我并肩作战的那些人们。

当我听到一位女性告诉我她创业的艰难时，我就会想起我的祖母从秘书到中层管理人员的奋斗历程，这用了很多年只因为她是个女性。她教育我要努力奋斗。她把买新车和新衣服的钱省下来，只为了让我过得更好。她将她的所有都给了我。虽然她不能来现场，但是我知道她一定在看着我，因为这也是属于她的夜晚。

我不知道约翰·麦凯恩认为什么样的人才是榜样，但这些就是我的榜样。他们是我的英雄，他们影响了我，塑造了我。我将代表他们赢得总统竞选，并且作为美国的总统去实现我们的诺言。

那么，我们承诺了什么？

我们承诺每个人都能自由地过上自己想要的生活，但是我们也有责任保护别人的尊严。

我们承诺市场会奖励勤奋和创新并创造增长，但是企业应当履行责任为美国人创造工作机会，保障工人权利和遵守规则。

我们承诺虽然政府不能解决所有的问题，但是可以为我们所有人谋求福利——保护我们不受伤害，让每个孩子都有接受教育的机会；保证我们喝上清洁的水，保证我们的玩具安全；投资建设新的学校，新的道路，支持科技的发展。

我们的政府应该为我们所用，而不是与我们作对。政府应该帮助我们，而不是伤害我们。政府应该保证每个人的机会平等，不能袒护那些有权或有钱的人，而是保护每一个勤奋的美国人。

这就是美国的承诺——我们每个人都要为自己负责。但我们也是一个同甘共苦的整体，我们会关爱我们的兄弟姐妹，关爱每个人。

这就是我们需要履行的承诺。这就是现在我们所需要的改变。所以，如果我能成为美国总统，我将准确诠释改变世界的真谛。

改变意味着税法不再有利于立法的政客，而是有利于美国所有的工人、中小企业家，这是他们应得的。

我不像约翰·麦凯恩，我将停止对那些将工作机会拱手送人的大公司的减税政策，并将这些优惠给予那些在这里，在美国创造良好工作机会的公司。

我将免除中小企业和初创企业的资本所得税，因为这些企业将是未来高薪、高技术工作岗位的来源。

我将减税，为95%的工薪家庭减免税赋。因为在我们的经济体系中，不到万不得已不能对中产阶级加税。

并且，为了我们的安全、我们的经济和我们这个星球的未来，我将为我的总统任期定下一个明确的目标：十年之内，我们将摆脱对中东的石油依赖。

过去三十年，华盛顿一直在谈论我们对石油的依赖，而约翰·麦凯恩在那里待了二十六年。当年，他反对更高的燃油效率标准，反对发展可再生能源，反对开发可再生燃料。现在，我们进口的石油是麦凯恩就任参议员时的三倍之多。

现在，是时候结束对石油的依赖了，并且我们要明白钻更多的油井不过是权宜之计，远非一劳永逸。

作为总统，我将鼓励开发天然气，投资研究洁净燃煤技术，发展安全、可控的核能。我将帮助我们的汽车企业改良技术，为美国生产燃油效率更高的机动车，并且让美国人能买得起这些车。未来十年，我将在廉价的可再生能源领域——风能、太阳能和新型生物燃料投资1500亿美元。这些投资将创造新的产业并提供500万个新的不可外包的高薪工作机会。

美国，现在可不是小家子气的时候。

现在，我们需要担起责任，为每个孩子提供世界一流的教育，因为这在全球经济竞争中同样重要。米歇尔和我今晚之所以能站在这里，正是因为我们受到了教育。只要还有孩子不能得到教育机会，我就不会停止脚步。我还将发展儿童早期教育。我会招募大量的新教师，给他们高薪，给他们更多的支持，同时也要求他们提供更高标准的教育。我们将坚守对每个年轻人的承诺——只要你为社会、为国家做出贡献，我们将保证你交得起学费。

我们要实现为每个美国人提供可以负担得起的医疗保障制度的承诺。如果你有医疗保险，我的计划将减少你的支出。如果你没有，你可以享受与国会议员同样的医疗保险。某些人曾亲眼看到我的母亲在身患癌症，卧床不起的时候与保险公司争论医疗保险的金额，我将确保这些公司不再歧视那些最需要保险的病人。

我们将为每个美国人提供享受带薪病假和事假的机会，因为在美国，任何人都不应在留住工作和照顾生病的孩子或父母之间做出选择。

我们将改善破产法案，优先保证你的退休金而不是CEO的红利。我们还将为下一代提供更好的社会保障制度。

我们将保证实现同工同酬，因为我希望我的女儿和你的儿子拥有同样的机会。

许多计划都需要投入，而我将计划好我要花出去的每一个硬币——堵死公司税务漏洞和那些对美国的增长毫无帮助的避税天堂。我也将逐字逐句地分析联邦预算，停止那些毫无意义的项目，将有限的资源投入到我们更需要的领域中去。我们不能用二十世纪的官僚体系来应对二十一世纪的挑战。

民主党人，我们必须承认实现承诺需要的不仅仅是钱。它需要我们有更多的责任感以重获约翰·F·肯尼迪总统所说的“智力和道德的力量”。不错，实现能源独立是政府的责任，但是我们每个人都有责任在生活和工作中节约能源。不错，我们需要为那些犯下罪行或者陷入绝望的年轻人提供获得成功的路径，但是我们必须承认政府的计划不可能取代父母的作用。政府不可能关掉电视，让孩子去完成家庭作业，父亲必须承担更多的责任，给孩子以必要的关爱和指导。

个体责任和共同责任——这就是美国承诺的精髓所在。

正像我们在国内的承诺一样，我们要把这些承诺扩展到美国之外的地方。如果约翰·麦凯恩想要就谁更加具有成为下一任总司令的气质和判断力展开一场辩论，我求之不得。

在“9·11”事件发生几天后，麦凯恩参议员开始关注伊拉克。而我却站起来反对这场战争，我深知这场战争会转移我们的注意力，使我们无法全力应对真正的威胁。约翰·麦凯恩说，我们在阿富汗只能草草了事。而我则主张动用更多的资源和兵力来打击“9·11”事件的真正元凶，打赢这场反恐之战。我让人们明白：只要看到奥萨马·本·拉登和他的助手，就应该立刻把他们揪出来。约翰·麦凯恩喜欢说，即便是追到地狱门口，他也要追到本·拉登，但他甚至连本·拉登居住的洞穴都没去过。

而如今，当我发出的尽早从伊拉克撤兵的呼吁得到了伊拉克政府乃至布什政府的回应，当我们得知伊拉克拥有790亿美元的贸易顺差，而美国仍在遭遇赤字之后，约翰·麦凯恩仍然一意孤行，固执地反对停止这场错误的战争。我们需要的不是这样的判断。因为这种判断无法确保美国的安全。我们需要的是一位能够直面未来威胁的总统，他不应该死抓着昔日的想法不放。

你无法通过占领伊拉克摧毁一支活动于八十个国家的恐怖组织。你无法单凭在华盛顿发表的激烈言辞来保护以色列，遏制伊朗。你无法真正地维护格鲁吉亚的利益，在你拖垮了我们最古老的同盟者之后。如果约翰·麦凯恩想用更激烈的言辞和糟糕的策略来追随乔治·布什，那是他自己的选择。但随之而来的改变，不是我们所需要的。

我们和罗斯福同宗同源。我们和肯尼迪同宗同源。所以，别说民主党无法捍卫这个国家。别说民主党无法确保我们的安全。“布什-麦凯恩”式的外交政策已将世代美国人（民主党人和共和党人）积累的遗产挥霍掉了，而我们正是为恢复遗产而来。

作为总司令，我将义无反顾地捍卫这个国家，但是，我只会出于明确的使命让我们的军队经受战争之苦，同时，我会履行神圣的承诺：他们作战时，为他们配备必需的物资；他们战后返家时，为他们提供应有的关心和福利。

出于责任我将结束在伊拉克的战争，并击溃阿富汗的基地组织和塔利班组织。我将重建军事力量，为未来的战争做好准备。对于那种能够阻止伊朗拥有核武器，遏制俄罗斯侵略的强硬而直接的外交策略，我将对其进行革新。我将建立新的伙伴关系，以挫败二十一世纪的威胁：恐怖主义与核扩散，贫困与种族灭绝，气候改变与疾病。我还要恢复我们的道德立场，使美国再次成为向往自由、渴望和平、渴望美好未来的人们最后以及最好的圆梦之地。我将追随这些政策。我期待在几周之后与约翰·麦凯恩就此展开讨论。

然而，我建议麦凯恩参议员不要让政治目的左右他的观点。因为在政治生活中，有一点是我们必须改变的，那就是如果不对彼此的性格和爱国心做出挑衅，人们便不会发生争论。

时间紧迫，党派之争带来的代价过于高昂。所以，我们要相信爱国心没有党派之分。我爱这个国家，你也一样，约翰·麦凯恩也一样。在战场上服役的男女同胞，也许是民主党员，也许是共和党员，也许是无党派人士，但是，在同一面骄傲的旗帜下，他们一起战斗，一起流血，有些人还一起牺牲。他们不为“红色美国”服役，也不为“蓝色美国”服役——他们为美利坚合众国服役。

所以，我来告诉你，约翰·麦凯恩。我们都把国家放在第一位。

美国，我们的工作并不轻松。在挑战面前，我们必须作出艰难的选择，民主党同共和党一样，需要抛弃陈腐的观点和过时的政见。过去八年里我们丧失的部分，仅用损失的工薪和更严重的贸易逆差是无法衡量的。同样丧失的还有共同的使命感——我们更高的使命。而这正是我们必须恢复的。

我们可以不赞成流产，然而毫无疑问，我们会赞成减少这个国家的意外怀孕率。允许持枪，对俄亥俄州农村的猎户和遭受匪帮暴力威胁的克利夫兰的人们来说，不是一码事。但是，别一边禁止罪犯手拿AK-47步枪，一边跟我说我们不能支持宪法的第二修正案。我知道同性婚姻会有所不同，然而毫无疑问，我们会赞成那些身为同性恋的兄弟姐妹们能够去医院看望他们所爱的人，过上没有歧视的生活。反对外来移民的情绪高涨，然而，当一位母亲与尚在襁褓中的孩子分开时，当雇主通过雇用非法劳工而降低美国工资水平时，我不知道有谁能从中获益。这也在美国的承诺范围之内——一种民主的承诺，在这种承诺中，我们能够找到消除分歧、团结民众的力量与美德。

我知道有人会摒弃这些信念，把它们看做笑谈。他们宣称我们对民众生活中更庞大、更坚固和更正直的事物之坚持就如同一只特洛伊木马，只会导致更高的税收以及传统价值的流失。这是意料中的事。因为如果没有任何新鲜的想法，你只能用一些陈腐的战术去吓唬选民。如果手头没有一份记录作为谈资，你只能把对手描述成一个众叛亲离的人。

你制造了一场关乎琐碎小事的大选。而你知道吗，以前就有过这种做法。因为它是犬儒主义（我们都对政府抱有这种观点）的温床。当华盛顿不起作用时，它的所有承诺似乎都成了空谈。如果你的希望一再被击碎，那么最好别再抱有希望，接受你已经了解的事实。这一点我懂。我认识到对于这一职务，我不是最有希望的候选人。我没有显赫的家世，也没有在华盛顿工作的经历。

然而，今晚我就站在你们面前，因为整个美国都在为某件事而激动。反对者不会明白，这次选举自始至终不是关于我的，而是关于你们的。十八个月以来，你们先后站起来，针对过去的政治活动发表了足够多的言论。你们知道在这次选举中，我们最大的冒险是同样的老面孔、同样的老政策能否带来不一样的结果。你们已经展示了历史留给我们的教训，在这决定性的时刻，我们需要的改变不是“来自”华盛顿，而是“指向”华盛顿。改变因美国人民的需要而出现——因为他们站了出来，主张新观念和新领导，新时代的新政治。

美国，那样的时刻再次来临。

我坚信不管有多么艰难，我们所需的改变正在到来。因为我已经看到它了，因为我已经置身其中。我已经在伊利诺伊看到它了，我们为更多的儿童提供了保健，使更多家庭从依赖福利走向自食其力。我已经在华盛顿看到它了，我们打破党派的界线，共同努力令政府广开言路，使院外游说集团对自己的行为更负责任；给予退役军人更好的待遇；阻止恐怖主义者沾手核武器。

我在这次竞选中看到了它。它出现于那些初次参与投票的年轻选民中，也出现于那些再次参与投票的老选民中。出现于那些从没想过会为民主党投票，却给它投了票的共和党人中。我在那些情愿自己少拿薪水，也不愿看到朋友们失业的工人身上看到了它；在那些失去肢体仍再次应募的士兵身上看到了它；在那些于暴风和洪水来袭时收容陌生人的善良同胞身上看到了它。

我们国家拥有世界上最多的财富，然而让我们富有的并非是财富。我们拥有世界上最强大的军事力量，然而让我们强大的并非军事力量。我们的大学和文化受到全世界的羡慕，然而并非它们促使世界各国的人们登陆美国。相反，是美国精神——美国的承诺促使我们前行，即便前路坎坷；它将我们联系到一起，尽管我们有所不同；它让我们不要只盯着肉眼所能见到的，还要关注那些看不到的——那目力不及处的美景。那承诺是留给我们的最大的遗产。夜里给女儿掖被子的时候，我会向她们说出这个承诺；你也会向你的孩子们说出这个承诺——这个承诺引领移民者漂洋过海，引领先驱们挺进西部；这个承诺把工人们领往纠察线，让女人取得选举权。

正是这个承诺，在四十五年前的今天，把美国人从这片土地的各个角落领到一起，在华盛顿的一条林荫大道上，在林肯纪念碑前，聆听一位来自佐治亚州的年轻牧师宣讲他的梦想。聚集在那里的男男女女们，也许听到了很多东西。他们也许听到了愤怒与不和谐的言辞。也许曾有人要求他们，要他们屈从于许多被延迟的梦境带来的恐惧和失败。然而，事实与此相反，人们——各种信仰、各种肤色、各行各业的人们听到的是——在美国，我们的命运紧紧地连在一起。而我们的梦也可以成为一个共同的梦。

“我们不能独行，”牧师呼吁道。“在行走时，我们必须保证一直前行。我们不能回头。”

美国，我们不能回头。有太多的工作等着我们去完成。有太多的孩子需要教育，太多的退役军人需要关爱。经济亟待修复，城市亟待重建，农场亟待拯救。太多的家庭需要保护，太多人的生活需要改善。美国，我们不能回头。我们不能独行。在这一时刻，在这次选举中，我们必须再一次保证向未来挺进。让我们履行那个承诺吧——美国的承诺——正如圣经所指引的那样笔直前行，直到实现我们内心的希望。

感谢你们，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

第三节  精彩语录

It’s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.

我们承诺每个人都能自由地过上自己想要的生活，但是我们也有责任保护别人的尊严。

It’s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.

我们承诺市场将会奖励勤奋和创新并创造增长，但是企业应当履行责任为美国人创造工作机会，保障工人权利和遵守规则。

Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves—protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.

我们承诺虽然政府不能解决所有的问题，但是可以为我们所有人谋求福利——保护我们不受伤害，让每个孩子都有接受教育的机会；保证我们喝上清洁的水，保证我们的玩具安全；投资建设新的学校，新的道路，支持科技的发展。

Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who’s willing to work.

我们的政府应该为我们工作，而不是与我们作对。政府应该帮助我们，而不是伤害我们。政府应该保证每个人的机会平等，不能袒护那些有权或有钱的人，而是保护每一个勤奋的美国人。

That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.

这就是美国的承诺——我们每个人都要为自己负责。但我们也是一个同甘共苦的整体，我们会关爱我们的兄弟姐妹，关爱每个人。

That’s the promise we need to keep. That’s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.

这就是我们需要履行的承诺。这就是现在我们所需要的改变。所以，如果我能成为美国总统，我将准确诠释改变世界的真谛。

第二章  无畏的希望

第一节  背景介绍

美国民主党全国代表大会在每隔四年的选举年举行。该大会的三个主要功能是提名总统和副总统候选人，讨论并通过党的竞选纲领，制定党的规则。来自全国五十个州、哥伦比亚特区和海外领地的代表、民主党官员以及外国要人都会出席这一会议。

1824年，随着推选总统和副总统候选人的党团会议制度变得岌岌可危，民主党内提出举行全国代表大会的设想。1832年，民主党首届全国代表大会在马里兰州巴尔的摩召开，来自全国各地的代表投票选举总统和副总统候选人。

近年来，民主党全国代表大会制度在本质上发生了巨大变化。由于总统候选人和副总统候选人通常在会前已经确定，代表们只是在大会上完成投票形式，而不会改变此前总统预选的结果。

通常，民主党全国代表大会持续四天。第一天用来完成一些例行事务，包括主题发言人讲话；第二天，代表们讨论并通过民主党竞选纲领和其他规定；总统竞选人在第三天获得正式提名；最后一天，副总统候选人获提名，两人随即发表接受提名的演讲。

要想获得民主党的提名是件非常困难的事情，2004年和奥巴马一同竞争的民主党人一共有七位，其中最大的威胁莫过于布莱尔·豪尔（Blair Hull）。豪尔是一个富有的商人，计划斥资数百万角逐提名，来势汹汹、志在必得。奥巴马则采取稳扎稳打的战术，他极力寻求非裔美国人和党内自由派人士的支持，其中包括著名的杰西·杰克逊牧师。拉什的坚定支持者也是奥巴马需要着力争取的对象，当年和拉什的选战得不偿失，许多拉什的铁杆选民至今耿耿于怀。但是，奥巴马也有自己的优势。所谓的为黑人着想、为人民服务的声誉并非靠金钱和广告堆起来的，奥巴马勤恳服务社区的记录和在州议会优异的表现，有力地证明了自己的能力和诚意。黑人群众开始相信眼前这位有着白人血统的年轻人的确是他们最好的代言人，以前的质疑烟消云散。对于白人来讲，奥巴马不是一个传统的黑人，或者简直就是一个白人。他的母亲一方祖祖辈辈都是白人，他接受过白人的精英教育。他在《哈佛法学评论》的往事被当作传奇交口传诵，他似乎就是一个集中了一切优点的选项。

最大的竞争对手豪尔后来因为个人婚姻问题一蹶不振，这给了奥巴马更大的机会。在应对其他竞争对手的威胁时，奥巴马的竞选团队发挥了巨大作用。阿克塞罗德在电视宣传方面巧妙运作，让奥巴马的公众形象不断提升，“是的，我们能！”（“Yes, we can”）一时间成为让所有人为之激动的竞选口号。奥巴马的追随者相信“是的，我们能”的确能够为美国污浊的政治空气带来一阵清风，能够为民众的生活带来实实在在的改变。

虽然选举结果揭晓之前，形势对奥巴马来说已经非常有利，但最后结果还是让许多人着实吃了一惊，95%的黑人站在了奥巴马一边，总选票的53%被收入囊中，奥巴马在诸多对手中脱颖而出，一骑绝尘。在选举结束之后的庆功宴上，人群里不断发出“Yes, we can！Yes, we can！”的呼声，这种发自内心的支持和狂热的场景是美国选举多年未见的景象。为了这一胜利奥巴马付出了很多，而且将付出更多。最大的付出莫过于如果最终当选，他将远离自己的家人，长期待在国会山。父亲当年只身前往哈佛求学的故事对于奥巴马来说不只是一种崇拜而且还是禁忌。

现在，挡在奥巴马国会参议员道路上的对手只剩下一个——共和党的杰克·瑞安。但是杰克的竞选活动一开始就不是很光彩，这也最终导致了他的失败。为了了解奥巴马的一举一动，杰克雇用了一个人全程跟踪奥巴马，还把奥巴马的言行举止用摄像机全拍了下来。这一行为显然超出了合法竞争，有侵犯隐私之嫌。奥巴马巧妙地在最恰当的时间和地点向媒体揭露了杰克的这一伎俩，如饥似渴的新闻媒体哪能放过这个机会，第二天这件事情就上了报。杰克及其竞选团队不得不公开赔礼道歉，而杰克自己更是被这件事情以及自己的婚姻危机弄得灰头土脸，与自己的参议员梦想越来越远。

风头正劲的奥巴马引起了民主党大佬们的注意。受约翰·克里（John Kerry）之邀，奥巴马出席了2004年民主党全国代表大会，并在大会上作基调演讲“无畏的希望”，这对于奥巴马来说意义非凡。基调演讲表现的是该政党、该政党的总统候选人、该代表大会想向全国观众传递的思想或政策信息。能够与前总统比尔·克林顿、杰西·杰克逊牧师和纽约州前州长马里奥·科莫同台致辞，本身就是一种至高无上的荣誉。

2004年7月27日，面对五千余名代表，奥巴马从自己的身世娓娓谈起，展望美国未来的走向，整篇演讲酣畅淋漓、妙语连珠，将大会带向了高潮。

面对美国意识形态多极化、党派政治日益突出的现状，奥巴马在演讲中称：“这里不存在一个自由派的美国和一个保守派的美国，而只有一个美利坚合众国。这里不存在黑人的美国和白人的美国、拉美裔的美国和亚洲裔的美国，而只有美利坚合众国。很多所谓的专家喜欢将我们的国家分成红色的州和蓝色的州：红州是共和党人的地盘，蓝州是民主党人的天下。但我要对他们说：我们蓝州人信仰庄严的上帝，我们红州人不喜欢联邦政府的官员在图书馆打探我们的阅读兴趣。我们蓝州人也给小棒球队做教练，我们红州人也有同性恋朋友。反对伊拉克战争的是爱国者，支持伊拉克战争的也是爱国者。我们是一个民族，所有人都宣誓效忠星条旗，所有人都捍卫美利坚合众国。”

奥巴马憧憬一个融合团结的美国，而不是一个四分五裂的美国，他大胆地说：“希望是上帝赐予我们的最好礼物，是这个民族的基石，是坚信不曾见到的前景，是坚信明天会更好。”

这种积极向上乐观的精神感染了在场的所有听众，也感染了电视机前的美国人。可以说，十七分钟的基调演讲使奥巴马一鸣惊人，成为民主党最炙手可热的政治明星，他从此迈向了全国的政治舞台。

第二节  奥巴马于2004年在民主党全国代表大会的演讲

July 27, 2004

On behalf of the great state of Illinois, crossroads of a nation, land of Lincoln, let me express my deep gratitude for the privilege of addressing this convention. Tonight is a particular honor for me because, let’s face it, my presence on this stage is pretty unlikely. My father was a foreign student, born and raised in a small village in Kenya. He grew up herding goats, went to school in a tin-roof shack. His father, my grandfather, was a cook, a domestic servant.

But my grandfather had larger dreams for his son. Through hard work and perseverance my father got a scholarship to study in a magical place: America, which stood as a beacon of freedom and opportunity to so many who had come before. While studying here, my father met my mother. She was born in a town on the other side of the world, in Kansas. Her father worked on oil rigs and farms through most of the Depression. The day after Pearl Harbor he signed up for duty, joined Patton’s army and marched across Europe. Back home, my grandmother raised their baby and went to work on a bomber assembly line. After the war, they studied on the GI Bill, bought a house through FHA, and moved west in search of opportunity.

And they, too, had big dreams for their daughter, a common dream, born of two continents. My parents shared not only an improbable love; they shared an abiding faith in the possibilities of this nation. They would give me an African name, Barack, or "blessed," believing that in a tolerant America your name is no barrier to success. They imagined me going to the best schools in the land, even though they weren’t rich, because in a generous America you don’t have to be rich to achieve your potential. They are both passed away now. Yet, I know that, on this night, they look down on me with pride.

I stand here today, grateful for the diversity of my heritage, aware that my parents’ dreams live on in my precious daughters. I stand here knowing that my story is part of the larger American story, that I owe a debt to all of those who came before me, and that, in no other country on earth, is my story even possible. Tonight, we gather to affirm the greatness of our nation, not because of the height of our skyscrapers, or the power of our military, or the size of our economy. Our pride is based on a very simple premise, summed up in a declaration made over two hundred years ago, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. That, they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

That is the true genius of America, a faith in the simple dreams of its people, the insistence on small miracles. That we can tuck in our children at night and know they are fed and clothed and safe from harm. That we can say what we think, write what we think, without hearing a sudden knock on the door. That we can have an idea and start our own business without paying a bribe or hiring somebody’s son. That we can participate in the political process without fear of retribution, and that our votes will he counted—or at least, most of the time.

This year, in this election, we are called to reaffirm our values and commitments, to hold them against a hard reality and see how we are measuring up, to the legacy of our forbearers, and the promise of future generations. And fellow Americans—Democrats, Republicans, Independents—I say to you tonight: we have more work to do. More to do for the workers I met in Illinois, who are losing their union jobs at the Maytag plant that’s moving to Mexico, and now are having to compete with their own children for jobs that pay seven bucks an hour. More to do for the father I met who was losing his job and choking back tears, wondering how he would pay $4,500 a month for the drugs his son needs without the health benefits he counted on. More to do for the young woman in East St. Louis, and thousands more like her, who has the grades, has the drive, has the will, but doesn’t have the money to go to college.

Don’t get me wrong. The people I meet in small towns and big cities, in diners and office parks, they don’t expect government to solve all their problems. They know they have to work hard to get ahead and they want to. Go into the collar counties around Chicago, and people will tell you they don’t want their tax money wasted by a welfare agency or the Pentagon. Go into any inner city neighborhood, and folks will tell you that government alone can’t teach kids to learn. They know that parents have to parent, that children can’t achieve unless we raise their expectations and turn off the television sets and eradicate the slander that says a black youth with a book is acting white. No, people don’t expect government to solve all their problems. But they sense, deep in their bones, that with just a change in priorities, we can make sure that every child in America has a decent shot at life, and that the doors of opportunity remain open to all. They know we can do better. And they want that choice.

In this election, we offer that choice. Our party has chosen a man to lead us who embodies the best this country has to offer. That man is John Kerry. John Kerry understands the ideals of community, faith, and sacrifice, because they’ve defined his life. From his heroic service in Vietnam to his years as prosecutor and lieutenant governor, through two decades in the United States Senate, he has devoted himself to this country. Again and again, we’ve seen him make tough choices when easier ones were available. His values and his record affirm what is best in us.

John Kerry believes in an America where hard work is rewarded. So instead of offering tax breaks to companies shipping jobs overseas, he’ll offer them to companies creating jobs here at home. John Kerry believes in an America where all Americans can afford the same health coverage our politicians in Washington have for themselves. John Kerry believes in energy independence, so we aren’t held hostage to the profits of oil companies or the sabotage of foreign oil fields. John Kerry believes in the constitutional freedoms that have made our country the envy of the world, and he will never sacrifice our basic liberties nor use faith as a wedge to divide us. And John Kerry believes that in a dangerous world, war must be an option, but it should never be the first option.

A while back, I met a young man named Shamus at the VFW Hall in East Moline, Illinois. He was a good-looking kid, six-two or six-three, clear-eyed, with an easy smile. He told me he’d joined the Marines and was heading to Iraq the following week. As I listened to him explain why he’d enlisted, his absolute faith in our country and its leaders, his devotion to duty and service, I thought this young man was all any of us might hope for in a child. But then I asked myself: Are we serving Shamus as well as he was serving us? I thought of more than 900 service men and women, sons and daughters, husbands and wives, friends and neighbors, who will not be returning to their hometowns. I thought of families I had met who were struggling to get by without a loved one’s full income, or whose loved ones had returned with a limb missing or with nerves shattered, but who still lacked long-term health benefits because they were reservists. When we send our young men and women into harm’s way, we have a solemn obligation not to fudge the numbers or shade the truth about why they’re going, to care for their families while they’re gone, to tend to the soldiers upon their return, and to never ever go to war without enough troops to win the war, secure the peace, and earn the respect of the world.

Now let me be clear. We have real enemies in the world. These enemies must be found. They must be pursued and they must be defeated. John Kerry knows this. And just as Lieutenant Kerry did not hesitate to risk his life to protect the men who served with him in Vietnam, President Kerry will not hesitate one moment to use our military might to keep America safe and secure. John Kerry believes in America. And he knows it’s not enough for just some of us to prosper. For alongside our famous individualism, there’s another ingredient in the American saga.

A belief that we are connected as one people. If there’s a child on the south side of Chicago who can’t read, that matters to me, even if it’s not my child. If there’s a senior citizen somewhere who can’t pay for her prescription and has to choose between medicine and the rent, that makes my life poorer, even if it’s not my grandmother. If there’s an Arab American family being rounded up without benefit of an attorney or due process, that threatens my civil liberties. It’s that fundamental belief—I am my brother’s keeper, I am my sister’s keeper—that makes this country work. It’s what allows us to pursue our individual dreams, yet still come together as a single American family. "Epluribus unum." Out of many, one.

Yet even as we speak, there are those who are preparing to divide us, the spin masters and negative ad peddlers who embrace the politics of anything goes. Well, I say to them tonight, there’s not a liberal America and a conservative America—there’s the United States of America. There’s not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America; there’s the United States of America. The pundits like to slice-and-dice our country into Red States and Blue States; Red States for Republicans, Blue States for Democrats. But I’ve got news for them, too. We worship an awesome God in the Blue States, and we don’t like federal agents poking around our libraries in the Red States. We coach Little League in the Blue States and have gay friends in the Red States. There are patriots who opposed the war in Iraq and patriots who supported it. We are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America.

In the end, that’s what this election is about. Do we participate in a politics of cynicism or a politics of hope? John Kerry calls on us to hope. John Edwards calls on us to hope. I’m not talking about blind optimism here—the almost willful ignorance that thinks unemployment will go away if we just don’t talk about it, or the health care crisis will solve itself if we just ignore it. No, I’m talking about something more substantial. It’s the hope of slaves sitting around a fire singing freedom songs; the hope of immigrants setting out for distant shores; the hope of a young naval lieutenant bravely patrolling the Mekong Delta; the hope of a millworker’s son who dares to defy the odds; the hope of a skinny kid with a funny name who believes that America has a place for him, too. The audacity of hope!

In the end, that is God’s greatest gift to us, the bedrock of this nation; the belief in things not seen; the belief that there are better days ahead. I believe we can give our middle class relief and provide working families with a road to opportunity. I believe we can provide jobs to the jobless, homes to the homeless, and reclaim young people in cities across America from violence and despair. I believe that as we stand on the crossroads of history, we can make the right choices, and meet the challenges that face us. America!

Tonight, if you feel the same energy I do, the same urgency I do, the same passion I do, the same hopefulness I do—if we do what we must do, then I have no doubt that all across the country, from Florida to Oregon, from Washington to Maine, the people will rise up in November, and John Kerry will be sworn in as president, and John Edwards will be sworn in as vice president, and this country will reclaim its promise, and out of this long political darkness a brighter day will come. Thank you and God bless you.

2004年7月27日

伟大的伊利诺伊州既是全国的交通枢纽，也是林肯的故乡。作为州代表,今天我将在大会致词，并为自己能有幸获此殊荣而倍感骄傲和自豪。今晚对我而言颇不寻常，我们得承认，我能站在这里本身就已意义非凡。我父亲是一个外国留学生，他原本生于肯尼亚的一个小村庄，并在那里长大成人。他小的时候放过羊，上的学校简陋不堪，屋顶上仅有块铁皮来遮风挡雨。而他的父亲也就是我的祖父，不过是个普通的厨子，还做过家佣。

但祖父对父亲抱以厚望。凭借不懈的努力和坚韧不拔的毅力，父亲获得赴美留学的机会，而且还拿到奖学金。美国这片神奇的土地，对于很多踏上这片国土的人而言，意味着自由和机遇。在留学期间，父亲与母亲不期而遇。母亲来自完全不同的另一个世界，她生于堪萨斯的一个小镇。大萧条时期，外祖父为谋生计，曾在石油钻井打工，还曾在农场务农。日军偷袭珍珠港后的第二天，他就自愿应征入伍，在巴顿将军麾下，转战南北，横扫欧洲。在后方的家中，外祖母含辛茹苦，抚养子女，并在轰炸机装配线上找了份活计。战后，依据士兵安置法案他们上了学，安置通过联邦住宅管理局购置了一套房子，并举家西迁，谋求更大发展。

他们对自己的女儿也寄予厚望，两家人虽然身在不同的非洲和美洲大陆，却有着共同的梦想。我的父母不仅不可思议地彼此相爱，而且还对这个国家有着不变的信念。他们赐予我一个非洲名字贝拉克，意为“上天福佑”，因为他们相信，在如此包容的国度中，这样的名字不会成为成功的羁绊。尽管他们生活并不宽裕，还是想方设法让我接受当地最好的教育，因为在这样一个慷慨的国度中，无论贫富贵贱，都同样有机会发展个人的潜力。现在他们都已不在人世，不过，我知道他们的在天之灵，此时此刻正在骄傲地注视着我。

今天，我站在这里，对自己身上这种特殊的血统心怀感激，而且我知道，父母的梦想将在我的宝贝女儿身上延续；我站在这里，深知自己的经历只是千百万美国故事中的一个，更深知自己无法忘却那些更早踏上这片土地的先人，因为若不是在美国，我的故事无论如何都不可能发生。今夜，我们聚集一堂，再次证明这个国度的伟大之处，并不在于鳞次栉比的摩天大厦，也不在于傲视群雄的军事实力，更不在于稳健雄厚的经济实力。我们的自豪与荣耀来自一个非常简单的前提，两百多年前，它在一个著名的宣言中得以高度的概括：“我们认为以下真理不言而喻，人生来平等，造物主赐予他们以下不可剥夺的权利：生命、自由和对幸福的追求。”

这才是真正的美国智慧，坚信自己的国民有着朴素无华的梦想，坚信点滴的奇迹终会出现在身边。入夜，当我们为孩子掖好小被的同时，相信他们不会为缺少衣食所累，不会为安全担忧。我们可以畅所欲言，无需担心不速之客会不请自来。我们有灵感，有想法，可以去实现，去创业，无须行贿或雇佣某些人物的子女作为条件。我们可以参政议政，不必担心打击报复，我们的选票至关重要，至少多数情况下都是如此。

在今年的选举中，我们要特别重申我们主张的价值和肩负的责任，以此来应对当下的艰难现实，了解怎样才能更好秉承前辈的遗产，实现对子孙的承诺。诸位美国国民，无论你是民主党，还是共和党，抑或是无党派人士，今晚我想对大家说的是：我们需要做的事情还有很多很多。在伊利诺伊州,由于Maytag洗衣机厂要迁至墨西哥，很多工人将失去工作，他们现在唯一的选择就是和自己的子女去竞争每小时7美元的低薪工作。我曾遇到一位强忍泪水的父亲，他丢掉了工作，没有了经济来源，不知怎样才能为儿子支付得起每月4500美元的高昂医药费用，本可救命的医疗保险对他而言却遥不可及。在东圣路易斯市，有这样一个年轻女孩，她品学兼优，成绩出色，却因为没有钱，而与大学无缘。而像她这样的孩子还有千千万万，我们应该为他们做点什么？

请正面理解我的意思。我在城市与乡镇，在餐厅和办公楼停车场，接触过很多民众，他们并不期待由政府出面帮他们排忧解难。他们清楚地意识到，需要通过努力工作，去面对和解决所有的问题，而这也确实是他们真实的想法和愿望。走进芝加哥周边的城镇，大家会告诉你，希望自己缴纳的税款能够物尽其用，而不是让社会保障机构或五角大楼任意支配。走进市中心的街区，大家会告诉你，让孩子好好读书不能仅仅依靠政府的力量，父母也要尽职尽责，培养下一代，不能让孩子整天沉溺于电视。对于黑人而言，更要和白人一样，让子女有接受教育的权利，而不是相反。人们并不期望依赖政府来解决所有问题，但他们真诚地认为，只要政府的工作重点有所调整，就可以使每个孩子都能奋发图强，积极向上，机遇大门仍旧向每个人敞开。他们深知我们有能力做得更好，他们同样希望如此。

在本次选举中，我们提供了这样的选择。民主党已选出一国之中品行最为高尚的人作为我们的领袖，他就是约翰·克里，他深刻地领悟了社区、信念和献身精神这些崇高的理想，因为这些铸就了他生命的全部。他曾在越南英勇作战，回国后出任过检察官和副州长，在美国参议院度过了二十个春秋，把全部精力都投入到维国家工作之中。多少次他面对艰难抉择，知难而上，不畏艰险，他的阅历和品行为我们树立了榜样。

约翰·克里坚信在美国付出就会有回报，因此，对于那些在本土创造就业机会的公司，他会在税收上给与优惠，而将工作机会输送到海外的公司则不会享受到如此待遇。他坚信美国应该实现标准的医疗保险，对普通百姓和华盛顿的政治家都一视同仁。他坚信能源自主的重要性，因此我们不会再因石油公司对利润的追求，或国外油田被破坏而受到威胁。他坚信美国应该成为世人艳羡的国度，因为国民的自由受到宪法的保护。他永远都不会让大家的基本自由受到影响，更不会以信仰为借口来制造分裂。他坚信当今世界的确存在危险因素，战争在所难免，但战争永远不会成为解决争端的首选。

前不久，在伊利诺伊州东莫林市的外战老兵俱乐部里，我偶遇一个年轻人，他叫沙莫斯，身高足有两米，相貌英俊，目光清澈，笑容可掬。他说自己加入了海军陆战队,一周后就将进驻伊拉克。当我听他讲述入伍的原因时，他讲到了对我们国家和领导人的绝对信赖，对军队的忠诚以及自身强烈的责任感，这让我感受到他身上具备的优良品质正是我们对子女所期待的。然而，当我扪心自问：我们为他所做的一切，是否能与他的付出相当呢？我想到这次战争中已有九百多名军人战死沙场，他们也有自己的家人和邻友，也许已是为人父母，还有年迈的双亲，却再也无法回到这些关爱他们的人身边。我想到自己遇到的那些家庭，他们或是要应对亲人阵亡，收入锐减所带来的经济窘境，或是要面对肢体残缺，甚至精神崩溃的家人复员归来，却因其预备役军人的身份而无法享受长期的医疗保险。当这些可爱的年轻人舍身踏上征程，我们责无旁贷地要确认做出出兵决定的所有数据和理由是否确凿无误；我们责无旁贷地要替他们照顾好家人，当他们荣归故里时，要关照他们的生活；当决定要介入战争、保卫和平和赢得世界的尊重时，我们责无旁贷地要派驻足够数量的军队，以确保战士们能凯旋而归。

请允许我阐明下述观点：在世界上，确实有人与我们为敌，我们必须找到他们，并予以坚决打击。约翰·克里深知这一点，正如身为上尉的他在越南战场上出生入死，保护自己的下属一样，若他身为总统，也同样会义无反顾地运用军队力量确保国家的安全。他对美国充满信心，而且深知仅有部分公民实现生活的富足还远远不够，是与我们闻名于世的个人主义相伴的另一种元素，才使得美国史册熠熠生辉。

这就是我们作为一个民族荣辱与共的信仰。假如，芝加哥南部的一个孩子无法读书识字，即便他与我非亲非故，我也会心怀忐忑。如果有位老人因无法支付高昂的医疗费用，不得不在治病和租房之间痛苦抉择，即便她与我素未谋面，我也会如坐针毡。假如，一个阿拉伯裔的美国家庭未经律师辩护，或诉讼程序就遭受不公正待遇，同样会让我寝食难安。正是这个基本信仰让这个国家发展到今天：我们都是一家人，我们都是兄弟姐妹。正是这个信仰才让我们在实现个人梦想的同时，成为一个美利坚大家庭，合众为一。

当我们在这里聚会的时候，也有人正准备分裂我们，那些操纵舆论的人和制作负面宣传的人，他们投身没有原则和不择手段的政治。今晚，我需要对这些人讲的是，美国人没有所谓自由和保守之分，世间只存在一个美利坚合众国。没有所谓美国白人和黑人之分，拉丁裔和亚裔之分，有的只是美利坚合众国一国的国民。有评论员愿意将我们的国家分成红蓝两色，红色代表共和党，蓝色代表民主党。但我想说的是即便是民主党也都信奉万能的主，即便是共和党也不喜欢联邦警探对我们的藏书指指点点，民主党中也有人执教少年棒球联盟，共和党中也有同性恋朋友，有爱国人士支持伊拉克战争，也有爱国人士反对就伊出兵。我们都是一国之民，都效忠于伟大的星条旗，所有的人都热爱我们的祖国美利坚合众国。

说到底，这才是本次选举的意义所在：我们所参与的政治应该是愤世嫉俗还是充满希望？约翰·克里号召我们要对未来满怀希望，这并不是说要盲目乐观，以为只要不谈论失业问题，这个问题就会自行消失；认为只要无视医疗危机的存在，它也会烟消云散。我所谈的是更为根本的问题。是因为存在希望，奴隶们才会围坐在火堆边，吟唱自由之歌；是因为存在希望，才使得人们愿意远涉重洋，移民他乡；是因为希望，年轻的海军上尉才会在湄公河三角洲勇敢地巡逻；是因为希望，出身工人家庭的孩子才会敢于挑战自己所处的逆境；是因为希望，一个名字怪怪的瘦小子才相信美国这片热土上也有自己的容身之地。这就是无畏的希望。

最后，感谢上苍赐予我们最好的礼物，也就是这个国家赖以生存的基石。因为我们相信最好的东西尚未出现，更好的日子就在明天。我相信我们可以为中产阶级减负，让工人家庭走上希望之路；我相信我们可以为无业者创造就业机会，为无家可归者带来可以遮风挡雨的房屋，让美国城市中的年轻人从暴力和绝望的阴影中走出来；我相信今天的我们就站在历史的十字街头，我们可以做出正确的选择，迎接面临的挑战。

今晚，如果你能感同身受，有和我一样的的力量、急迫感、冲动和希望；如果我们都去做我们必须要做的，那么我相信，从佛罗里达到俄勒冈，从华盛顿到缅因州，全国人民将会在11月积极行动起来，使约翰·克里、约翰·爱德华兹分别宣誓就任总统、副总统之职，而国家也将就此走出低谷、重振旗鼓。暗夜即将过去，黎明即将到来。谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑你们。

第三节  精彩语录

The greatness of our nation, not because of the height of our skyscrapers, or the power of our military, or the size of our economy. Our pride is based on a very simple premise, summed up in a declaration made over two hundred years ago, "We hold these truths to he self-evident, that all men are created equal. That they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

这个国度的伟大之处，并不在于鳞次栉比的摩天大厦，也不在于傲视群雄的军事实力，更不在于稳健雄厚的经济实力。我们的自豪与荣耀来自一个非常简单的前提，两百多年前，它在一个著名的宣言中得以高度的概括：“我们认为以下真理不言而喻，人生来平等，造物主赐予他们以下不可剥夺的权利：生命、自由和对幸福的追求。”

That is the true genius of America, a faith in the simple dreams of its people, the insistence on small miracles.

这才是真正的美国智慧，坚信自己的国民有着朴素无华的梦想，坚信点滴的奇迹终会出现在身边。

We have real enemies in the world. These enemies must be found. They must be pursued and they must be defeated.

在世界上，确实有人与我们为敌，我们必须找到他们，并予以坚决打击。

There’s not a liberal America and a conservative America—there’s the United States of America. There’s not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America; there’s the United States of America.

美国人没有所谓自由和保守之分，世间只存在一个美利坚合众国。没有所谓美国白人和黑人之分，拉丁裔和亚裔之分，有的只是美利坚合众国一国的国民。

That is God’s greatest gift to us, the bedrock of this nation; the belief in things not seen; the belief that there are better days ahead. I believe we can give our middle class relief and provide working families with a road to opportunity. I believe we can provide jobs to the jobless, homes to the homeless, and reclaim young people in cities across America from violence and despair. I believe that as we stand on the crossroads of history, we can make the right choices, and meet the challenges that face us. America!

感谢上苍赐予我们最好的礼物，也就是这个国家赖以生存的基石。因为我们相信最好的东西尚未出现，更好的日子就在明天。我相信我们可以为中产阶级减负，让工人家庭走上希望之路；我相信我们可以为无业者创造就业机会，为无家可归者带来可以遮风挡雨的房屋，让美国城市中的年轻人从暴力和绝望的阴影中走出来；我相信今天的我们就站在历史的十字街头，我们可以做出正确的选择，迎接面临的挑战。

第三章  谢谢你，艾奥瓦

第一节  背景介绍

奥巴马的演讲集传道士的雄辩和推销员的机敏于一身，既激情四射、振奋人心，又言简意赅、主题突出。这样的演讲技巧，再经过媒体的放大，便能产生明星效应。奥巴马成功当选美国第四十四任总统，也是美国历史上第一位黑人总统。美国新一场变革即将来临。

奥巴马面临的金融和经济危机从程度上虽不能与罗斯福时期相比，但却是罗斯福之后历任总统所面临的危机中最为严重的一次。次贷危机引发的金融危机摧毁了很多美国家庭在过去十多年积累起来的财富，能否尽快稳定市场和稳定投资者的信心，决定了奥巴马是成为像罗斯福那样的民族英雄，还是昙花一现的黑人总统。

2008年11月5日正午，美国作出了一个伟大的决定，历史上第一次，一个黑皮肤的人登上了世界的权力之巅。而仅仅十二年前，他还只是一介平民；是什么令他如此平步青云？

贝拉克·奥巴马于2007年1月16日宣布，他有意参加2008年的总统竞选，已于当天向美国联邦选举机构提交了有关文件，将成立一个委员会，以评估他参加总统竞选的可行性。

奥巴马16日在其网站上发表声明说，数月来他一直在考虑是否参加2008年的总统选举，但参加与否不会取决于媒体宣传和个人抱负。过去六年中，联邦政府所作的决定以及所忽视的问题使美国处于一种非常不安全的境地，美国陷入了一场本不应该发动的“不幸的、代价高昂的”战争，而身在华盛顿的领导人却不能以一种实际的方式进行合作。

而在1月20号，前总统克林顿的妻子希拉里在其个人网站上宣布参加2008年美国总统大选。她的竞选标语是：“我来了，为胜利而来。”

由于双方在党内支持者众多，一场激烈的抢票大战必不可免，绝不逊色于之后的总统选举。

奥巴马主攻年轻选民，特别是通过网络。2007年3月，奥巴马在“Yahoo! Answers”（雅虎知识堂的美国版）发表题为《How can we engage more people in the democratic process?》（如何吸引更多人参与民主进程？）的问题，回复量超越一万七千个。之后他还在社交网站Facebook开了一个账户，版面很受欢迎。

而希拉里最大的优势是丈夫克林顿和其本身身为女性，容易吸引女性选民的目光。当一位民意测验专家马克·迈尔曼让十位黑人妇女选出她们心中的政治英雄时，有八个人选了希拉里。

6月7日，希拉里正式宣布停止竞选，呼吁她的选民转而支持党内初选胜出者奥巴马。

2008年美国总统选举将于当地时间1月3日晚打响第一枪，届时民主共和两党党内初选将在艾奥瓦州率先拉开大幕。艾奥瓦州民主党初选在当地时间1月3日晚上6时30分（北京时间1月4日上午7时30分）开始。半个小时后，共和党初选开始，结果最快在一至两个小时后得出。

盖洛普最新民调显示，美国选民认为，艾奥瓦州党团会议初选的结果，就民主党参选人而言，对奥巴马的影响较大，对希拉里·克林顿及爱德华兹的影响较小。盖洛普1月2日公布的民调显示，如果奥巴马在即将于1月3日举行的艾奥瓦党团会议初选中获胜，67%的全国选民认为其将在未来的提名战中对希拉里形成“严重挑战”，只有31%认为是“暂时胜利”。

而如果希拉里在艾奥瓦党团会议初选中落败，则有高达70%的全国选民认为只是“暂时挫败”；只有28%认为这将对她提名之路带来麻烦。如果艾奥瓦党团会议的胜利者是爱德华兹，只有40%的全国选民认为这将对希拉里造成“严重挑战”；58%认为这只是“暂时胜利”。

经过一系列的拉票，美国当地时间2008年6月3日，美民主党总统竞选人奥巴马宣布他在该党初选中胜出，获得民主党总统候选人提名。

据悉，希拉里、奥巴马和爱德华兹均在媒体上买下广告时段或版面，为大选第一仗作最后冲刺。希拉里与奥巴马目前在不同民调中分别领先，爱德华兹则名列第三。

奥巴马在两分钟的电视广告中说：“这个国家需要一个可以把我们都团结起来的领导人，那样我们才算真正地赢得了这场选举，也只有这样我们才能解决医疗、教育、能源以及战争等问题。”

希拉里也在广告中再次发动了她的煽情攻势，她说：“如果你们支持我一个晚上（指1月3日晚），我作为总统将支持你们每一天。我将呕心沥血，把我们热爱的国家带入一个新起点，我将从第一天开始就进入状态。”

爱德华兹则请了一位名叫多格·比谢普的下岗工人做“代言人”。比谢普说：“我心目中的候选人要能坐下来，看着一个七岁孩子的眼睛告诉他：‘我会为你爸爸的工作而战。’而爱德华兹就是我的选择。”

每个选举年，艾奥瓦州都会成为全美瞩目的中心，也是每届美国选战最为激烈的战场。一项研究发现，艾奥瓦州初选获得的媒体关注是其他州的143倍。

在初选阶段，一个州的面积大小和人口多寡与该州对选举的影响力并不成正比，最重要的是它的初选日期——往往日期越早影响越大。在初选中最早获胜的候选人会得到更多的关注，在接下来的竞选过程中也会拥有更大的优势。正因如此，艾奥瓦州尽管以人口和面积而论都是小州，却在整个初选阶段具有“风向标”的作用，因此也受到各位竞选人和各路媒体的高度关注。

其次是艾奥瓦州特殊的初选制度，选民决定自己支持谁可能需要多达五小时。艾奥瓦州的初选称为Caucus，意为集会，与绝大多数州不同。在艾奥瓦州，初选其实并没有“投票”这个环节，而是选民到达投票所后，依据其支持的对象分类，一群一群地集中。然后好戏登场，参选人边喝茶吃点心边拉票，游走穿梭于各群间。既要设法把别的“群”里的选民拉到自己这个“群”里，还要防止自己“群”里的选民被别的参选人“群”拉走。这样来来往往，所以需要花费五小时才能最后确定每位候选人的得票数。

第二节  奥巴马于2008年在艾奥瓦州德斯莫内斯的竞选演讲

Thank you, Iowa.

You know, they said this day would never come. They said our sights were set too high. They said this country was too divided; too disillusioned to ever come together around a common purpose.

But on this January night—at this defining moment in history—you have done what the cynics said we couldn’t do. You have done what the state of New Hampshire can do in five days. You have done what America can do in this New Year, 2008. In lines that stretched around schools and churches; in small towns and big cities; you came together as Democrats, Republicans and Independents to stand up and say that we are one nation; we are one people; and our time for change has come.

You said the time has come to move beyond the bitterness and pettiness and anger that’s consumed Washington; to end the political strategy that’s been all about division and instead make it about addition—to build a coalition for change that stretches through Red States and Blue States. Because that’s how we’ll win in November, and that’s how we’ll finally meet the challenges that we face as a nation.

We are choosing hope over fear. We’re choosing unity over division, and sending a powerful message that change is coming to America.

You said the time has come to tell the lobbyists who think their money and their influence speak louder than our voices that they don’t own this government, we do; and we are here to take it back.

The time has come for a President who will be honest about the choices and the challenges we face; who will listen to you and learn from you even when we disagree; who won’t just tell you what you want to hear, but what you need to know. And in New Hampshire, if you give me the same chance that Iowa did tonight, I will be that president for America.

Thank you.

I’ll be a President who finally makes health care affordable and available to every single American the same way I expanded health care in Illinois—by bringing Democrats and Republicans together to get the job done. I’ll be a President who ends the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and put a middle-class tax cut into the pockets of the working Americans who deserve it. I’ll be a President who harnesses the ingenuity of farmers and scientists and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil once and for all.

And I’ll be a President who ends this war in Iraq and finally brings our troops home; who restores our moral standing; who understands that 9/11 is not a way to scare up votes, but a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century; common threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons; climate change and poverty; genocide and disease.

Tonight, we are one step closer to that vision of America because of what you did here in Iowa.

And so I’d especially like to thank the organizers and the precinct captains; the volunteers and the staff who made this all possible. And while I’m at it, on "thank yous," I think it makes sense for me to thank the love of my life, the rock of the Obama family, the closer on the campaign trail; give it up for Michelle Obama.

I know you didn’t do this for me. You did this—you did this because you believed so deeply in the most American of ideas—that in the face of impossible odds, people who love this country can change it. I know this—I know this because while I may be standing here tonight, I’ll never forget that my journey began on the streets of Chicago doing what so many of you have done for this campaign and all the campaigns here in Iowa—organizing, and working, and fighting to make people’s lives just a little bit better. I know how hard it is. It comes with little sleep, little pay, and a lot of sacrifice.

There are days of disappointment, but sometimes, just sometimes, there are nights like this—a night—a night that, years from now, when we’ve made the changes we believe in; when more families can afford to see a doctor; when our children—when Malia and Sasha and your children-inherit a planet that’s a little cleaner and safer; when the world sees America differently, and America sees itself as a nation less divided and more united; you’ll be able to look back with pride and say that this was the moment when it all began.

This was the moment when the improbable beat what Washington always said was inevitable. This was the moment when we tore down barriers that have divided us for too long—when we rallied people of all parties and ages to a common cause; when we finally gave Americans who’d never participated in politics a reason to stand up and to do so. This was the moment when we finally beat back the politics of fear, and doubt, and cynicism; the politics where we tear each other down instead of lifting this country up. This was the moment. Years from now, you’ll look back and you’ll say that this was the moment—this was the place—where America remembered what it means to hope.

For many months, we’ve been teased, even derided for talking about hope. But we always knew that hope is not blind optimism. It’s not ignoring the enormity of the task ahead or the roadblocks that stand in our path. It’s not sitting on the sidelines or shirking from a fight. Hope is that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us if we have the courage to reach for it, and to work for it, and to fight for it.

Hope is what I saw in the eyes of the young woman in Cedar Rapids who works the night shift after a full day of college and still can’t afford health care for a sister who’s ill; a young woman who still believes that this country will give her the chance to live out her dreams. Hope is what I heard in the voice of the New Hampshire woman who told me that she hasn’t been able to breathe since her nephew left for Iraq; who still goes to bed each night praying for his safe return.

Hope is what led a band of colonists to rise up against an empire; what led the greatest of generations to free a continent and heal a nation; what led young women and young men to sit at lunch counters and brave fire hoses and march through Selma and Montgomery for freedom’s cause. Hope—hope—is what led me here today—with a father from Kenya; a mother from Kansas; and a story that could only happen in the United States of America. Hope is the bedrock of this nation; the belief that our destiny will not be written for us, but by us; by all those men and women who are not content to settle for the world as it is; who have the courage to remake the world as it should be.

That is what we started here in Iowa, and that is the message we can now carry to New Hampshire and beyond; the same message we had when we were up and when we were down; the one that can change this country brick by brick, block by block, calloused hand by calloused hand—that together, ordinary people can do extraordinary things; because we are not a collection of Red States and Blue States, we are the United States of America; and at this moment, in this election, we are ready to believe again. Thank you, Iowa.

谢谢你，艾奥瓦。

有人说这一天永远不会到来。有人说我们好高骛远。有人说这是一个分裂的国家，很难再为同一个目标风雨同舟、甘苦与共。

在这个新年的夜晚，你们让所有质疑的人闭嘴。这是个足以载入史册的时刻，五天之后新罕布什尔也会迎来同样的时刻，2008年整个美国都将迎来这样一个欢欣鼓舞的时刻！学校和教堂旁、乡村和城市中，民主党人、共和党人抑或无党派人士，你们怀揣着不同的政治主张而来，你们发出同一个声音：我们是一个国家，我们是一个民族，我们变革的时代已经到来！

长久以来，华盛顿被斤斤计较的政治风气所笼罩，早已难堪重负。国家的未来要求我们携起手去结束这种政治的尔虞我诈，重返联邦“合众为一”的伟大理想；要求我们抛弃党派隔阂、求同存异共谋改变！只有这样，我们才能在十一月相拥而笑，共同担当起这个国家的命运。

我们用希望对抗恐惧，用联合对抗分裂，我们用有力的声音向所有人宣布，美利坚革旧维新之日已至！

你们用强有力的声音告诉那些自以为能用金钱和权势压制人民意愿的说客：“你们不配做我们的政府，我们才是国家的主人！我们来，为我们自己的政府而来！”

人们需要的是一个能够直面选择与挑战的总统，一个虚己以听、从谏如流的总统，一个直言不讳、真诚坦率的总统。谢谢你，艾奥瓦，你们的选择让新罕布什尔州的选民信心百倍，你们将使这样的总统从可能成为现实！

谢谢你们。

我会让每一个美国人都能获得医疗服务。伊利诺伊州议会的成功经验告诉我，若能摒弃党派分歧通力合作，这一目标并非遥不可及。我会让每个将工作机会转移到国外的公司付出代价，为长久以来承担了巨大社会责任的美国中产阶级减税。我会努力让农场主、科学家和企业家们坐在一起，发挥创造力，根本性地解决美国对石油的依赖。

我会结束伊拉克战争，让士兵们重回家园；我要让美国重拾自己的道德准则；我要让所有人知道“9·11”不应成为诓取选票的幌子，而应是让美国与国际社会广泛开展合作，应对诸如恐怖主义与核扩散，全球变暖与贫困，种族屠杀与疾病等二十一世纪人类共同威胁的机遇。

今夜，艾奥瓦的选择让我们距离这样一个美国又近了一步。

在此我特别要感谢选举的组织者和选区负责人、志愿者和我的竞选团队，没有你们就没有这一切。同时，我要感谢我的妻子米歇尔·奥巴马，她是全家的坚实后盾，竞选旅途她陪我一路走来。

你们这样做并非因为我，我知道。我们胸中都有一个坚定的信念，改变的道路虽然崎岖艰险，但深爱着这个国家的人民必将为它殚精竭虑。此时此刻，我之所以能站在这里，是因为芝加哥的大街小巷闪动着你们的身影，是因为艾奥瓦州的每一寸土地都渗透着你们的辛勤付出。为了人们的生活能有一丝改变，你们不吝百倍努力。即便通宵达旦、薪酬微薄，你们仍旧全身心地付出。

虽然也曾有过失望，但那仅仅只是暂时，雨过天晴之后是这样美好的夜晚。当我们多年以后最终实现改变，当每个家庭不再因为健康没有保障而犯愁，当我们的孩子在一个更美好的环境中尽情嬉戏，当整个世界对团结一心的美国刮目相看时，请回望这个夜晚。你们将会为自己曾经做出的选择感到骄傲，你们将自豪地说，梦想始于今晚！

今晚，无畏的希望越过华盛顿的高墙。今晚，不同年龄、不同党派的人们聚集在一起，长久以来的隔阂最终烟消云散。那些对政治失望已久的人们第一次走向投票站，为这个国家承担自己作为公民的责任。今晚，曾让我们四分五裂的恐惧、疑虑和犬儒主义政治终于被击败。期待已久的一刻终于来到。数年以后回望今晚，回忆此时此景，我们会更了解它对希望的意义。

几个月以来，我们饱受挖苦和嘲讽，因为我们谈论希望。希望不是盲目的乐观主义，不是对未来的困难轻描淡写，不是对可能出现的艰难险阻视若无睹，更不是袖手旁观、畏首畏尾。尽管常常事与愿违，但希望永远是我们心中的信仰，只要我们敢于寻找，希望就总在不远的前方。

我在一个来自锡达拉匹兹市的年轻女士眼中看到了希望：她白天在学校读书，晚上加班挣钱，虽然仍然不能负担妹妹的医疗费，但她没有对这个国家失去信心，她仍相信自己的梦想终将实现。我从一个来自新罕布什尔州妇女的话语中听到了希望：她说自从侄儿被派往伊拉克战场之后她就一直惴惴不安，于是夜夜祈祷，希望他能平安归来。

希望曾带领殖民地人民奋起反抗帝国暴行；希望曾带领我们的伟大先辈解放了一个大陆，救活了一个国家；希望让青年男女为了自由的事业手挽手勇敢面对高压水柱，穿越塞尔玛直至蒙哥马利。希望让我今天站在这里——他的父亲来自肯尼亚、母亲来自堪萨斯，这样的故事只可能发生在美利坚的土地上。希望是这个国家的基石和信仰，我们的命运不受别人掌握，而是在我们脚下，在那些不甘受这个世界摆布的人手中，在那些立志改变世界的人心中！

从艾奥瓦我们燃起希望，希望将从这里传向新罕布什尔，传向更远的地方。经历等于浮沉，我们手中紧握希望；一砖一瓦、一石一垒，我们用粗糙的双手一起搭建希望，所谓平凡者亦不平凡。这个国家不应有党派隔阂，不应有红蓝之分，因为我们是美利坚合众国。“纵有万千之众，我等实为一体”，此情此境之下，我们愿意再次相信这句话。谢谢你，艾奥瓦！

第三节  精彩语录

We are choosing hope over fear. We’re choosing unity over division, and sending a powerful message that change is coming to America.

我们用希望对抗恐惧，用联合对抗分裂，我们用有力的声音向所有人宣布，美利坚革旧维新之日已至！

You said the time has come to tell the lobbyists who think their money and their influence speak louder than our voices that they don’t own this government, we do; and we are here to take it back.

你们用强有力的声音告诉那些自以为能用金钱和权势压制人民意愿的说客：“你们不配做我们的政府，我们才是国家的主人！我们来，为我们自己的政府而来！”

You did this—you did this because you believed so deeply in the most American of ideas—that in the face of impossible odds, people who love this country can change it.

我们胸中都有一个坚定的信念，改变的道路虽然崎岖艰险，但深爱着这个国家的人民必将为它殚精竭虑。

When we’ve made the changes we believe in; when more families can afford to see a doctor; when our children—when Malia and Sasha and your children-inherit a planet that’s a little cleaner and safer; when the world sees America differently, and America sees itself as a nation less divided and more united; you’ll be able to look back with pride and say that this was the moment when it all began.

当我们多年以后最终实现改变，当每个家庭不再因为健康没有保障而犯愁，当我们的孩子在一个更美好的环境中尽情嬉戏，当整个世界对团结一心的美国刮目相看时，请回望这个夜晚。你们将会为自己曾经做出的选择感到骄傲，你们将自豪地说，梦想始于今晚！

Hope is not blind optimism. It’s not ignoring the enormity of the task ahead or the roadblocks that stand in our path. It’s not sitting on the sidelines or shirking from a fight. Hope is that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us if we have the courage to reach for it, and to work for it, and to fight for it.

希望不是盲目的乐观主义，不是对未来的困难轻描淡写，不是对可能出现的艰难险阻视若无睹，更不是袖手旁观、畏首畏尾。尽管常常事与愿违，但希望永远是我们心中的信仰，只要我们敢于寻找，希望就总在不远的前方。

Hope is the bedrock of this nation; the belief that our destiny will not be written for us, but by us; by all those men and women who are not content to settle for the world as it is; who have the courage to remake the world as it should be.

希望是这个国家的基石和信仰，我们的命运不受别人掌握，而是在我们脚下，在那些不甘受这个世界摆布的人手中，在那些立志改变世界的人心中！

When we were up and when we were down; the one that can change this country brick by brick, block by block, calloused hand by calloused hand—that together, ordinary people can do extraordinary things; because we are not a collection of Red States and Blue States, we are the United States of America; and at this moment, in this election, we are ready to believe again.

经历风雨沉浮，我们手中紧握希望。一砖一瓦、一石一垒，我们用粗糙的双手一起搭建希望，所谓平凡者亦不平凡。这个国家不应有党派隔阂，不应有红蓝之分，因为我们是美利坚合众国。“纵有万千之众，我等实为一体”，此情此境之下，我们愿意再次相信这句话。

第四章  更加完善的联邦

第一节  背景介绍

奥巴马的此次演讲发表于2008年民主党总统候选人初选阶段，也是奥巴马与希拉里的角逐正酣之际。为防被抨击打种族牌，一直以来双方都沉着谨慎，避免围绕种族问题发表演讲。促使奥巴马首先就种族问题开腔的原因是，奥巴马的前牧师耶利米·赖特在布道时说出仇视白人的种族主义言论，各界纷纷要求奥巴马表态。

2008年3月18日，奥巴马选择在费城的美国宪法中心，发表了这篇长达三十多分钟的演讲。演讲中，奥巴马一方面明确谴责了赖特牧师所持的种族主义观点是扭曲的，另一方面他解释了这类观点的历史渊源，号召国民认清矛盾的真相并引导国民以发展的观点和客观的态度看问题。当时奥巴马在党内的民调还远远落后于希拉里，但这篇演讲犹如一颗定心丸,使他原有的支持者恢复了信心，更赢得了一片额外的掌声。

贝拉克·奥巴马关于种族、宗教以及他与其前牧师耶利米·赖特关系的演讲，再一次雄辩地证明了种族主义仍然是困扰美国的一大问题。奥巴马已经尖锐地指出了这个问题，现在需要的是在奥巴马以及其他总统候选人之间就这个问题展开一场平等的高层之间的讨论，以求得对这个问题的合理解决方案。

奥巴马提出一个论点：水涨船自高。他说：“政府应该在孩子们的卫生、福利以及教育上加大投入，不管他们是黑色、棕色还是白色人种。这种投入最终将促进美国的繁荣。”然而，正如奥巴马所认识到的，加大投入并不能完全消除种族之间的紧张关系。无可否认，如何解决历史遗留下来的种族歧视以及持续存在的不平等问题，仍然是美国所面临的一大考验。

奥巴马将怎样解决长期以来存在于美国学校的种族问题。例如，奥巴马曾经提到，在大学招生的时候，“我的女儿们很可能因为黑色皮肤而被优先考虑。但我认为我们应该同样考虑到处于不利地位或者家境贫穷的白人小孩。”这是否意味着他认为社会经济地位应该取代种族问题成为大学招生的考虑因素。奥巴马在担任国会参议员的时候，曾经填写过一份调查表，他在其中指出，在大学招生、职位招聘以及签约时，政府应该将种族和性别问题作为考虑的因素。2006年，奥巴马曾经录制一段电台广告，号召密歇根州的选民反对一项投票活动，该项活动试图废除州政府在高等教育以及其他相关领域实行种族特惠，从而促进种族多元化的制度。

奥巴马在演讲中指出，大部分处于劳动者阶层以及中产阶层的白种美国人，并没有因为他们是白种人而享受特权的感觉，所以他们对积极行动计划感到愤怒。如果奥巴马当上总统，他将怎么解决这个问题或者缓和这种愤怒。奥巴马还谈到白人父母被告知他们得让他们的孩子坐公共汽车去上学时的愤怒。但是，在2007年，当最高法院审理一起关于两个学校将学生们按种族分组的案件的时候，奥巴马却主张积极行动计划应该得到支持。当法院判决不同意他的观点时，他公开指责“这是一份坚持错误的裁决”，并发誓将“任命懂得‘布朗案’的宪法重要性的人作为最高法院法官”（在“布朗案”中，法院最终废除了学校的种族隔离制度）。

奥巴马的演讲只是给这个问题开了个头，毕竟，正如奥巴马所说：“我相信种族问题是美国现在无法忽视的问题。”

第二节  奥巴马于2008年3月18日在费城国家宪法中心的演讲

We the people, in order to form a more perfect union.

Two hundred and twenty-one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America’s improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution—a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time. And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part—through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk—to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign—to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together—unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction—towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story. I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton’s Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I’ve gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world’s poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners—an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible. It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts—that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn. On one end of the spectrum, we’ve heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it’s based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we’ve heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely—just as I’m sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country—a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

As such, Reverend Wright’s comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems—two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way. But the truth is, that isn’t all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God’s work here on Earth—by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend’s voice up into the rafters. And in that single note—hope!—I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion’s den, Ezekiel’s field of dry bones. Those stories—of survival, and freedom, and hope—became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn’t need to feel shame about... memories that all people might study and cherish—and with which we could start to rebuild."

That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety—the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity’s services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions—the good and the bad—of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother—a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe. These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America—to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality. The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we’ve never really worked through—a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn’t dead and buried. In fact, it isn’t even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven’t fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today’s black and white students.

Legalized discrimination—where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments—meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today’s urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one’s family, contributed to the erosion of black families—a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods—parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement—all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What’s remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them. But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn’t make it—those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations—those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician’s own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright’s sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working—and middle-class white Americans don’t feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience—as far as they’re concerned, no one’s handed them anything, they’ve built it from scratch. They’ve worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they’re told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren’t always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze—a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns—this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It’s a racial stalemate we’ve been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy—particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I have asserted a firm conviction—a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people—that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances—for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs—to the larger aspirations of all Americans—the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man who has been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives—by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American—and yes, conservative—notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright’s sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change. The profound mistake of Reverend Wright’s sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It’s that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country—a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old—is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know—what we have seen—is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope—the audacity to hope—for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination—and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past—are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds—by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world’s great religions demand—that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother’s keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle—as we did in the OJ trial—or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina—or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright’s sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she’s playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that. But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we’ll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can’t learn; that those kids who don’t look like us are somebody else’s problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don’t have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn’t look like you might take your job; it’s that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should’ve been authorized and never should’ve been waged, and we want to talk about how we’ll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn’t believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation—the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I’d like to leave you with today—a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King’s birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there. And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that’s when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom. She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat. She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother’s problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn’t. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they’re supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who’s been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he’s there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

"I’m here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children. But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.

我们合众国的人民，为了建立更加完善的联邦.

二百二十一年前，在对面街角那座至今仍旧巍然挺立的大厅中，美国自由的先驱聚集在一起，用简单的话语启动了在当时看来不可能完成的民主试验。这些为逃避暴虐与压迫而远涉重洋来到北美大陆的农场主、学者、政治家和爱国者，终于在1787年春天的费城会议上，将独立从宣言变为现实。

这份文件最终签署，但事实上从未完成，它被这个国家奴隶制的原罪所玷污。在那个问题（是否保留奴隶制）上，各殖民地莫衷一是，将整个会议引入僵局。联邦的创建者们选择允许奴隶制至少存在二十年，并将这个问题留给后人去最终解决。

从一开始，奴隶制问题的解决方法就已深埋于宪法之中了——我们宪法的核心就是法律之下的公民权平等理想，它保证给予其人民自由、公正，以及一个能够并且应该随着时间而不断趋向完善的联邦。但是，羊皮纸上的词句却不曾让奴隶们挣脱束缚，或完整地赋予各种肤色、各种信仰的人们作为合众国公民的权利和义务。因此，还需要一代接一代的美国公民用大街小巷的奔走抗议、用法庭上的据理力争，甚至诉诸于战争与对抗，冒着巨大的风险去缩小承诺与现实的差距。

从一开始我们就将建国先父们的美好愿望融入到了这次竞选之中——继续前人的长征，继续这场旨在建立更加公正、平等、自由、博爱、繁荣美利坚的长征。我选择在这样的历史时刻竞选总统，因为我坚信除非我们将这个时代的问题一起解决，除非我们完善这个联邦，否则美国将寸步难行。必须认识到，我们的生活故事可能不尽相同，但是我们的希望只有一个，来自五湖四海、有着不同的相貌与肤色的我们都朝着同一个方向前进，那就是子孙们更好的未来。

这一信念来自我对美国人民高尚与宽容的不可动摇的信任，也来自于我自己的美国故事。我的父亲是肯尼亚黑人，母亲是堪萨斯白人，我在外祖父和外祖母的抚养下长大。外祖父经历过大萧条、打过二战，有幸曾在巴顿将军的队伍里服役，外祖母则在里文沃斯堡的一个轰炸机生产线上工作。我既接受过美国的精英教育，也在世界上最贫困的国家生活过，最后与一个奴隶和奴隶主的后代结合，把这条血脉传给了我们的两个宝贝女儿。我的兄弟姐妹遍及世界三个大洲，他们肤色各异、种族不同。我知道像我这样的故事出现在其他任何一个国家都是不可能的，这段故事把我和其他的候选人区别开来，也在我的心中烙下了对这个国家最基本的理解——“合众为一”。

这场竞选的第一年里，所有相反的预测都被美国人民这种对于团结的渴望所打破。尽管有人试图通过种族的有色眼镜来歪曲这次竞选，我们在这个国家的白人州里所取得的压倒性胜利让所有质疑变得苍白无力。在邦联旗帜人就飘扬的南卡罗来纳州，黑人和白人联合起来，一起站在我的身后摇旗呐喊。

这并不意味着种族问题不再是这次竞选的一个议题。在整个竞选过程中，一直都有评论员说我“太黑”或“不够黑”。种族问题的泡泡在南卡罗来纳州初选的前一周浮到了表面。新闻界在每一个投票站的出口费心地搜寻着黑人和白人之间，甚至黑人和其他人种之间种族对立的证据。

但是，直到最近几个星期，有关种族的讨论才变得特别尖锐和具有攻击性。一方面，我听到了这样一种说法，即我迄今为止在竞选中所获得的一切都不过是一种安抚，不过是自由派廉价求购种族调和表象的伎俩。另一方面，我原来的牧师耶利米·耐特则使用更具煽动性和攻击性的语言来表达自己的立场。这些语言不仅有加深种族矛盾的倾向，还侮辱了这个国家的伟大和善良，使得无论黑人还是白人同样受到了冒犯。

我明确地谴责了耐特这些引发了巨大争议的言论。然而，不管我怎么表述，一些人仍不满足。我是否知道他有抨击美国内政和外交政策的记录？知道。我以前坐在教堂里时有没有听到过他发表争议性的讲话？有。我是不是从一开始就和他的政治观点保持距离？当然——正如你们中的许多人肯定都曾从牧师、神父或拉比那里听过不敢苟同的言论，我想它们的道理是一样的。

然而，这些引发铺天盖地争论的言论不仅仅是观点不同那么简单，也不仅仅是一个宗教领袖对显而易见的社会不公的大声抗议，它将这个国家彻底地、极度地扭曲。这种看法认为白人种族主义根深蒂固，把美国所有问题的根结置于这个伟大国家的种种优点之上；它还认为中东冲突的症结在于我们坚定盟友以色列的胡作非为，而非源自伊斯兰极端主义充满仇恨的意识形态。

耐特充满了种族怨怒的语言不仅是错误的而且是极端的，这个时候我们需要的是团结，是大家走到一起解决重大问题的勇气。我们面临的困难太多：两场战争、恐怖主义威胁、摇摇欲坠的经济、旷日持久的医保危机以及灾难性的气候变化。这些问题不是黑人、白人、拉美裔或者亚裔哪一群人所要面对的，也不是哪一群人能独自解决的，我们必须共同面对。

由于我个人背景、政治经历、价值观和理想的缘故，不论我怎么谴责耐特，总会有人不依不饶，对他们来说发表声明予以谴责是远远不够的。他们的问题几乎是一样的，为什么我会和如此极端一个人做了这么多年朋友？为什么我不加入另一个教会？坦白讲，如果我对耐特牧师的全部了解仅限于那些在电视和YouTube上循环播放的布道片断，如果三一联合基督教堂仅仅是某些评论者所恶意歪曲的那般模样的话，毫无疑问，我会做出同样的反应。但是据我了解，耐特并不完全是这个样子。我二十多年前认识的是这样一个人，他使我皈依了基督，教导我与众人相亲相爱，告诉我照顾病人帮助弱小的责任。他曾在美国海军陆战队为国家服役，曾在这个国家的最高学府和神学院学习并讲学。主持教堂工作三十多年间，他勤恳服务当地社区，按上帝的旨意在人间广播福祉——收留无家可归的人，救人于疾苦，提供婴幼儿日托服务，为学生提供奖学金，到监狱探视犯人并为他们祷告，还向艾滋病患者和艾滋病毒感染者伸出援助之手。

在我的第一本书《父亲的梦想》里，我描述了在三一教堂第一次参加礼拜的经历：“人们开始从座位上站起来，呼喊声、掌声疾风一般将那位牧师的声音带上房橼……简单的一句‘希望’掷地有声、让我从中听到一些其他的东西。十字架下，全城千百个教堂里，普通黑人在我的想象中成为了圣经故事里的角色：大卫和歌利亚的故事、摩西和法老的故事、基督徒在狮子坑的故事以及《以西结书》中满是骨骸的大地的故事。这些关于生存、自由和希望的故事，也渐渐成为了我们的故事、我的故事，故事里抛洒的热血是我们的热血，挥洒的眼泪是我们的眼泪，晴朗的天空下，这座黑人教堂就好像一艘航船，满载着一个民族的故事缓缓驶进未来的世代，驶向更加宽广的世界。我们的历史立刻变得既独特又普遍，既是黑人的又不仅仅是黑人的。自然而然地，我们将这些黑人化的圣经故事当作是自己的历史，自己的经历来学习和珍惜，有了这些故事，我们才能重建自己的过去。”

这就是我在三一教堂的经历。和全国其他地方以黑人信徒为主的教堂一样，三一教堂就是一个完整的黑人社区——有医生也有接受社会救济的母亲，有模范学生也有黑帮混混。和其他黑人教堂一样，三一教堂的礼拜充满喧闹的笑声，不时还有些粗俗的打趣。他们跳舞、拍手、尖叫或是喧闹，不常来的人还真的会受不了。这座教堂将美国黑人的一切囊括其中，仁慈与残忍、绝顶智慧与浑浑噩噩、奋争与成功、爱与恨以及痛苦与偏见。

也许这些可以更好地解释我与耐特牧师的关系。他也许并不完美，但他对我来说就像是家里的一员。他坚定了我的信仰，主持过我的婚礼，为我的女儿做了洗礼。我从来没听到过他用贬损的语言贬低其他族裔，他从来都是带着礼貌和敬意来对待与他交往的白人。他是一个矛盾的集合体——好好坏坏——就像他多年为之勤奋服务的社区一样。

和他断绝关系就等于和整个黑人社区断绝关系；和他断绝关系，就好比与抚养我长大成人的白人外祖母，一位曾为我一再做出牺牲，一位爱我胜过世界上任何人，一位曾向我坦言她在街上会对身边走过的黑人男子感到害怕，并曾经不止一次将那些令人恐惧的种族偏见挂在嘴边的亲人断绝关系。这些人都是我的一部分，也是这个我深爱着的国家的一部分。

这样说并不是在为这些不可饶恕的言论寻找托词。相信我不是这样的。在这件事情上，保全政治名誉最好的做法莫过于冷处理，让它随着时间一起慢慢淡去。我们大可将耐特看作是个思想偏激或是蛊惑人心的人，就好像某些人对待杰拉尔丁·菲拉萝那样，将他们的种族言论归因于其心中深藏的种族偏见，然后将他们当作无可救药的人抛到一边。

但是，我认为美国的种族问题已经严重到不得不直接面对的程度了。若不如此，我们就会犯和耐特一样的错误——把种族问题简单化、脸谱化，将消极面放大到足以扭曲真实的程度。实际情况是，这些过去几周浮出水面的言论和问题反映了这个国家种族问题的复杂性。这是一个我们从未完全解决的问题，也是我们的联邦需要完善的方面。如果我们现在将它搁置起来，默默地回到自己的角落，我们将永远无法再走到一起来，解决诸如医保、教育和就业等问题。

要认识这一现实，需要回顾一下我们是如何陷入今天这种困境的。威廉·福克纳曾写道：“过去既没有死去也没有被埋葬。甚至它根本就还没有过去。”在这里，我们没有必要复述这个国家种族歧视的历史。但是我们需要提醒自己，今天美国非裔社区里存在的众多不公正现象可以直接追溯到奴隶制和从吉姆·克劳法时期代代遗传下来的种族问题流毒。

种族隔离的学校过去是，现在仍然是次等学校。在布朗诉教育董事会案五十年后，这些学校的情况丝毫没有改变。它们提供的次等教育，不管是在过去还是现在，都有助于解释黑人学生和白人学生在学业成就方面存在的普遍差距。

那些合法的歧视——通过暴力禁止黑人拥有财产，拒绝给非裔美国企业主放贷，黑人买房无法享受联邦住房管理局的抵押贷款，黑人被拒绝进入工会、警察局和消防队——意味着黑人家庭无法为自己的下一代积累起足够多的财产。这就解释了为什么黑人和白人在财富和收入上存在巨大差距，为什么今天许多城市和乡村社区存在大量的贫困现象。

黑人男子缺乏工作机会这一事实，以及无法供养家庭所带来的耻辱感和沮丧，让黑人家庭面临危机——在国家现有的福利政策下，这一问题日益恶化。众多城市黑人社区基本社区服务的缺乏——如小孩儿玩耍的公园、警察巡逻、按时回收垃圾和强制建筑标准——最终导致一个无法摆脱的暴力、破败和忽视的恶性循环。

耐特和与他同时代的非裔美国人就是在这样的环境下长大的。二十世纪五六十年代的时候他们开始步入社会，当时种族隔离仍然是合法制度，黑人的诸多机会被制度性地限制或剥夺。但是这些黑人并没有屈服于严酷的环境，他们携起手来披荆斩棘、克服困难，努力为自己的下一代闯出一条路来。然而，能够最终抓住机会成就自己美国梦的黑人毕竟只是少数，他们中仍然有许多人无法实现自己的梦想，不得不以这样或那样的方式屈服于种族歧视的梦魇。这种挫败感遗传到了他们的下一代那里——年轻的黑人男子和越来越多的青年女子闲站街角无所事事，或者慵懒地躺在监狱里，对未来不抱任何希望和期待。即便对那些实现了自己梦想的人来说，种族和种族问题仍旧是他们世界观的基本来源。在与耐特同时代的男男女女脑海里，羞辱、怀疑和恐惧的记忆挥之不去，愤怒和痛苦更难忘怀。这些愤怒也许不会在公开的场合表达出来，不会在白人同事或朋友的面前表达出来。但是一旦到了相对私人的空间，比如餐桌上、理发店里，这些情感就有了倾诉的场合。有时，这些黑人的愤怒被政客们所利用，他们用种族划线捞取选票，或是掩饰其个人的失误。

我们有时也会在周日教堂的讲台或是条椅上听到类似的情感表达。许多人都对耐特布道中的激烈言辞感到震惊，但是这不过再次证明了一个事实，那就是在美国周日早上的这段去教堂祷告时间，种族分裂问题最为激化。这种发泄其实没有任何实际意义，相反，还常常影响我们对实际问题的解决。它让我们无法看清自己也应对此现状负责，让非裔美国人的社区难以联合起来做出什么实际的改变。但是我要说，这种愤怒是真实而强烈的，仅仅希望它自行消失，或是对其不假思索地进行抨击，往往只能让两个种族之间误解的鸿沟越来越大。

事实上，白人社区中也存在着与此相同的情绪。美国劳工阶层和中产阶级中的很多人都觉得自己没有因为他们的种族而获得什么特权。这些人多为移民，在他们看来自己完全就是白手起家，没有拿过谁的好处受过谁的恩惠。他们勤勤恳恳、任劳任怨，但最终却眼睁睁地看着自己的工作机会被转向国外，眼睁睁地看着自己一生积攒下来的退休金缩水。他们对自己的未来感到焦虑，感觉自己距离梦想渐行渐远。在工资不变、国际竞争加剧的情况下，所谓机会实则成为了一个零和博弈，你的成功必定要以我的失败为代价。所以，当他们被告之自己的孩子得坐公交车去上学，当他们听说非裔美国人由于那些并非他们犯下的历史过错在找工作或受教育方面享受了优惠政策，当他们对社区犯罪活动的担忧被视为带有种族偏见的时候，胸中怨恨就会随着时间推移而增长。

和黑人社区的情况类似，这些怨恨绝少会在温和的日常交往中表现出来。但是它所塑造的政治景观影响了至少整整一代美国人。对福利和“反歧视行动”的不满催生出了“里根联盟”。政客们没完没了地拿人们对犯罪的恐惧做文章、捞选票。脱口秀主持人和保守的时政评论员醉心于指责种族主义的言论多么荒唐，将关于种族不公正和不平等的合理讨论归于简单的政治正确或是种族主义的另一种表现。

正如黑人们的情感宣泄常常带来消极作用，白人们的愤怒只会让他们忽略压榨中产阶级的罪魁祸首——充斥着肮脏内幕交易、问题重重的会计活动、短视贪婪逐利的公司文化；被游说者和有特别利益的人占领的华盛顿以及偏向少数利益群体的经济政策。不去成人他们的合法诉求，反而希望这些问题能够不治自愈，或是单纯地把这些人归作被误导者或是种族激进分子，同样会加剧种族矛盾，阻碍种族之间的理解与和解。

这就是我们现在的处境。我们深陷种族主义的泥潭已有多时。与那些批评我的人，不论黑人白人，所持的观点刚好相反，我从未天真地以为种族问题能够因为一次选举而药到病除，更非一次参选就能够明显改善，况且我也不是一个完美的参选者。

但是我已经坚定了自己的信念，这个信念植根于我对上帝的信仰和对美国人民的信任。携起手来我们能够治愈种族主义的顽疾，事实上，如果我们打算在建立一个更加完善联邦的路上继续前进，我们就别无选择。

对黑人社区来说，这条道路意味着勇敢地接过历史的包袱而不被历史所荼毒；意味着继续在社会的各个方面为正义而奔走疾呼；但是，这同样意味着我们必须把自己的诉求，诸如更好的医疗、更好的教育、更好的工作——与全体美国人更大的愿望联系在一起——立志打破玻璃天花板的白人妇女、失业的白人男子以及为家庭而打拼的移民；意味着我们要为自己的生活负责，对我们的父亲提出更高的要求。花更多的时间陪孩子，给他们读书，教他们如何处理可能发生在他们身上的种族歧视。告诉他们无论如何也不要自暴自弃或愤世嫉俗，要让他们坚信命运就在自己的手中。

充满讽刺意味的是，这种经典而保守的美国式的自力更生的论调，常常出现在耐特的布道之中。但是耐特忽略了一点，所谓的自力更生必须建立在对社会的信任之上，相信这个社会是可以改变的。耐特的布道最深层次错误并不在于他公开谈论种族问题，而在于他将我们的社会看的一成不变，仿佛这么多年一点进步也没有。即便这个国家已经接纳了他的教众去竞选国家的最高公职，去建立黑人与白人、拉美裔与亚裔、富人与穷人、年轻人与老人的联盟，他仍然觉得这个社会没有改变。然而，我们知道的和看到的都明白无误的告诉我们，美国可以改变。这是这个国家真正的不凡之处。这一切改变给予我们希望——无畏的希望——它为我们的将来指明方向。

对于白人来说，通向更完善联邦的道路意味着需要承认非裔美国人的痛苦并不仅仅存在于心中。种族歧视的历史是真实的，种族歧视的现状虽不及过去严重，但也依然存在，需要着手解决。解决不能仅仅停留在口头上，而应有实际的行动——包括加大对学校和社区的投入；严格执行民权法案，保证刑事司法体系公正；为这一代人提供前几代人没有的向上发展的阶梯。需要让所有美国人意识到，别人梦想的实现并不会以自己的失败为代价。在健康、福利以及惠及多种族孩子的教育上所投入的每一分钱，最终都将促进美国的繁荣昌盛。

事实上，我们所呼吁的刚好与这个世界所有宗教的理念相契合——一所不欲，勿施于人。圣经教导我们：让我们成为兄弟的守护者。那么就让我们成为兄弟姐妹的守护者，让我们通过政治途径来谋求彼此共同的利益。

在这个国家中我们总是面临选择。我们可以接受助长分裂、冲突和愤世嫉俗的政治。我们可以把种族问题导演成闹剧，就好像我们在辛普森案中所做的那样；或者亡羊补牢，悲剧发生之后再图补救，比如我们在卡特里娜飓风袭击中所做的那样；又或将种族问题交付晚间新闻，任人评说。我们可以在每个频道反复播放耐特的言论，没日没夜地放，一直放到大选，将这次竞选演变为对一个单一话题的讨论，即美国人是否认为我会在一定程度上同意耐特的激烈言辞。我们可以抓住希拉里支持者的某些不恰当言论大书特书，指责她在玩弄种族牌。我们可以推测白人男性选民最终都将把票投给约翰·麦凯恩，不管他的政策如何。

我们可以那么做。但是如果我们做了，我可以告诉你，在下次选举中，类似的话题依然会被提起，然后是下一个，一个接一个。最终什么都不会改变。

当然，那只是我们其中的一个选项。又或许我们能就此携起手来，齐声高呼：“再也不能这样了。”我们这次得谈谈那些盗取黑人孩子、白人孩子、亚裔孩子、西班牙语裔孩子和土著孩子未来的日渐破落的学校。这次我们得抛弃那种认为这些孩子不可教或者那些和我们长相不同的孩子是别人的孩子的想法。美国的孩子不是别人的孩子，他们是我们所有人的孩子，不能让他们在二十一世纪的竞争中落后。这一次，再也不能这样了。

这次我们得谈谈医院急诊室的门外为何站满了没有医疗保险的白人、黑人和拉美裔。也许仅凭他们自己还无法和华盛顿的特殊利益群体抗衡，但是如果我们大家能挽起手来，定能和他们较量一番。

这次我们得谈谈那些破败的工厂，它们曾经为各个种族的男女提供体面的生活；这次我们得谈谈那些抵押待售的房屋，曾几何时，它们属于各个宗教、各个地区、各种职业的美国人。这次我们得谈谈一个基本的事实，并不是那些和你相貌不同的人可能会抢走你的饭碗，而是你所工作的公司正在将这些工作机会转移到海外，为的仅仅是利润。

这次我们得谈谈那些肤色不同、信仰各异的男男女女，他们在同一面骄傲的旗帜下一起服役、一起战斗、一起流血。我们得谈谈怎样把他们从这场本不应该授权，更不应该发动的战争中安全地送回。我们得谈谈怎样通过对他们以及他们家庭的关爱，怎样通过给予他们应得的回报来体现我们的爱国主义。

如非坚信这是大多数美国人民的心愿，我不会参加这次总统竞选。这个联邦也许永远都不会完美，但是一代又一代的美国人告诉我们，总有机会让它变得更好。每当我自己对这种可能性表示怀疑和厌倦的时候，美国的下一代给了我最多的希望——这些年轻人的态度、信仰和对变革的包容已经在这次选举中创造了历史。

今天，我有一个特别的故事想带给大家——一个马丁·路德·金博士诞辰那天，我有幸在他的教堂——亚特兰大的埃本内泽浸礼会教堂讲述多的故事。

有个二十三岁的年轻白人妇女名叫阿什利·拜亚，她在南卡罗来纳州的佛罗伦斯为我组织竞选活动。从这次竞选一开始，她大部分时间都扑在黑人社区里。有一天她参加了一个圆桌讨论会，大家围坐在一起聊自己为什么会到这儿来。阿什利说，她九岁那年妈妈得了癌症。由于没法继续上班她被解雇了，医疗保险也没了，一家只能申请破产。阿什利决定得为妈妈做点什么。她知道食物是全家最大的开销，于是阿什利让妈妈相信自己真的很喜欢吃泡菜三明治蘸芥末酱。因为这样吃最便宜。就这样阿什利吃了一年，直到妈妈病情有所好转。她告诉所有参加讨论会的人之所以加入助选活动是因为她能通过这种方式为成千上万想为父母做点事、帮点忙的孩子提供帮助。

阿什利本可以有其他的选择。也许一直都有人告诉她，她母亲之所以这样是因为那些懒惰的黑人躺在福利制度上睡大觉，或者告诉她这一切都是拉美裔的非法移民造成的。但是阿什利并没有听信这些，她选择与大家联合起来，对抗不公平。

阿什利讲完自己的故事之后，挨个儿问房间里的其他人为什么会支持这次竞选。每个人都有自己的故事和理由，有的人理由很具体。最后轮到一位年长的黑人男子，他自始至终都没怎么说过话。阿什利问他为什么来这儿。他没有重复刚刚大家说过的那些理由。他没有说医保或者经济，他没有说教育或者伊战，他也没有说来这儿是为了奥巴马。他对每一个在场的人说，“我来是因为阿什利。”

“我来是因为阿什利。”仅就这句话来讲，一个年轻白人小姑娘和一个年长黑人男子在某一刻达成的共识并不足以改变什么，它不能给生病的人送去医疗保险，不能帮失业的人找到工作，不能为孩子们提供更好的教育。但这是我们的新起点，我们的联邦将从此变得更强大。正如二百二十一年前，一群爱国者在费城签署了那份文件后，一代又一代的美国人意识到的那样，这，就是完善的起点。

第三节  精彩语录

We cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together—unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction—towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.

除非我们将这个时代的问题一起解决，除非我们完善这个联邦，否则美国将寸步难行。必须认识到，我们的生活故事可能不尽相同，但是我们的希望只有一个。来自五湖四海、有着不同的相貌与肤色的我们都朝着同一个方向前进，那就是子孙们更好的未来。

Divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems—two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

这个时候我们需要的是团结，是大家走到一起解决重大问题的勇气。我们面临的困难太多：两场战争、恐怖主义威胁、摇摇欲坠的经济、旷日持久的医保危机以及灾难性的气候变化。这些问题不是黑人、白人、拉美裔或者亚裔哪一群人所要面对的，也不是哪一群人能独自解决的，我们必须共同面对。

The blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn’t need to feel shame about... memories that all people might study and cherish—and with which we could start to rebuild.

故事里抛洒的热血是我们的热血，挥洒的眼泪是我们的眼泪，晴朗的天空下，这座黑人教堂就好像一艘航船，满载着一个民族的故事缓缓驶进未来的世代，驶向更加宽广的世界。我们的历史立刻变得既独特又普遍，既是黑人的又不仅仅是黑人的。自然而然地，我们将这些黑人化的圣经故事当作是自己的历史，自己的经历来学习和珍惜，有了这些故事，我们才能重建自己的过去。

I have asserted a firm conviction—a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people—that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

我已经坚定了自己的信念，这个信念植根于我对上帝的信仰和对美国人民的信任。携起手来我们能够治愈种族主义的顽疾，事实上，如果我们打算在建立一个更加完善联邦的路上继续前进，我们就别无选择。

What is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world’s great religions demand—that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother’s keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

我们所呼吁的刚好与这个世界所有宗教的理念相契合——一所不欲，勿施于人。圣经教导我们：让我们成为兄弟的守护者。那么就让我们成为兄弟姐妹的守护者，让我们通过政治途径来谋求彼此共同的利益。

I would not be running for President if I didn’t believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation—the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

如非坚信这是大多数美国人民的心愿，我不会参加这次总统竞选。这个联邦也许永远都不会完美，但是一代又一代的美国人告诉我们，总有机会让它变得更好。每当我自己对这种可能性表示怀疑和厌倦的时候，美国的下一代给了我最多的希望——这些年轻人的态度、信仰和对变革的包容已经在这次选举中创造了历史。

第五章  我们所热爱的美国

第一节  背景介绍

在美国参加总统竞选，不是占美国人口多数的盎格鲁撒克逊人后代的竞选者都很容易遭到美国人民的怀疑。人们会怀疑他们是否能维护美国的利益，是否爱美国。1988年，民主党提名的候选人希腊裔美国人杜卡基斯，由于在任马萨诸塞州州长时，曾根据美国最高法院的判决免除了该州学校学生必须举行“向国旗宣誓效忠”的仪式，共和党就利用美国人的“国旗情结”来质疑他的价值观是否跟美国的价值观相一致，质疑他是否是一个“异己分子”。本来在大选投票之前两三个月的民意调查显示，他击败老布什的可能性很大，但没想到最后还是败在共和党的抹黑手段之下。奥巴马在发现民意调查有四分之一的美国选民认为他缺乏爱国情操之后，认为不能等闲视之，必须赶快加以对付处理。于是，他选择在美国国庆节之前的几天，向人们表明他的爱国之心，同时向人们阐明何谓爱国，何谓不爱国。6月30日，他在杜鲁门总统的故乡密苏里州独立城作了题为《我们所热爱的美国》的演讲。

第二节  奥巴马于2008年6月30日在密苏里州独立城的演讲

On a spring morning in April of 1775, a simple band of colonists—farmers and merchants, blacksmiths and printers, men and boys—left their homes and families in Lexington and Concord to take up arms against the tyranny of an Empire. The odds against them were long and the risks enormous—for even if they survived the battle, any ultimate failure would bring charges of treason, and death by hanging.

And yet they took that chance. They did so not on behalf of a particular tribe or lineage, but on behalf of a larger idea. The idea of liberty. The idea of God-given, inalienable rights. And with the first shot of that fateful day—a shot heard round the world—the American Revolution, and America’s experiment with democracy, began.

Those men of Lexington and Concord were among our first patriots. And at the beginning of a week when we celebrate the birth of our nation, I think it is fitting to pause for a moment and reflect on the meaning of patriotism—theirs, and ours. We do so in part because we are in the midst of war—more than one and a half million of our finest young men and women have now fought in Iraq and Afghanistan; over 60,000 have been wounded, and over 4,600 have been laid to rest. The costs of war have been great, and the debate surrounding our mission in Iraq has been fierce. It is natural, in light of such sacrifice by so many, to think more deeply about the commitments that bind us to our nation, and to each other.

We reflect on these questions as well because we are in the midst of a presidential election, perhaps the most consequential in generations; a contest that will determine the course of this nation for years, perhaps decades, to come. Not only is it a debate about big issues—health care, jobs, energy, education, and retirement security—but it is also a debate about values. How do we keep ourselves safe and secure while preserving our liberties? How do we restore trust in a government that seems increasingly removed from its people and dominated by special interests? How do we ensure that in an increasingly global economy, the winners maintain allegiance to the less fortunate? And how do we resolve our differences at a time of increasing diversity?

Finally, it is worth considering the meaning of patriotism because the question of who is—or is not—a patriot all too often poisons our political debates, in ways that divide us rather than bringing us together. I have come to know this from my own experience on the campaign trail. Throughout my life, I have always taken my deep and abiding love for this country as a given. It was how I was raised; it is what propelled me into public service; it is why I am running for President. And yet, at certain times over the last sixteen months, I have found, for the first time, my patriotism challenged—at times as a result of my own carelessness, more often as a result of the desire by some to score political points and raise fears about who I am and what I stand for. So let me say at this at outset of my remarks. I will never question the patriotism of others in this campaign. And I will not stand idly by when I hear others question mine.

My concerns here aren’t simply personal, however. After all, throughout our history, men and women of far greater stature and significance than me have had their patriotism questioned in the midst of momentous debates. Thomas Jefferson was accused by the Federalists of selling out to the French. The anti-Federalists were just as convinced that John Adams was in cahoots with the British and intent on restoring monarchal rule. Likewise, even our wisest Presidents have sought to justify questionable policies on the basis of patriotism. Adams’ Alien and Sedition Act, Lincoln’s suspension of habeas corpus, Roosevelt’s internment of Japanese Americans—all were defended as expressions of patriotism, and those who disagreed with their policies were sometimes labeled as unpatriotic.

In other words, the use of patriotism as a political sword or a political shield is as old as the Republic. Still, what is striking about today’s patriotism debate is the degree to which it remains rooted in the culture wars of the 1960s—in arguments that go back forty years or more. In the early years of the civil rights movement and opposition to the Vietnam War, defenders of the status quo often accused anybody who questioned the wisdom of government policies of being unpatriotic. Meanwhile, some of those in the so-called counter-culture of the Sixties reacted not merely by criticizing particular government policies, but by attacking the symbols, and in extreme cases, the very idea, of America itself—by burning flags; by blaming America for all that was wrong with the world; and perhaps most tragically, by failing to honor those veterans coming home from Vietnam, something that remains a national shame to this day.

Most Americans never bought into these simplistic world-views—these caricatures of left and right. Most Americans understood that dissent does not make one unpatriotic, and that there is nothing smart or sophisticated about a cynical disregard for America’s traditions and institutions. And yet the anger and turmoil of that period never entirely drained away. All too often our politics still seems trapped in these old, threadbare arguments—a fact most evident during our recent debates about the war in Iraq, when those who opposed administration policy were tagged by some as unpatriotic, and a general providing his best counsel on how to move forward in Iraq was accused of betrayal.

Given the enormous challenges that lie before us, we can no longer afford these sorts of divisions. None of us expect that arguments about patriotism will, or should, vanish entirely; after all, when we argue about patriotism, we are arguing about who we are as a country, and more importantly, who we should be. But surely we can agree that no party or political philosophy has a monopoly on patriotism. And surely we can arrive at a definition of patriotism that, however rough and imperfect, captures the best of America’s common spirit.

What would such a definition look like? For me, as for most Americans, patriotism starts as a gut instinct, a loyalty and love for country rooted in my earliest memories. I’m not just talking about the recitations of the Pledge of Allegiance or the Thanksgiving pageants at school or the fireworks on the Fourth of July, as wonderful as those things may be. Rather, I’m referring to the way the American ideal wove its way throughout the lessons my family taught me as a child.

One of my earliest memories is of sitting on my grandfather’s shoulders and watching the astronauts come to shore in Hawaii. I remember the cheers and small flags that people waved, and my grandfather explaining how we Americans could do anything we set our minds to do. That’s my idea of America.

I remember listening to my grandmother telling stories about her work on a bomber assembly-line during World War II. I remember my grandfather handing me his dog-tags from his time in Patton’s Army, and understanding that his defense of this country marked one of his greatest sources of pride. That’s my idea of America.

I remember, when living for four years in Indonesia as a child, listening to my mother reading me the first lines of the Declaration of Independence—“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. That they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”I remember her explaining how this declaration applied to every American, black and white and brown alike; how those words, and words of the United States Constitution, protected us from the injustices that we witnessed other people suffering during those years abroad. That’s my idea of America.

As I got older, that gut instinct—that America is the greatest country on earth—would survive my growing awareness of our nation’s imperfections: its ongoing racial strife; the perversion of our political system laid bare during the Watergate hearings; the wrenching poverty of the Mississippi Delta and the hills of Appalachia. Not only because, in my mind, the joys of American life and culture, its vitality, its variety and its freedom, always outweighed its imperfections, but because I learned that what makes America great has never been its perfection but the belief that it can be made better. I came to understand that our revolution was waged for the sake of that belief—that we could be governed by laws, not men; that we could be equal in the eyes of those laws; that we could be free to say what we want and assemble with whomever we want and worship as we please; that we could have the right to pursue our individual dreams but the obligation to help our fellow citizens pursue theirs.

For a young man of mixed race, without firm anchor in any particular community, without even a father’s steadying hand, it is this essential American idea—that we are not constrained by the accident of birth but can make of our lives what we will—that has defined my life, just as it has defined the life of so many other Americans.

That is why, for me, patriotism is always more than just loyalty to a place on a map or a certain kind of people. Instead, it is also loyalty to America’s ideals—ideals for which anyone can sacrifice, or defend, or give their last full measure of devotion. I believe it is this loyalty that allows a country teeming with different races and ethnicities, religions and customs, to come together as one. It is the application of these ideals that separate us from Zimbabwe, where the opposition party and their supporters have been silently hunted, tortured or killed; or Burma, where tens of thousands continue to struggle for basic food and shelter in the wake of a monstrous storm because a military junta fears opening up the country to outsiders; or Iraq, where despite the heroic efforts of our military, and the courage of many ordinary Iraqis, even limited cooperation between various factions remains far too elusive.

I believe those who attack America’s flaws without acknowledging the singular greatness of our ideals, and their proven capacity to inspire a better world, do not truly understand America.

Of course, precisely because America isn’t perfect, precisely because our ideals constantly demand more from us, patriotism can never be defined as loyalty to any particular leader or government or policy. As Mark Twain, that greatest of American satirists and proud son of Missouri, once wrote, "Patriotism is supporting your country all the time, and your government when it deserves it." We may hope that our leaders and our government stand up for our ideals, and there are many times in our history when that’s occurred. But when our laws, our leaders or our government are out of alignment with our ideals, then the dissent of ordinary Americans may prove to be one of the truest expression of patriotism.

The young preacher from Georgia, Martin Luther King, Jr., who led a movement to help America confront our tragic history of racial injustice and live up to the meaning of our creed—he was a patriot. The young soldier who first spoke about the prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib—he is a patriot. Recognizing a wrong being committed in this country’s name; insisting that we deliver on the promise of our Constitution—these are the acts of patriots, men and women who are defending that which is best in America. And we should never forget that—especially when we disagree with them; especially when they make us uncomfortable with their words.

Beyond a loyalty to America’s ideals, beyond a willingness to dissent on behalf of those ideals, I also believe that patriotism must, if it is to mean anything, involve the willingness to sacrifice—to give up something we value on behalf of a larger cause. For those who have fought under the flag of this nation—for the young veterans I meet when I visit Walter Reed; for those like John McCain who have endured physical torment in service to our country—no further proof of such sacrifice is necessary. And let me also add that no one should ever devalue that service, especially for the sake of a political campaign, and that goes for supporters on both sides.

We must always express our profound gratitude for the service of our men and women in uniform. Indeed, one of the good things to emerge from the current conflict in Iraq has been the widespread recognition that whether you support this war or oppose it, the sacrifice of our troops is always worthy of honor.

For the rest of us—for those of us not in uniform or without loved ones in the military—the call to sacrifice for the country’s greater good remains an imperative of citizenship. Sadly, in recent years, in the midst of war on two fronts, this call to service never came. After 9/11, we were asked to shop. The wealthiest among us saw their tax obligations decline, even as the costs of war continued to mount. Rather than work together to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and thereby lessen our vulnerability to a volatile region, our energy policy remained unchanged, and our oil dependence only grew.

In spite of this absence of leadership from Washington, I have seen a new generation of Americans begin to take up the call. I meet them everywhere I go, young people involved in the project of American renewal; not only those who have signed up to fight for our country in distant lands, but those who are fighting for a better America here at home, by teaching in underserved schools, or caring for the sick in understaffed hospitals, or promoting more sustainable energy policies in their local communities.

I believe one of the tasks of the next Administration is to ensure that this movement towards service grows and sustains itself in the years to come. We should expand AmeriCorps and grow the Peace Corps. We should encourage national service by making it part of the requirement for a new college assistance program, even as we strengthen the benefits for those whose sense of duty has already led them to serve in our military.

We must remember, though, that true patriotism cannot be forced or legislated with a mere set of government programs. Instead, it must reside in the hearts of our people, and cultivated in the heart of our culture, and nurtured in the hearts of our children.

As we begin our fourth century as a nation, it is easy to take the extraordinary nature of America for granted. But it is our responsibility as Americans and as parents to instill that history in our children, both at home and at school. The loss of quality civic education from so many of our classrooms has left too many young Americans without the most basic knowledge of who our forefathers are, or what they did, or the significance of the founding documents that bear their names. Too many children are ignorant of the sheer effort, the risks and sacrifices made by previous generations, to ensure that this country survived war and depression; through the great struggles for civil, and social, and worker’s rights.

It is up to us, then, to teach them. It is up to us to teach them that even though we have faced great challenges and made our share of mistakes, we have always been able to come together and make this nation stronger, and more prosperous, and more united, and more just. It is up to us to teach them that America has been a force for good in the world, and that other nations and other people have looked to us as the last, best hope of Earth. It is up to us to teach them that it is good to give back to one’s community; that it is honorable to serve in the military; that it is vital to participate in our democracy and make our voices heard.

And it is up to us to teach our children a lesson that those of us in politics too often forget: that patriotism involves not only defending this country against external threat, but also working constantly to make America a better place for future generations. When we pile up mountains of debt for the next generation to absorb, or put off changes to our energy policies, knowing full well the potential consequences of inaction, we are placing our short-term interests ahead of the nation’s long-term well-being. When we fail to educate effectively millions of our children so that they might compete in a global economy, or we fail to invest in the basic scientific research that has driven innovation in this country, we risk leaving behind an America that has fallen in the ranks of the world. Just as patriotism involves each of us making a commitment to this nation that extends beyond our own immediate self-interest, so must that commitment extends beyond our own time here on earth.

Our greatest leaders have always understood this. They’ve defined patriotism with an eye toward posterity. George Washington is rightly revered for his leadership of the Continental Army, but one of his greatest acts of patriotism was his insistence on stepping down after two terms, thereby setting a pattern for those that would follow, reminding future presidents that this is a government of and by and for the people.

Abraham Lincoln did not simply win a war or hold the Union together. In his unwillingness to demonize those against whom he fought; in his refusal to succumb to either the hatred or self-righteousness that war can unleash; in his ultimate insistence that in the aftermath of war the nation would no longer remain half slave and half free; and his trust in the better angels of our nature—he displayed the wisdom and courage that sets a standard for patriotism.

And it was the most famous son of Independence, Harry S Truman, who sat in the White House during his final days in office and said in his Farewell Address: "When Franklin Roosevelt died, I felt there must be a million men better qualified than I, to take up the Presidential task…But through all of it, through all the years I have worked here in this room, I have been well aware than I did not really work alone—that you were working with me. No President could ever hope to lead our country, or to sustain the burdens of this office, save the people helped with their support."

In the end, it may be this quality that best describes patriotism in my mind—not just a love of America in the abstract, but a very particular love for, and faith in, the American people. That is why our heart swells with pride at the sight of our flag; why we shed a tear as the lonely notes of Taps sound. For we know that the greatness of this country—its victories in war, its enormous wealth, its scientific and cultural achievements—all result from the energy and imagination of the American people; their toil, drive, struggle, restlessness, humor and quiet heroism.

That is the liberty we defend—the liberty of each of us to pursue our own dreams. That is the equality we seek—not an equality of results, but the chance of every single one of us to make it if we try. That is the community we strive to build—one in which we trust in this sometimes messy democracy of ours, one in which we continue to insist that there is nothing we cannot do when we put our mind to it, one in which we see ourselves as part of a larger story, our own fates wrapped up in the fates of those who share allegiance to America’s happy and singular creed.

Thank you, God Bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.

在1775年4月的一个春晨，一小群殖民地的居民——农民和商人、铁匠和印刷工人、成年和未成年的男人，告别了他们在列克星敦和康克尔德的家，他们拿起武器开始反对英帝国的专制统治。他们获胜的机会极小，但风险极大——即使他们在战斗中能够幸存下来，如果最终结局是失败的话，他们都将面临叛国的指控而获绞刑。

虽然如此，他们还是决定试试。他们如此做不是为了一个部族或家族，而是为了一个更大的理想。即自由的理想，上天赋予的、不可剥夺的人权的理想。在那个意义重大的日子，随着这一声响彻世界的枪响，美国大革命，即美国实行民主的试验开始了。

列克星敦和康克尔德的那些人属于我们最早的爱国者。在庆祝我们国家诞辰的这一周开始之际，我认为不妨稍息片刻来思考爱国主义的意义——先人的和今人的爱国主义。我们有这样做部分是因为我们正处于战争之中，我们一百五十多万优秀的男女青年已在伊拉克和阿富汗服过兵役，六万人受伤，四千六百多人入土长眠。战争的费用非常高昂，围绕我们在伊拉克的使命的争论也非常激烈。有这么多人付出了牺牲，我们很自然地要更深刻地思考那些我们对国家和我们相互之间应尽的义务。

我们对这些问题进行思考的另一个原因是因为我们正处于一场大选的竞选之中，这可以说是一场近几代人以来最具决定性意义的竞选，一场关系到我们国家今后几年或许几十年发展方向的竞选。我们所进行的不仅是关于许多重大问题——健康保险、就业、能源、教育和退休保障的论争，也是关于价值观的论争。我们如何在保障我们人身和国家安全的同时，保有我们的自由？我们如何恢复一个越来越远离其人民，并越来越被特殊利益集团主宰的政府的公信力？我们如何保证在一个越来越全球化的经济情势下，获胜者对那些不那么幸运的人能尽其义务？我们如何在一个日趋多样化的时代解决我们的分歧？

最后，值得我们思考的是，爱国的意义是什么，因为谁是爱国者，或者谁不是爱国者这个问题，经常毒化了我们的政治论争，其结果是分化了我们而不是团结了我们。我在这次竞选的行程中对此已深有体会。在我一生中，我一直认为我对这个国家深切和坚定不移的爱是理所当然的。它事关我如何被抚养长大，它推动我投身于为公众服务，它让我参与了总统竞选。然而，在过去十六个月的某些时间里，我第一次发现人们怀疑我的爱国心——有些时候这是因为我疏忽而造成的，更多的时候这是某些人为了在政治上多捞好处而造成的，他们想让人对我是什么样的一个人以及我所主张的是什么感到害怕。所以，我现在明确宣布，在这次竞选中，我决不会怀疑别人的爱国主义；但当其他人置疑我的爱国主义时，我也决不会置若罔闻。

我关心此事不是纯粹基于我个人的考虑。毕竟在我们历史上，有许多比我声望和地位都高得多的男士女士，他们的爱国心在至关重大的争论中也都被怀疑过。托马斯·杰斐逊被联邦党人指责过私通法国。反联邦党人同样相信约翰·亚当斯串通英国企图复辟帝制。如出一辙的是，即便我们最具智慧的总统也曾经借爱国的名义来为他们有问题的政策辩护。亚当斯颁布的客籍法与惩治煽动法、林肯中止的人身保护令、罗斯福对日裔美国人的监禁——这些都被辩解为爱国的表现，凡不同意他们政策的人有些时候被扣上了不爱国的帽子。

换句话说，利用爱国主义作为一把政治宝剑或一张政治盾牌的做法由来已久——与我们的共和国同样长久。虽然如此，今天有关爱国主义的争辩，很突出的一点是它仍起源于二十世纪六十年代的文化冲突，其所提出的论点可以追溯到四十年或更多年前。在早期民权运动与反越战时期，不想改变国家现状的人指责任何怀疑国家政策是否明智的人为不爱国。同时，那些二十世纪六十年代所谓“反主流文化”的人，对这个指责所作出的反应是不仅仅批评政府某些特定的政策，而且还攻击美国的象征，极端的例子是攻击美国观念的象征，即焚烧国旗，还把世界所有的问题都归咎于美国，也许最不幸的是，他们没有给予那些从越南退役下来的军人应有的荣誉，直到今天这仍是我们民族的一个耻辱。

大部分美国人从未附和过这种过分简单化的世界观，这种对左派与右派漫画式的界定。大部分美国人明白一个人表示出不同意见并不等于他不爱国，他们也明白一个人对美国传统与固有象征的讽刺挖苦并不一定代表他有多聪慧和高明。但是，那个时期的愤怒与动荡不安从没完全消失。我们的政治仍旧经常地陷于那些陈腐之见中，这在我们最近有关伊拉克战争的争论中特别突显出来。譬如那些反对政府政策的人被扣上了不爱国的帽子，一位将军为了在伊拉克取得胜利提出他最善良的建议却被指责为背叛之举。

考虑到我们所面临的巨大挑战，我们再也不能容忍这种分裂了。没有人会期望有关爱国主义的争吵会消失。毕竟在我们争吵有关爱国主义的时候，我们争吵的是作为一个国家我们是什么样的人，而更重要的，是我们应该是什么样的人。我们大家可以同意的是，没有任何一种党或者任何一个政治哲学可以对爱国主义思想进行垄断。我们最终也能够对爱国主义下一个体现美国共有精神中最可贵成分的定义，不管其是多么粗糙和不完美。

这个定义会是一个什么样的定义？对我和大部分美国人来说，爱国最初是一种本能感觉，这种我对国家的忠诚和热爱起源于我最早的记忆。我指的不仅仅是对‘效忠国旗宣言’的朗诵、对学校感恩节的庆典或对7月4日（美国国庆节）放烟火的记忆——尽管它们是那么美妙。我更想指出的是，我在孩提时期所受的家庭教育如何使我接纳了美国的理想。

我最早的记忆之一是坐在外公肩上观看我们的宇航员登上夏威夷海滩。我记得人们的欢呼声以及他们挥动的小旗子。我外公向我解释说我们美国人只要想做什么事就必定能做到。那就是我脑中的美国。

我记得听我外婆讲她在二战时在一个轰炸机组装线上的工作经历。我记得我外公给我看他在巴顿将军部队服役时的士兵证。他让我知道他的卫国之举是他最感光荣自豪的源泉之一。那就是我脑中的美国。

我记得我小时候在印尼住了四年。我听妈妈给我读《独立宣言》开头的几个句子：“我们认为下列真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生存、自由和追求幸福。”我记得她给我解释这个宣言适用于每个美国人，黑皮肤的、白皮肤的、褐色皮肤的都适用，里头的字句，还有美国宪法的字句如何保护我们不受不公正的对待，正如那些年我和她在海外时所见到的其他人所遭受的那样。那就是我脑中的美国。

在我大了一些的时候，我这个本能感觉——美国是世界上最伟大的国家，没有由于我察觉到我们国家的种种不完善之处而有所削减：譬如持续不断的种族纠纷、在水门事件中暴露出来的我们政治制度的扭曲和密西西比河三角洲与阿巴拉契亚山脉地区令人痛心的贫困。这不仅是因为在我心里我觉得美国生活和文化中的乐趣、生命力、多样性、自由盖过其一切不完善之处，还因为我体悟到美国从来就不是由于它的完美，而是由于人们坚信它能被塑造成一个更美好的国家而变得伟大。我逐渐明白，我们先辈就是为了这个信念而发起了一场革命，为了我们受治于法而不是受治于人，为了我们可以在法律面前人人平等，为了我们可以自由言论，可以自由与他人集会，可以自由信仰我们之所爱，以及为了我们享有追求个人梦想的权利并能够帮助别人追求他们梦想。

我是一个不同种族的混血青年，在任何种族社团都没有坚实的依靠，甚至没有一只父亲的有力之手的扶助。但对我来说，就是这样一个基本的美国观念，即我们并不受我们出生的偶然性主宰，而可以凭我们的意志来塑造我们的人生，这样一个基本的美国观念决定了我的一生，就像它决定了许许多多其他美国人的一生一样。

这就是为什么对我来说，爱国的含义不仅仅是对地图上的一处地方或对某一类人们表示忠诚，实际上，爱国是对美国的理想表示忠诚——那些任何人都可以为之牺牲、献出一切的理想。我认为这样的忠诚最适合使我们这样一个多种族、多宗教、多习俗的国家合为一体。正是把这些理想付诸于实践，我们才有别于津巴布韦，在那个国家，反对党及其支持者被秘密地搜捕、折磨或杀害；才有别于缅甸，在那个国家，几十万人在一场巨大灾害面前为基本生计挣扎着，就因为一个军人政权害怕把国家对外开放；也有别于伊拉克，在那个国家，尽管我们军人已付出了巨大努力，许许多多伊拉克老百姓也表现出了勇气，不同派系之间的合作，哪怕是有限的，还是难以看到。

我认为那些攻击美国缺点的人并没有真正了解美国，他们没有认识到我们独一无二的伟大的理想以及已获得证实的能激励人们创造一个更美好世界的能力。

当然，恰恰是因为美国并不是一个完美的国家，也恰恰是因为我们的理想不断要求我们做出更多的付出，我们不能把“爱国”定义为对某一位领导人、对某一个政府或对某一种政策的忠诚。马克·吐温，这位美国最伟大的讽刺作家、让密苏里州感到自豪的儿子曾写道：“爱国就是任何时候都支持你的国家，也支持你的政府——但只在这个政府值得你支持的时候。”我们可以期望我们的领导人和我们的政府能捍卫我们的理想，这在我们国家的历史上确实发生过很多次。但是，当我们的法律、我们的领导人或者我们的政府背离了我们的理想的时候，那么普通美国老百姓发出的反对声将成为各种最真实的爱国表现之一。

马丁·路德·金，这位乔治亚州的年轻牧师曾领导过一场运动来促使美国直面其种族不公的悲剧历史中，他也立身行道，始终如一地坚守我们国家的信条——他是一位爱国者。那位首先说出阿布格莱布监狱（美军在伊拉克管治的监狱）对犯人施加虐待的年轻美国兵——他是一位爱国者。认识到以我们国家名义犯下的错误，坚持兑现我们宪法的承诺——这都是爱国者的行为，都是爱国的男男女女为了捍卫美国最可贵之处的行为。这是我们绝不能够忘却的——即使我们与他们有意见分歧，即使他们的话让我们难堪。

对美国理想的忠诚，为了这些理想而愿意发出反对声，除了这些爱国行为之外，我认为爱国若有任何意义的话，必须包含准备牺牲的意愿——准备为一个更崇高的目标而舍弃我们所珍惜的东西。对那些在我们国旗下进行过战斗的人，如我在瓦尔特·里德军医中心碰到的年轻战士以及如约翰·麦凯恩（奥巴马的竞选对手）那样的为了报效国家而甘受肉体折磨的人，我们无需他们拿出更多的证据来证明他们所作出的牺牲。让我再补充一点，不管任何人都不应该贬低他们所作出的贡献，尤其不应该是为了政治竞选而干这种事，双方阵营的支持者都应注意这一点。

对我们穿上军服的男男女女所作出的服务贡献，我们应该深深地感激。实际上，目前有关伊拉克战争的争论所显现出来的好事中有一个就是，不管你支持或反对这场战争，我们军队所作出的牺牲是永远值得尊敬的。

对我们其他人——对我们这些不穿军服或在军队里没有至亲至爱的人，为国家更大的利益做出牺牲仍然是公民的一种义不容辞的责任。可悲的是，近些年，尽管我们处在两场战争之中，这种呼唤大家作出贡献的声音已听不到。“9·11”事件之后，叫我们做的事都是去拣便宜。虽然战争的经费不断攀升，我们之中最富有的人却享有赋税义务的减免。本来我们应该通过协调合作来减少对进口石油的依赖，从而使我们在那些风云莫测的产油区面前不显得那么脆弱，但我们的能源政策却一成不变，造成我们对石油依赖性的增加。

尽管华盛顿方面的领导缺位，但我观察到新一代的美国人正响应这种呼唤，我在走到的每个地方都碰到过他们。年轻人投身于美国复兴的项目，这不仅仅有那些为了我们国家的利益而报名到遥远国家作战的人，还有那些在家乡本土为一个更美好的美国而斗争的人。他们或者到师资匮乏的学校执教，或者到医务人员短缺的医院照顾病人，或者在他们地方社区为更具可持续性能源政策做宣传。

我认为下一届政府的一个任务就是保证这么一个让人投身于服务的运动能够在未来持续发展。我们应扩大“美国队”和发展“和平队”。我们应该鼓励人们为国家服务，将它作为新的大学援助计划要求的一部分，即使我们对那些服务于军队的人已增加补助。

然而，我们必须记住的是，真正的爱国不能通过一系列政府计划强制性地或以立法方式来推行。相反，爱国思想必须常驻于我们心中，栽培于我们的文化中，培育于我们孩子的心中。

在我们作为一个国家进入第四个世纪之际，我们很容易把美国的卓越性视为理所当然。但我们的家长有责任通过家庭和学校，把美国的历史逐渐灌输到孩子的头脑中。我们很多学校缺乏良好的公民知识教育，许多美国青年不知道我们先辈的事迹，也不知道他们制定的奠定我国基础的文献的意义。先辈们全力以赴冒着风险做出牺牲，使我国打赢了战争，度过了经济萧条，获得了争取民权、社会权利和工人权利的伟大斗争的胜利，而许多儿童却对这一切一无所知。

我们需要教育孩子，让他们知道尽管我们面临严重的挑战，尽管我们犯过错误，我们一定能团结起来，使我国变得更加强大，更加兴旺，更加团结，更加公平。我们需要教育他们，美国已成为世界上一支追求美好的力量，被其他国家和民族视为地球上最终的希望。我们需要教育他们，返回自己社区服务是好事，在军队服役很光荣，参与民主政治活动发出自己的声音至关紧要。

我们需要教育孩子，使他们明白一个从政者经常忘记的道理：爱国主义不仅包括保卫我国不受外来威胁，还包括坚持工作，使子孙后代有一个更美好的美国。我们把债务积累如山，等待下一代去偿还，或者明知后果而拒不改变能源政策，这都是把短期利益置于国家长远福利之上。如果我们不能通过教育使上百万美国儿童在全球化经济中具有竞争力，或者不能投资基础科学研究以推动我国的科技创新，我们就可能使美国在世界排名中后退。正如爱国主义要求我们所有人把国家利益置于个人的眼前利益之上，它还要求我们把子孙后代的利益置于我们自己的利益之上。

我们的最伟大的领袖们明白这个道理。他们对爱国主义的定义着眼于未来。乔治．华盛顿因为领导大陆军而得到尊敬，但他的一项最伟大的爱国行动就是在担任两届总统之后坚决离职，为后来的总统树立一个模式，并提醒后来的总统，这是一个为人民所有、受人民统治和为人民谋利益的政府。（注：旧译为民有、民治、民享）

亚伯拉罕·林肯不仅打赢了一场战争，捍卫了美国的统一，而且不愿妖魔化他的战场对手，拒绝屈从于战争带来的仇恨或自以为是，坚持战后的美国不能继续保持那种一半奴隶一半自由人的制度。他相信我们天性中较好的一面，他的智慧与勇气为我们树立了一个爱国主义的典范。

哈里·杜鲁门离职前在白宫的告别演说中说：“富兰克林·罗斯福逝世时，我感觉应该有一百万人比我更有资格担任总统。但经过了所有这一切，经过我在这间办公室工作的所有岁月，我清楚地认识到我确实不是一个人在工作，你们在与我一道工作。没有人民的帮助和支持，任何总统都不能指望领导这个国家，或者承担这个职务的重担。”

最后，最能准确描述我心目中的爱国主义的可能是下列品质——不仅抽象地爱美国，而且对美国人民有一种特别的爱和信心。我一看见我们的国旗就豪情满怀，一听到悲哀孤寂的葬礼号声就热泪盈眶，原因就在于此。因为我们知道我们国家的伟大，它在战争中的凯旋，它巨大的财富，它在科技与文化上的成就，这一切都是美国人民的精力与想象力的结晶；是他们的辛劳，他们的勇往直前，他们的奋斗，他们的不懈努力，幽默感和默默无闻的英雄主义精神的结晶。

这就是我们要捍卫的自由——我们每个人追求自己梦想的自由。这就是我们要追求的平等——不是结果的平等，而是让每个人有平等的机会去尝试获得成功。这就是我们要努力建设的社会——一个让我们抱有信心但有时候有点混乱的民主的社会，一个让我们坚信有志者事竟成的社会，一个让我们看到我们每个人都是一项伟大事业的组成部分，我们以及那些同样宣誓效忠于美国幸福和其独一无二信念的人们的命运休戚与共的社会。

谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑您，愿上帝保佑美利坚共和国。

第三节  精彩语录

Finally, it is worth considering the meaning of patriotism because the question of who is—or is not—a patriot all too often poisons our political debates, in ways that divide us rather than bringing us together.

最后，值得我们思考的是，爱国的意义是什么，因为谁是爱国者，或者谁不是爱国者这个问题，经常毒化了我们的政治论争，其结果是分化了我们而不是团结了我们。

Patriotism is always more than just loyalty to a place on a map or a certain kind of people. Instead, it is also loyalty to America’s ideals——ideals for which anyone can sacrifice, or defend, or give their last full measure of devotion. I believe it is this loyalty that allows a country teeming with different races and ethnicities, religions and customs, to come together as one.

爱国的含义不仅仅是对地图上的一处地方或对某一类人们表示忠诚，实际上，爱国是对美国的理想表示忠诚——那些任何人都可以为之牺牲、献出一切的理想。我认为这样的忠诚最适合使我们这样一个多种族、多宗教、多习俗的国家合为一体。

For the rest of us——for those of us not in uniform or without loved ones in the military——the call to sacrifice for the country’s greater good remains an imperative of citizenship.

对我们其他人——对我们这些不穿军服或在军队里没有至亲至爱的人，为国家更大的利益做出牺牲仍然是公民的一种义不容辞的责任。

And it is up to us to teach our children a lesson that those of us in politics too often forget: that patriotism involves not only defending this country against external threat, but also working constantly to make America a better place for future generations.

真正的爱国不能通过一系列政府计划强制性地或以立法方式来推行。相反，爱国思想必须常驻于我们心中，栽培于我们的文化中，培育于我们孩子的心中。

That is the liberty we defend——the liberty of each of us to pursue our own dreams. That is the equality we seek——not an equality of results, but the chance of every single one of us to make it if we try. That is the community we strive to build——one in which we trust in this sometimes messy democracy of ours, one in which we continue to insist that there is nothing we cannot do when we put our mind to it, one in which we see ourselves as part of a larger story, our own fates wrapped up in the fates of those who share allegiance to America’s happy and singular creed.

这就是我们要捍卫的自由——我们每个人追求自己梦想的自由。这就是我们要追求的平等——不是结果的平等，而是让我们每个人有平等的机会去尝试获得成功。这就是我们要努力建设的社会——一个让我们抱有信心但有时候有点混乱的民主的社会，一个让我们坚信有志者事竟成的社会，一个让我们看到我们每个人都是一项伟大事业的组成部分，我们以及那些同样宣誓效忠于美国幸福和其独一无二信念的人们的命运休戚与共的社会。

第六章  美国的变革时代已经到来

第一节  背景介绍

2008年11月4日，美国诞生了历史上第一位黑人总统——奥巴马。

一时间兴奋、期待、希望、疑惑……各种复杂的情感交织在了一起，其中变革的希望似乎更让人翘首以盼。因为这个时代已经被赋予了太多的无奈，面对机遇和挑战，变革则是必由之路。而奥巴马的横空出世，不仅使“我们需要变革”成了他的最佳广告，而且他的思想、他的作为也已经成了变革的“符号”。

根据已公布的四十八个州和华盛顿特区计票结果，奥巴马攻下二十七个州和华盛顿特区共349张选举人票，远超出中选所需的270张选举人票，共和党对手麦凯恩拿下二十一个州共163张选举人票。两人在北卡罗来纳州和密苏里州票数接近，成绩有待分晓。这两个州加起来共有26张选举人票。

选票方面，奥巴马得票率52%，麦凯恩47%。

麦凯恩在美国东部时间4日午夜前确定大势已去之后，从老家阿利桑那州打电话祝贺奥巴马当选。然后向支持者发表演说，表示尊重国人的选择及理解这场胜利对美国黑人的意义，并表明会协助奥巴马应付未来的挑战。

布什总统则从白宫打电话向奥巴马道贺，保证顺利移交政权，并邀请奥巴马和家人及早到白宫做客。

奥巴马当选消息传开之后，群众纷纷走上街头欢庆胜利，许多人在白宫外面集合，庆祝不得人心的布什政府即将下台。

在芝加哥，奥巴马在如潮般的掌声和呼唤声中，带着妻子和两个女儿出现在竞选总部的舞台上，向二十万支持者发表胜利演说，声称：“虽然等待了很长时间，但在今晚这一决定性时刻，由于我们在这次选举中的努力，美国终于迎来了变革。”

2008年11月4日晚，新上任的美国总统奥巴马在故乡芝加哥发表胜选感言。他说，美国目前主要面临三大挑战：伊拉克和阿富汗战争，百年一遇的经济危机以及全球环境问题。

关于未来，奥巴马说：“未来的路还很长，而且我们正在艰难地攀登在陡峭的山坡上，我们未必能够在一年或是一个总统任期内达到目标，但美国肯定可以。我们肯定可以达到目标，此前我从未有今天晚上的如此信心，我向你们承诺，我们肯定可以。”

“是的，我们可以。”台下支持者高喊口号，回答奥巴马。

奥巴马说，未来他还有很多艰巨的任务需要完成，如解决金融危机，结束伊拉克战争，给更多人提供健康保险，给孩子们修建更多学校等。

奥巴马在选举中保住了民主党候选人克里在上届大选中拿下的各州，并夺下布什在上届大选赢得的俄亥俄州、佛罗里达州、弗吉尼亚州、艾奥瓦州、新墨西哥州、内华达州和科罗拉多州，奠定胜局，麦凯恩守土无功，饮恨沙场。

奥巴马和民主党控制的新国会面对强大压力，为实现竞选诺言，奥巴马曾许诺当选后和盟国密切合作，恢复美国在世界舞台的领导地位，在十六个月内从伊拉克撤军和增兵阿富汗。

但他最急切的要务是应对金融危机。他建议通过另一轮耗资1750亿美元的经济刺激配套，整顿经济，包括拨款兴建基础设施和进一步减税。

一切都在紧张而急切地等待着奥巴马的领导与抉择。

第二节  奥巴马于2008年11月4日在芝加哥格兰特公园的演讲

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voice could be that difference.

It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled—Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.

It’s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.

I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation’s next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us to the White House. And while she’s no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics—you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to—it belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington—it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy, who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth. This is your victory.

I know you didn’t do this just to win an election and I know you didn’t do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime—two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor’s bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America—I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you—we as a people will get there.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can’t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it’s been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years—block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek—it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers—in this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House—a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity. Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, “We are not enemies, but friends though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.” And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn—I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world—our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down—we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security—we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright—tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.

For that is the true genius of America—that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing—Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old. She was born just a generation past slavery, a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky, when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons—because she was a woman and because of the colour of her skin.

And tonight, I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America—the heartache and the hope, the struggle and the progress, the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.

At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves—if our children should live to see the next century, if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubts, and those who tell us that we can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes We Can.

Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.

美国是否暗藏一切皆有可能的巨大潜力？美国是否已经实现开国者锻造的美国梦？民主信仰是否具有强大力量？如果还有人对此报以怀疑，那么今晚这里发生的一切就是答案。

学校旁、教堂边无数人都在排队投票，这一情景我们已经多年未见；三个小时、四个小时他们为此而等候良久，这是很多同胞有生以来的第一次。因为他们相信，这一次将不同以往，这一次他们的呼声有所不同。

无论老少贫富，无论共和党抑或民主党，不管是黑人、白人、拉丁后裔、亚裔子孙还是本土美国人，无论性向如何，不管健康抑或残疾，所有的美国人民都向全世界传递出这样一条信息：我们从来都不是红蓝阵营的政治堆砌，我们是，而且永远是，美利坚合众国。

长期以来，很多人缺乏信心，对自己所能取得的成就畏首畏尾、疑心重重。如今，我们走在历史的长河里，挺起胸膛，勾勒出美好明天的光辉画卷。

此情此景，等待尤长。然而，就在今晚，在这个大选的日子，在这个具有历史性意义的时刻，由于你们的付出，美国终于迎来了变革。

刚刚我接到了麦凯恩参议员很有风度的祝贺电话。为了此次竞选，他奋战良久、竭尽所能；为了他所深爱的美国，他曾作出了更长久、更努力的奉献。麦凯恩参议员为美国所作出的牺牲是大部分人难以想象的，他这种英勇无私的奉献改善了我们的生活。对于麦凯恩参议员和佩林州长所取得的成就，我对他们致以祝贺。在接下来的几个月里，以重振美国为目标，我期待着与他们的合作。

在此，我想感谢一路陪伴我的竞选搭档，他就是我们即将上任的副总统乔·拜登。为了让美国广大的工人阶层发出自己的声音，他毫无私心地全身心投入竞选，因为他和那些宾夕法尼亚州斯克兰顿城街头的人们一样，出身平凡，一切白手起家。

如果没有米歇尔·奥巴马，美国准第一夫人的坚定支持，今晚，我就不会站在这儿了。我们相伴走过了十六个春秋，她是我们整个家庭的顶梁柱，我一生的挚爱。还有萨沙和玛利亚，我爱你们，你们姊妹俩终于可以带着你们的新宠物狗入主白宫了。我知道就像我的其他已故亲属一样，外祖母一定也在某处注视着我，虽然她已经不在人世。是他们造就了今天的我。今晚我很想念他们，我对他们的亏欠无以计量。

我想对我的竞选经理大卫·普劳夫、首席战略师大卫·阿克塞尔罗德以及我们这个史上最佳的竞选团队说，是你们让这一切成为了现实，对于你们为此所作的牺牲和付出我永远感怀在心。

然而，有一点是最重要的，那就是我永远都不会忘记，真正拥有这个胜利的是你们，你们所有人！

对于入主白宫，我从来都不是最热候选人。竞选伊始，我们的资金并不充裕，获得的支持也不多。我们的竞选班子并非始于华府，而是一路从艾奥瓦州的得梅因酒店后院辗转北卡罗莱纳州的康克酒店客房，后来会首在西弗吉尼亚州查尔斯顿酒店的主厅。

我们的胜利来自于广大工薪阶级，正是他们从仅有的微薄存款里掏出5美元、10美元或者20美元来支持我们的竞选。我们的力量来自于摘下冷漠面罩的年轻一代，来自于夜以继日奋力工作以维持生计的下层百姓，来自于冒着严寒酷暑、户户敲门宣传的团队中流砥柱，更来自于成千上万的大选志愿者。他们用出色的奉献精神和组织能力证明了一个民有、民治、民享的政府在两百年后仍然保持着生命力。这就是你们的胜利！

我明白你们所做的这些，并不仅仅是为了赢得这次竞选，也不单单只是为了我本人。你们之所以这么做，是因为你们懂得前方任务的艰巨。即使我们今晚沉浸于庆祝的喜悦之中，我们也深知明天面临的将是我们这辈子最为艰巨的挑战：两场战争、濒临危险的地球和百年一遇的金融危机；即使今晚我们安然站在此处，我们也深知那些深陷伊拉克沙漠和阿富汗山区的英勇美国战士，是为了我们而冒着生命危险。还有那些孩子早已熟睡、自己却辗转反侧的人父人母，他们夜不能寐，想着如何还清房贷、如何支付医药费以及给孩子存下大学经费。我们要掌握新能源，创造就业岗位，建造新校舍，正视存在的威胁，并修复与盟友的关系。

前方的道路很漫长，我们将步履维艰。我们也许无法在一年内，甚至是一个任期内，达成我们的目标。但是，今晚，我比任何时候都对此更有信心。我承诺，我们所有人将作为一个整体顺利地到达目的地。

我们将不可避免地遭遇许多挫折，也许开头并不会一帆风顺。我们需要弄明白一点，那就是政府无法解决所有的问题，也许有很多人不会同意我上台执政后制定的政策。不过，我将坦诚地接受各方的批评，直面我们的挑战。我将倾听你们的意见，尤其是不同的政见。总之，我邀请各位一同投入到国家的建设中来，用我们勤劳的双手堆砌建设这个国家所需的砖瓦。正是这一方式，使美国在二百二十一年的建国道路上不断前行。

我在二十一个月前的深冬开始为竞选做出的努力并不会在今晚画上句号。我们所追求的并不是这场选举的胜利，这仅仅是为我们提供了一个做出变革的机会。如果回到过去的老路，我们将无法做出任何改变。当然，如果没有你们，一切都无法发生。

所以，让我们一同唤醒自己的爱国心，唤醒为国效力的责任感。我们将一起披星戴月，披荆斩棘向前行进，我们需要照顾的不再只有我们自己，而是每一个人。这次的金融危机让我们认识到一个事实，如果大众受苦受难，华尔街就不可能繁华似锦。我们必须携手与共、共同经历这个国家的荣辱兴衰。

长期以来，两党隔阂以及不成熟的狭隘主义造成了我们现在的失败政策，所以让我们一同抵制住这种倾向，避免回到那条老路。请记住，这个国家有一个民主党人将第一次手扛民主和共和两党旗帜迈向白宫。充满自信，崇尚个人自由，维护国家团结将是我们共同追求的价值观。尽管民主党在今晚取得了压倒性的胜利，但是我们将继续带着谦卑前行，愈合这个国家因分裂受到的创伤。社会的分裂曾经阻碍我们国家前行的脚步。正如林肯总统在1861年的反国家分裂的演说中说道：“我们不是敌人而是朋友，我们决不能成为敌人。尽管目前的情绪有些紧张，但决不能容许它使我们之间的亲密情感纽带破裂。”我要告诉那些没有将选票投给我的朋友，也许我没有赢得你们的选票，但我将聆听你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，因为我同样将成为你们的总统。

我要告诉那些在美国大陆以外关注今晚选举的人们，也许你们在一个被世界遗忘的角落通过收音机了解今晚的选举，尽管我们的国情不一样，但是我们的命运是紧紧联系在一起的。一个全新的美国领导层即将呼之欲出。我要告诉那些试图破坏这个世界的人们，我们将打败你们！我要告诉那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们将全力支持你们！我要告诉那些对美国的未来持怀疑态度的人们，今晚，我们再次证明了一个事实，那就是这个国家拥有强大的力量，这并不是因为我们拥有众多的武器和财富。民主、自由、机遇、坚定不屈的希望才是这个国家保持强大的持久力量！

美国强大的真谛在于它能够做出改变，我们的国家可以变得更加完美。我们过去所达到的成就让我们看到了前进的希望。

本届选举创造了多项历史之最，有许多故事将代代相传。但此时此刻，我脑海中想起的是一名来自亚特兰大的选民，这位名叫安妮·尼克松·库珀的女性和千千万万的选民一样，静静地站在投票队伍之中，投出自己的选票，表达自己的声音。不过，与众不同的是，她已经一百零六岁高龄了。在她出生的年代，公路上没有汽车，天空中没有飞机。像她一样的人仅仅因为肤色和性别就被挡在参与投票的大门之外。

今晚，我由此联想到了她一个世纪以来，在美国见证的一切：困苦与希望，奋斗与进步。那是一个让人无能为力的年代，但人们必须不断告诉自己美国的伟大信条：是的，我们可以！

曾经，女性无法表达自己的意见，她们的希望成为幻影。如今，她终于见证了这一幕，和她一样有着悲惨遭遇的人们成功地投出了自己的选票。是的，我们可以！

当整个美国大陆都笼罩在经济大萧条的绝望之中时，她见证了一个国家战胜自身恐惧重新崛起，罗斯福总统推行的“新政”不仅给美国带来了新的就业机会，更给美国人民带来了共同的价值观。是的，我们可以！

当敌人的炮弹投向我们的港口，当世界被暴政所威胁，她见证了一个崛起的民族，民主重获新生。是的，我们可以！

她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，而后，来自亚特兰大的民权先驱告诉人们：“我们可以战胜这一切”。是的，我们可以！

而后，人类登月，柏林墙倒塌，世界重新集结在科学和想象力的号角下。现在，在这场选举中她终于用自己的指尖触碰到投票屏幕，郑重地投下选票。饱经一百零六年的沧桑变化，穿越岁月的风云变迁，她知道美国能做出怎样的改变。是的，我们可以！

美国，我们风雨兼程一路走来。我们经历了太多，但前方仍有许多梦想等待着我们去实现。今晚，让我们大声地问自己，如果我们的孩子能看到下一个世纪；如果我可爱的女儿能和安妮·尼克松·库珀一样幸运，享受漫长的人生，他们将看到怎样的变革？我们将取得怎样的进步？

这是我们给出答案的机会。这是属于我们的时刻。这是我们的时代：让人们有事可做；为我们的孩子打开机遇之门；推动世界和平与繁荣；再次锻造美国梦，重申这一不可动摇的事实——虽然我们每个人不尽相同，但我们是一个整体，只要我们呼吸尚存，希望就永不磨灭。我们将用那历经时间考验的不朽信条掷地有声地直面质疑：“是的，我们可以！”

谢谢！上帝保佑你们，保佑美利坚合众国！

第三节  精彩语录

But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it's been done in America for 221 years—block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

但我也会向你们诚恳地交待我们所面临的挑战。我会认真听从你们的建议，尤其是意见不一致的时候。总之，我邀请你们加入到国家的重建工作之中。二百二十一年来，我们的国家就是这样一砖一瓦，一点一滴地建造起来的。

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other.

所以，让我们一同唤醒自己的爱国心，唤醒为国效力的责任感。我们将一起披星戴月，披荆斩棘向前行进，我们需要照顾的不再只有我们自己，而是每一个人。

This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope. And where we are met with cynicism, and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.

这是我们的时代：让人们有事可做；为我们的孩子打开机遇之门；推动世界和平与繁荣；再次锻造美国梦，重申这一不可动摇的事实——虽然我们每个人不尽相同，但我们是一个整体，只要我们呼吸尚存，希望就永不磨灭。我们将用那历经时间考验的不朽信条掷地有声地直面质疑：“是的，我们可以！”

第七章  自由的新生

第一节  背景介绍

2007年至2009年的环球金融危机，又称世界金融危机、次贷危机、信用危机，并于2008年起名为金融海啸及华尔街海啸等，是一场在2007年8月9日开始浮现的金融危机。自次级房屋信贷危机爆发后，投资者开始对按揭证券的价值失去信心，引发流动性危机。即使多国中央银行多次向金融市场注入巨额资金，也无法阻止这场金融危机的爆发。直到2008年9月9日，这场金融危机开始失控，并导致多家大型金融机构倒闭或被政府接管。

由次债危机引发的美国金融危机愈演愈烈，到目前为止已经有数家大型投行及金融机构在危机中轰然倒塌或被对手兼并，华尔街人人自危。美国金融危机不仅引发美国国内的金融恐慌，也引起世界主要金融市场的担忧和震荡。人们担心这场金融危机可能会导致二十世纪三十年代那场经济大萧条悲剧重演，把美国乃至世界的经济推向动荡深渊。

出于此种担忧，华盛顿高层，从布什总统到财政部长鲍尔森，以及联邦储备委员会主席伯南特，一致希望采取紧急措施应对危机进行“救市”。除去鲍尔森大手笔进行救助的几家金融机构外，最近在布什总统的支持下他又抛出了7000亿美元的救市计划。

华尔街的金融动荡除了引起美国政府高层的高度关注与积极行动，也影响到当时正在紧张进行的总统大选。共和党总统候选人麦凯恩甚至一度宣布中断总统竞选回到国会商讨应对金融危机的对策，展示其“领导能力和责任感”。在定于9月26日（美国时间）的首场总统候选人的辩论前夕，麦凯恩甚至一度表示为了应对危机，不惜不参加首场辩论。当然最后麦凯恩还是如期赴会，参加了首场总统辩论。民主党总统候选人奥巴马在一开始本来拒绝中断总统竞选，表示“作为总统意味着能够同时处理几件事”，但在麦凯恩已经中断竞选回到国会山，小布什又亲自致电要求两位总统候选人赴国会共商国事的情况下，只得如期赴会。

不过，这次“三巨头”聚会国会山并没有取得预期效果。虽然布什在最后不厌其烦地向国会议员渲染此次金融危机的严峻性，表示如果不采取紧急救市计划，美国经济将面临严重危机，给美国人的生活造成严重影响。众议院多数党领袖民主党人佩洛西以及少数党领袖共和党人约翰博纳也在众议院投票表决前进行动员，但在9月29日（美国时间）举行的众议院投票表决中，结果以228对205票挫败了布什总统的7000亿美元救市计划。在进行投票的众议员中，投赞成票的，民主党共140票，共和党只有65票。

这样的投票结果，不仅让布什总统深感失望，也导致人们对于国会议员的一片指责。投票结束后，美国国会就收到如雪片般飞来的电子邮件与电话，其中绝大多数是对美国国会议员的指责与质问，指责他们不负责任。在10月1日发行的《华盛顿邮报》中，有一篇文章对此投票结果作出评价，认为这不仅仅是救市计划的失败，也意味着布什总统、财政部长、国会两党主席的失败，甚至是两位总统候选人，特别是麦凯恩的失败。布什总统的救市计划遭到主要是本党议员的反对和挫败，说明这位“跛脚鸭”已经基本上失去本党的支持，毫无威信可言，这也表明本党议员对布什总统非常不满与失望，这次投票在某种意义上也算是对布什执政的打分投票。这投票似乎也与布什在民调中的结果相呼应，在《华盛顿邮报》与ABC新闻举行的联合调查中，对布什的支持率仅为26%，而不支持率占70%，后者在美国历史上绝无仅有。

救市计划受挫也是国会共和、民主党两位主席的失败，因为尽管两者在投票前都对本党及对方进行了宣传演说并做了大量工作，但投票结果却不啻是一记耳光，说明他们各自对本党的影响力极其有限。同时这也是麦凯恩的失败，因为此前他曾中断选举要进行救市，但却未能对投票结果有任何影响，甚至未能改变来自他本州的共和党议员的投票倾向，后者全部投反对票。当然这也是财政部长鲍尔森的失败，表明至少他没有把救市计划向国会议员和美国民众说明清楚，让后者认为救市计划是拿纳税人的钱挽救那些贪得无厌、不负责任的华尔街高管，是劫贫济富，使那些有可能打算投票支持的议员投鼠忌器，不敢投赞成票。

众议院的投票结果加剧了人们的恐慌心理，就在投票结果出来的当天，美国道琼斯股指暴跌778点，下挫7%，甚至超过9·11恐怖袭击对美国股市的重创。美国股市的重挫还波及全球，导致全球主要股市巨幅下挫。这一结果对美国大选议题设置、选民投票偏好无疑会产生影响。民调显示，民众更为关心哪位总统候选人能够处理好美国的经济问题。而在经济议题上，民主党人奥巴马无疑占据优势，因为选民认为民主党更会处理经济问题，民调结果表明，民众认为奥巴马更理解美国的经济问题。

2009年年初，在总统就职演讲中，奥巴马宣称美国在迎接一个新的责任时代的到来。实际上，很多美国人也确实认为新时代到来了。但通过对密执安大学社会研究所最新发布的《美国全国选举研究》关于2008年总统选举前后的民意测验资料进行分析，可以发现决定奥巴马当选的社会政治背景并没有超出自罗斯福新政以来所形成的社会政治势力基本格局，经济、群体关系和国家安全仍然是围绕美国总统选举的三个长期性主题。

1月19日，在美国首都华盛顿，国会山和国家广场一带的人流熙熙攘攘。奥巴马将于1月20日在国会山宣誓就任美国第五十六届（第四十四任）总统，大批民众连日来从四面八方涌入首都，见证奥巴马就职。

第二节  奥巴马于2009年1月20日在华盛顿特区国会大厦前的演讲

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.

Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land, a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America, they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West, endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions, greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act, not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works, whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account, to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control, and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity, on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart, not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.

We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment, a moment that will define a generation, it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility, a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task. This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence, the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: "Let it be told to the future world... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

我的同胞们：

今天我站在这里，看到眼前面临的重大任务深感卑微。我感谢你们对我的信任，也知道先辈们为了这个国家所做的牺牲。我要感谢布什总统为国家做出的贡献，以及感谢他在两届政府过渡期间给予的慷慨协作。

迄今为止，已经有44个美国总统宣誓就职。总统的宣誓有时面对的是国家的和平繁荣，但通常面临的是乌云密布的紧张形势。在紧张的形势中，支持美国前进的不仅仅是领导人的能力和远见，也在于美国人民对国家先驱者理想的信仰，以及对美国立国文件的忠诚。

前辈们如此，我们这一代美国人也要如此。

现在我们都深知，我们身处危机之中。我们的国家在战斗，对手是影响深远的暴力和憎恨；国家的经济也受到严重的削弱，原因虽是一些人的贪婪和不负责任，但更为重要的是我们作为一个整体在一些重大问题上决策失误，同时也未能做好应对新时代的准备。

我们的人民正在失去家园，失去工作，而且很多企业要倒闭。社会的医疗过于昂贵，学校教育让许多人失望，而且每天都会有新的证据显示，我们利用能源的方式助长了我们的敌对势力，同时也威胁着我们的星球。

统计数据的指标传达着危机的消息。危机难以测量，但更难以测量的是其对美国人国家自信的侵蚀。现在一种认为美国衰落不可避免，我们的下一代必须低调的言论正在吞噬着人们的自信。

今天我要说，我们的确面临着很多严峻的挑战，而且在短期内不大可能轻易解决。但是我们要相信，我们一定会渡过难关。

今天，我们在这里齐聚一堂，因为我们战胜恐惧选择了希望，摒弃了冲突和矛盾而选择了团结。

今天，我们宣布要为无谓的摩擦、不实的承诺和指责画上句号，我们要打破牵制美国政治发展的若干陈旧教条。

美国仍是一个年轻的国家，借用《圣经》的话说，“放弃幼稚的时代已经到来了”。重拾坚韧精神的时代已经到来，我们要为历史作出更好的选择，我们要秉承历史赋予的宝贵权利，秉承那种代代相传的高贵理念：上帝赋予我们每个人以平等和自由，以及每个人尽全力去追求幸福的机会。

在重申我们国家伟大之处的同时，我们深知伟大从来不是上天赐予的，伟大需要努力赢得。(我们的民族一路走来)，这旅途之中从未有过捷径或者妥协，这旅途也不适合胆怯之人，或者爱安逸胜过爱工作之人，或者单单追求名利之人。这条路是勇于承担风险者之路，是实干家、创造者之路。这其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人却在默默无闻地工作着。正是这些人带领我们走过了漫长崎岖的旅行，带领我们走向富强和自由。

为了我们，先辈们带着微薄的细软，横渡大洋寻找新生活；为了我们，先辈们忍辱负重，用血汗浇铸工厂；为了我们，先辈们在荒芜的西部大地辛勤耕作，定居他乡；为了我们，先辈们奔赴(独立战争中的)康科德城和葛底斯堡、(二战中的)诺曼底、(越战中的)溪山，他们征战死去。

一次又一次，我们的先辈们战斗着、牺牲着、操劳着，只为了我们可以生活得更好。在他们看来，美国的强盛与伟大超越了个人雄心，也超越了个人的出身、贫富和派别差异。

今天我们继续先辈们的旅途。美国依然是地球上最富裕、最强大的国家。同危机初露端倪之时相比，美国人民的生产力依然旺盛。与上周、上个月或者去年相比，我们的头脑依然富于创造力，我们的商品和服务依然很有市场，我们的实力不曾削弱。但是，可以肯定的是，轻歌曼舞的时代、保护狭隘利益的时代以及对艰难决定犹豫不决的时代已经过去了。从今天开始，我们必须跌倒后爬起来，拍拍身上的泥土，重新开始工作，重塑美国。

我目之所及都有工作有待完成。国家的经济情况要求我们采取大胆且快速的行动，我们的确是要行动，不仅是要创造就业，更要为(下一轮经济)增长打下新的基础。我们将造桥铺路，为企业铺设电网和数字线路，将我们联系在一起。我们将回归科学，运用科技的奇迹提高医疗质量，降低医疗费用。我们将利用风能、太阳能和土壤驱动车辆，为工厂提供能源。我们将改革中小学以及大专院校，以适应新时代的要求。这一切，我们都能做到，而且我们都将会做到。

现在，有一些人开始质疑我们的野心是不是太大了，他们认为我们的体制承载不了太多的宏伟计划。他们是健忘了，他们已经忘了这个国家取得的成就，他们已经忘了当创造力与共同目标以及必要的勇气结合起来时，自由的美国人民所能发挥的能量。

这些怀疑论者的错误在于，他们没有意识到政治现实已经发生了变化，长期以来耗掉我们太多精力的陈腐政治论争已经不再适用。今天，我们的问题不在于政府的大小，而在于政府能否起作用。政府能否帮助家庭找到薪水合适的工作，给他们可以负担得起的医疗保障并让他们体面地退休。哪个方案能给与肯定的答案，我们就推进哪个方案。哪个方案的答案是否定的，我们就选择终止。而掌管纳税人税金的人应当承担起责任，合理支出，摒弃陋习，磊落做事，只有这样才能在政府和人民之间重建至关重要的相互信任。

我们面临的问题也不是市场好坏的问题。市场创造财富、拓展自由的能力无可匹敌，但是这场危机提醒我们，如果没有监管市场很可能就会失去控制，而且偏袒富人国家的繁荣无法持久。国家经济的成败不仅仅取决于国内生产总值的大小，而且取决于繁荣的覆盖面，取决于我们是否有能力让所有有意愿的人都有机会走向富裕。我们这样做不是慈善，而是因为这是确保实现共同利益的途径。

就共同防御而言，我们认为国家安全与国家理想的只能选其一的排他选择是错的。面对我们几乎无法想象的危险，我们的先辈们起草了确保法治和个人权利的宪章。一代代人民的鲜血夯实了这一宪章。宪章中的理想依然照亮着世界，我们不能以经验之谈放弃这些理想。因此我想对正在观看这一仪式的其他国家的人民和政府说，不论他们在各国伟大的首府还是在如同我父亲出生地一般的小村落，我想让他们知道：对于每个追求和平和自尊的国家和个人而言，美国都是朋友，我们愿意再次领导大家踏上追寻之旅。

回想先辈们在抵抗法西斯主义之时，他们不仅依靠手中的导弹或坦克，他们还依靠稳固的联盟和坚定的信仰。他们深知单凭自己的力量我们无法保护自己，他们也深知我们的力量并不足以使我们有权利为所欲为。他们明白正是因为谨慎，我们的实力才不断增强；正是因为我们的事业是公正的，我们为世界树立了榜样；因为我们的谦卑和节制，我们才安全。

我们继承了这些遗产。在这些原则的再次领导下，我们有能力应对新的威胁，我们需要付出更多的努力，进行国家间更广泛的合作以及增进国家间的理解。首先，我们将以负责任的态度，将伊拉克交还给伊拉克人民，同时巩固阿富汗来之不易的和平。对于老朋友和老对手，我们将继续努力，不遗余力地削弱核威胁，遏制全球变暖的幽灵。我们不会为我们的生活方式感到抱歉，我们会不动摇地捍卫我们的生活方式。对于那些企图通过恐怖主义或屠杀无辜平民达成目标的人，我们要对他们说：我们的信仰更加坚定，不可动摇，你们不可能拖垮我们，我们定将战胜你们。

因为我们知道，我们的多元化遗产是一个优势而非劣势。我们国家里有基督徒也有穆斯林，有犹太教徒也有印度教徒，同时也有非宗教信徒。我们民族的成长受到许多语言和文化的影响，我们吸取了这个星球上任何一个角落的有益成分。正是因为我们民族曾亲尝过内战和种族隔离的苦酒，并且在经历了这些黑色的篇章之后变得更加强大更加团结，因此我们不由自主地相信一切仇恨终有一天都会成为过去，种族的划分不久就会消失，而且随着世界变得越来越小，我们相信终有一天人类共有的人性品德将会自动显现。在迎接新的和平时代到来的过程中，美国需要发挥自己的作用。

思索前方的路，我们无时无刻不在铭记那些远征沙漠和偏远山区的英勇美国战士，对他们充满了感激之情，他们和那些安息在阿灵顿国家公墓之下的战争英雄们一样，给与我们启示。

我们尊敬他们，不仅因为他们是自由的守护者，还因为他们代表的是为国家服务的精神，他们致力于追寻比自身的价值更伟大的意义。此时此刻，在这个要塑造一代人的时刻，我们需要的正是这样一种精神。

因为无论美国政府能做多少，必须做多少，美国国家的立国之本最终还是美国人的决心和信念。于防洪堤坝决堤之时收留陌生受难者的善意，于经济不景气时宁愿减少自己工时也不肯看着朋友失业的无私，正是他们支撑我们走过黑暗的时刻。消防队员冲入满是浓烟的楼梯抢救生命的勇气，父母养育孩子的坚持，正是这些决定了我们的命运。

我们面临的挑战也许是新的，我们应对挑战的措施也许也是新的，但那些长期以来指导我们成功的价值观——勤奋、诚实、勇气、公平竞争、包容以及对世界保持好奇心，还有对国家的忠诚和爱国主义却是历久弥新。这些价值观是可靠的，他们是创造美国历史的无声力量，我们现在需要的就是回归这些古老的价值观。我们需要一个新的负责任的时代，一个觉醒的时代，每个国人都应意识到我们对自己、对国家和世界负有责任，我们不应该不情愿地接受这些责任，而应该快乐地承担起这些责任。我们应该坚定这一认识，没有什么比全身心投入一项艰巨的工作更能锻炼我们的性格，更能获得精神上的满足。这是公民应尽的义务，应做出的承诺。

我们自信源于对上帝的信仰，上帝号召我们要掌握自己的命运。这就是我们自由和信仰的意义，这也是为何不同种族、不同信仰、不同性别和年龄的人可以同聚一堂在此欢庆的原因，也是我今天能站在这里庄严宣誓的原因，而在五十多年前我的父亲甚至都不能成为地方餐馆的服务生。

所以，让我们铭记自己的身份，镌刻自己的足迹。在美国诞生的时代，那最寒冷的岁月里，一群勇敢的爱国人士围着篝火在冰封的河边取暖。首都被占领，敌人在挺进，冬天的雪被鲜血染成了红色。在美国大革命最受质疑的时刻，我们的国父们这样说：“我们要让未来的世界知道……在深冬的严寒里，唯有希望和勇气才能让我们存活……面对共同的危险时，我们的城市和国家要勇敢地上前去面对。”

今天的美国也在严峻的寒冬中面对共同的挑战，让我们记住国父们不朽的语言。带着希望和勇气，让我们再一次勇敢地面对寒流，迎接可能会发生的风暴。我们要让我们的子孙后代记住，在面临挑战的时候，我们没有屈服，我们没有逃避也没有犹豫，我们脚踏实地、心怀信仰，秉承了宝贵的自由权利并将其安全地交到了下一代的手中。

第三节  精彩语录

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

在重申我们国家伟大之处的同时，我们深知伟大从来不是上天赐予的，伟大需要努力赢得。(我们的民族一路走来)，这旅途之中从未有过捷径或者妥协，这旅途也不适合胆怯之人，或者爱安逸胜过爱工作之人，或者单单追求名利之人。这条路是勇于承担风险者之路，是实干家、创造者之路。这其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人却在默默无闻地工作着。正是这些人带领我们走过了漫长崎岖的旅行，带领我们走向富强和自由。

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

今天我们继续先辈们的旅途。美国依然是地球上最富裕、最强大的国家。同危机初露端倪之时相比，美国人民的生产力依然旺盛。与上周、上个月或者去年相比，我们的头脑依然富于创造力，我们的商品和服务依然很有市场，我们的实力不曾削弱。但是，可以肯定的是，轻歌曼舞的时代、保护狭隘利益的时代以及对艰难决定犹豫不决的时代已经过去了。从今天开始，我们必须跌倒后爬起来，拍拍身上的泥土，重新开始工作，重塑美国。

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility, a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

我们面临的挑战也许是新的，我们应对挑战的措施也许也是新的，但那些长期以来指导我们成功的价值观——勤奋、诚实、勇气、公平竞争、包容以及对世界保持好奇心，还有对国家的忠诚和爱国主义却是历久弥新。这些价值观是可靠的，他们是创造美国历史的无声力量，我们现在需要的就是回归这些古老的价值观。我们需要一个新的负责任的时代，一个觉醒的时代，每个国人都应意识到我们对自己、对国家和世界负有责任，我们不应该不情愿地接受这些责任，而应该快乐地承担起这些责任。我们应该坚定这一认识，没有什么比全身心投入一项艰巨的工作更能锻炼我们的性格，更能获得精神上的满足。

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

今天的美国也在严峻的寒冬中面对共同的挑战，让我们记住国父们不朽的语言。带着希望和勇气，让我们再一次勇敢地面对寒流，迎接可能会发生的风暴。我们要让我们的子孙后代记住，在面临挑战的时候，我们没有屈服，我们没有逃避也没有犹豫，我们脚踏实地、心怀信仰，秉承了宝贵的自由权利并将其安全地交到了下一代的手中。

第八章  独立日演讲

第一节  背景介绍

美国总统奥巴马在7月4日，即美国“独立日”发表电视演讲时说，美国目前正面临严峻挑战，国民需要重树“美国精神”。

奥巴马说，美国目前正面临前所未有的挑战——伊拉克和阿富汗这两场战争、经济危机、医保开销不断上升、学校数量缺乏以及对外国石油的依赖。而应对这些挑战需要每个美国人付出努力。

奥巴马说，美国人应该发挥先辈们的“顽强”精神，“创造”未来而非“惧怕”未来。正是不屈不挠的美国精神使得我们成为了美国人。它引领了先辈们进行了西进运动；它引领了我的祖辈一代人坚强地面对大萧条，并战胜了暴政；它引领了一代代美国工人建立起举世无匹的工业化经济体系。这种精神总是引领着我们美国人民不畏艰难，勇于面对所有的考验与挑战，让我们知道我们每个人都在书写美国的未来。那就是我们应该再次展现的美国精神。

第二节  奥巴马于2009年7月4日在白宫的演讲

Today, we are called upon to remember not only the day our country was born, but also the indomitable spirit of the first American citizens who made that day possible. We are called to remember how unlikely it was that our American experiment would succeed at all; that a small band of patriots would declare independence from a powerful empire; and that they would form, in the new world, what the old world had never known—a government of, by, and for the people.

That unyielding spirit is what defines us as Americans. It is what led generations of pioneers to blaze a westward trail. It is what led my grandparents’ generation to persevere in the face of a depression and triumph in the face of tyranny. It is what led generations of American workers to build an industrial economy unrivaled around the world. It is what has always led us, as a people, not to wilt or cower at a difficult moment, but to face down any trial and rise to any challenge, understanding that each of us has a hand in writing America's destiny.

On this day, we also remember that during our most defining moments, it was brave and selfless men and women in uniform who defended and served our country with honor—waging war so that we might know peace; braving hardship so that we might know opportunity; and at times, paying the ultimate price so that we might know freedom. This service—the service of Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, and Coast Guardsmen—makes our annual celebration of this day possible. This service proves that our founding ideals remain just as powerful and alive in our third century as a nation as they did on the first July 4. This service guarantees that the United States of America shall forever remain the last, best hope on Earth.

All of us must call on this spirit of service and sacrifice to meet the challenges of our time. We are waging two wars. We are battling a deep recession. Our economy—and our nation itself—are endangered by festering problems we have kicked down the road for far too long: spiraling health care costs, inadequate schools, and a dependence on foreign oil.

Meeting these extraordinary challenges will require an extraordinary effort on the part of every American. It will require us to remember that we did not get to where we are as a nation by standing pat in a time of change. We did not get here by doing what was easy. That is not how a cluster of 13 colonies became the United States of America.

We are not a people who fear the future. We are a people who make it. On this July 4, we need to summon once more the spirit that inhabited Independence Hall two hundred and thirty-three years ago today. That is how this generation of Americans will make its mark on history. That is how we will make the most of this extraordinary moment. And that is how we will write the next chapter in the great American story.

I wish you all the best for a happy Fourth of July.

今天，我们受到这个日子的感召，不仅纪念我国诞生的那一天，而且需要继承建国初期美国公民不屈不挠的精神，是他们使这一天成为值得纪念的日子。我们应该记住，当年的这一切多么来之不易。我们进行创建美国的试验，结果获得了成功。为数不多的爱国者宣布独立，脱离了帝国强权的统治。他们还在新世界建立了旧世界不可思议的事物──一个民有、民治、民享的政府。

正是这种顽强的精神构筑了美国人的特征。正是这种精神指引一代又一代先驱者开拓西进之路。正是这种精神指引我们的祖祖辈辈，以坚韧不拔的毅力渡过了大萧条，战胜了专制暴政。正是这种精神指引世世代代的美国劳动者建成全世界无可比拟的工业经济。正是这种精神始终指引全体美国人民在时局艰难的时刻永不气馁，永不退缩，敢于经受任何考验，迎接任何挑战，因为我们知道美国的命运需要我们每一个人为之努力。

在这一天到来的时候，我们还不应该忘记，在我国最紧要的关头，勇敢无私的男女军人不辱使命，保卫我们的国家，忠心为国效力──为实现和平奔赴战场，为赢得机会不辞劳苦，有时还为捍卫自由付出极为高昂的代价。正因为他们为国效力──陆军、海军、空军、海军陆战队和海岸警卫队士兵做出的奉献，我们才有可能每年庆祝这个节日。这种为国效力的精神说明，在进入建国后第三个百年之际，我国的建国理想仍然长盛不衰，生气勃勃，永远保持第一个7月4日的活力。这种为国效力的精神保证美利坚合众国永远是地球上最后、最大的希望。

为了迎接我们这个时代的挑战，我们大家都必须发扬这种为国效力和献身的精神。我们正在参与两场战争，同时我们也在抗击严重的衰退。我们长期拖延了旷日持久的问题：持续上升的医疗成本、学校设施的欠缺和对外国石油的依赖，这导致问题日益恶化，我国经济以及国家本身正面临着危难。

迎接这些巨大的挑战要求每一位美国人付出巨大的努力。我们应该牢记，我们作为一个国家取得这样的成就是因为我们在变革的时期没有固步自封，我们取得这样的成就是因为我们没有避难就易。正是因为如此，原来的十三个殖民地才能共建美利坚合众国。

我国人民敢于面对未来，我国人民敢于创造未来。在今年7月4日到来之际，我们必须再次振奋233年前独立厅凝聚的精神。唯有如此，这一代美国人才能在历史上留下自己的印记。唯有如此，我们才能最有效地把握当前的重要关头。唯有如此，我们才能为伟大的美国历史书写新的篇章。

我谨祝愿大家7月4日节日愉快。

第三节  精彩语录

We are called to remember how unlikely it was that our American experiment would succeed at all; that a small band of patriots would declare independence from a powerful empire; and that they would form, in the new world, what the old world had never known—a government of, by, and for the people.

我们应该记住，当年的这一切多么来之不易。我们进行创建美国的试验，结果获得了成功。为数不多的爱国者宣布独立，脱离了帝国强权的统治。他们还在新世界建立了旧世界不可思议的事物──一个民有、民治、民享的政府。

All of us must call on this spirit of service and sacrifice to meet the challenges of our time. We are waging two wars. We are battling a deep recession. Our economy—and our nation itself—are endangered by festering problems we have kicked down the road for far too long: spiraling health care costs, inadequate schools, and a dependence on foreign oil.

为了迎接我们这个时代的挑战，我们大家都必须发扬这种为国效力和献身的精神。我们正在参与两场战争，同时我们也在抗击严重的衰退。我们长期拖延了旷日持久的问题：持续上升的医疗成本、学校设施的欠缺和对外国石油的依赖，这导致问题日益恶化，我国经济以及国家本身正面临着危难。

We are not a people who fear the future. We are a people who make it. On this July 4, we need to summon once more the spirit that inhabited Independence Hall two hundred and thirty-three years ago today.

我国人民敢于面对未来，我国人民敢于创造未来。在今年7月4日到来之际，我们必须再次振奋233年前独立厅凝聚的精神。

第九章  民众的力量

第一节  背景介绍

2013年1月21日，奥巴马在美国首都华盛顿宣誓就职。奥巴马四年前首度入主白宫时美国经济陷入深重衰退，第二任期的奥巴马仍面临经济疲软、失业率高企和迫在眉睫的财政危机。因此，在开始新的任期后，奥巴马的首要任务仍然是处理经济问题。

目前美国财政状况正在逐步恶化。美国财政部17日公布的年度政府资产和负债评估报告显示，美国政府2012财年的财政赤字从前一年的1.313万亿美元扩大至1.316万亿美元。

中国人民大学国际关系学院美国研究中心主任时殷宏表示，就美国选民希望来看，特别是就美国面临的最重要的问题来看，毫无疑问，美国的政策关注重点仍然是国内。总的来说主要取决于三大背景：经济背景、金融背景、社会背景。

经济背景方面，虽然美国的经济早已开始复苏，但是数年来复苏乏力，特别是直到今天失业率居高不下，产业复兴缺乏市场，技术创新除了在能源页岩方面的利用好像有新的技术革命的苗头外，总体来说还不是那么强劲，经济的复兴是一个非常艰巨的任务。

金融背景方面，美国的国债已经到了非常严重的程度，再加上由于白宫和国会、共和党人党派斗争，广义的财政危险、财政虚弱是非常突出的。在一定意义上来讲，解决美国的金融问题，使它基本改观，要比振兴美国经济还要困难。

而社会背景比较复杂，但是目前来看，奥巴马遇到的新的困难，就是他大力主张管制枪支在国内引起很多争论和批评。另外移民方面，恐怕很多问题也很难解决，而且社会问题是同党派政治斗争联合在一起的，所以这个问题也非常复杂。

奥巴马当天指出美国仍未摆脱经济危机的影响，所以目前的首要任务是增加就业、促进经济发展、壮大中产阶级。在谈到财政危机时，奥巴马表示，他欢迎妥协和新的意见，并认为应当能够在为大部分美国人减税的情况下增加财政收入。但是他说，最富有的美国人应该多缴税。

奥巴马还称议员们应承诺削减联邦预算，并呼吁大家能够放下分歧一起合作，努力战胜这些挑战。

第二节  奥巴马于2013年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

Thank you. Thank you so much. Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:

Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional—what makes us American—is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed. For more than two hundred years, we have.

Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.

Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce, schools and colleges to train our workers.

Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.

Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.

Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.

But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.

This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it—so long as we seize it together.

For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.

We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed.

We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn. We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other—through Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security, these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.

We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition, we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries, we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure—our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.

We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully—not because we are naive about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support democracy from Asia to Africa, from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice—not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice.

We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths—that all of us are created equal—is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.

It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law—for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity; until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.

That is our generation’s task—to make these words, these rights, these values of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness—real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life; it does not mean we will all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time, but it does require us to act in our time.

For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.

My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction, and we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty, or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride. They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope.

You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course. You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time—not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.

Let each of us now embrace, with solemn duty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.

Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America.

谢谢，非常感谢大家。拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们：

每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量，都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。我们重申将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们的肤色，也不是我们信仰的教条，更不是我们名字的来源。让我们与众不同，让我们成为美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。二百多年前，这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述：“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，包括生存、自由和追求幸福的权利。”

今天，我们继续着这一未竟的征程，架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。因为历史告诉我们，即便这些真理是不言而喻的，它们也从来不会自动生效。因为虽然自由是上帝赋予的礼物，但仍需要世间的子民去捍卫。1776年，美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战，也不是为赢得少数人的特权，建立暴民的统治。先驱们留给我们一个共和国，一个民有、民治、民享的政府。他们委托每一代美国人捍卫我们的建国信条。在过去的二百多年里，我们做到了。

从奴役的血腥枷锁和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了，建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生，誓言共同前进。

我们共同努力，建立起现代的经济体系。架设铁路与高速公路，加速了旅行和商业交流。建立学校与大学，培训我们的工人。

我们一起发现，自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。

我们共同决定让这个伟大的国家远离危险，保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸的侵扰。

一路走来，我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言：一切的社会弊端都只能够靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬，我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持，这些都是美国精神的基本要义。

我们也理解时代在变化，我们同样需要变革。对建国精神的忠诚，需要我们肩负起新的责任，迎接新的挑战。保护我们的个人自由，最终需要所有人的共同努力。因为美国人不能再独力迎接当今世界的挑战，正如美国士兵们不能再像先辈一样，用步枪和民兵同敌人作战。一个人无法培训所有的数学与科学老师，我们需要他们为了未来去教育孩子们。一个人无法建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室来为国内带来新的工作岗位和商业机会。现在，与以往任何时候相比，我们都更需要团结合作。作为一个国家，一个民族团结起来。

这一代美国人经历了危机的考验，经济危机坚定了我们的决心，证明了我们的恢复力。长达十年的战争正在结束，经济的复苏已经开始。美国的可能性是无限的，因为我们拥有当今没有边界的世界所需要的所有品质：年轻与活力、多样性与开放、无穷的冒险精神以及创造的天赋才能。我亲爱的同胞们，我们正是为此刻而生，我们更要在此刻团结一致，抓住当下的机会。

因为我们——美国人民清楚，如果只有越来越少的群体获得成功，而大多数人不能成功，那么我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信，美国的繁荣必须建立在不断壮大的中产阶级的宽阔臂膀之上，我们知道只有这样美国的繁荣才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的独立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动获得的薪水足够让家庭摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。我们忠诚于我们的事业，保证让一个出生于最贫穷环境中的小女孩都能知道，她有同其他所有人一样的成功机会。因为她是一个美国人，她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不仅由上帝来见证，更由我们亲手保护。

我们知道，我们已然陈旧的程序不足以满足时代的需要。我们必须应用新理念和新技术重塑我们的政府，改进我们的税法，改革我们的学校，让我们的公民拥有他们所需要的技能，更加努力地工作，学更多的知识，向更高处发展。尽管这意味着变革，但我们的目标是不变的：建设可以奖励每个美国人的努力和果断的国家。这是现在需要的。这将给我们的信条赋予真正的意义。

我们——美国人民仍然认为，每个公民都应当获得基本的安全和尊严。我们必须做出艰难抉择，降低医疗成本，缩减赤字规模。但我们拒绝在照顾建设国家的这一代和投资即将建设国家的下一代间做出选择。因为我们记得过去的教训：老年人的夕阳时光在贫困中度过，家有残障儿童的父母无处求助。我们相信，在这个国家，自由不只是那些幸运儿的专属，或者说幸福只属于少数人。我们知道，不管我们怎样负责任地生活，我们任何人在任何时候都可能面临失业、突发疾病或住房被可怕的飓风摧毁的风险。我们通过医疗保险、联邦医疗补助计划、社会保障项目向每个人做出承诺，这些不会让我们的创造力衰竭，而是会让我们更强大。这些不会让我们成为充满不劳而获者的国度，这些让我们敢于承担风险，让国家伟大。

我们——美国人民仍然相信，我们作为美国人的义务不只是对我们自己而言，还包括对子孙后代。我们将应对气候变化的威胁，认识到不采取措施应对气候变化就是对我们的孩子和后代的背叛。一些人可能仍在否定科学界的压倒性判断，但没有人能够避免熊熊火灾、严重旱灾、更强力风暴带来的灾难性打击。通向可再生能源利用的道路是漫长的，有时是困难的。但美国不能抵制这种趋势，我们必须引领这种趋势。我们不能把制造新就业机会和新行业的技术让给其他国家，我们必须明确这一承诺。这是我们保持经济活力和国家财富（我们的森林和航道，我们的农田与雪峰）的方法。这将是我们保护我们星球的办法，上帝把这个星球托付给我们。这将给我们的建国之父们曾宣布的信条赋予意义。

我们——美国人民仍然相信，持久的安全与和平不需要持续的战争。我们勇敢的士兵经受了战火的考验，他们的技能和勇气是无可匹敌的。我们的公民依然铭记着那些阵亡者，他们非常清楚我们为自由付出的代价。明白他们的牺牲将让我们永远对那些试图伤害我们的势力保持警惕。但我们也是那些赢得和平而不只是战争的人们的后代，他们将仇敌转变成最可靠的朋友，我们也必须把这些经验带到这个时代。

我们将通过强大的军力和法制保护我们的人民，捍卫我们的价值观。我们将展现试图和平解决与其他国家分歧的勇气，但这不是因为我们对面临的危险持幼稚的态度，而是因为接触能够更持久地化解疑虑和恐惧。美国将在全球保持强大的联盟，我们将更新这些能扩展我们应对海外危机能力的机制。因为作为世界上最强大的国家，我们在世界和平方面拥有最大的利益。我们将支持从亚洲到非洲、从美洲至中东的民主国家，因为我们的利益和良心驱使我们代表那些想获得自由的人们采取行动。我们必须成为贫困者、病患者、被边缘化的人士、异见受害者的希望来源，不仅仅是出于慈善，也是因为这个时代的和平需要不断推进我们共同信念中的原则：宽容和机遇，人类尊严与正义。

我们——美国人民，今天昭示的最明白的事实是——我们所有人都是生而平等的，这是依然引领我们的恒星。它引领我们的先辈穿越纽约塞尼卡瀑布城（女权抗议事件）、塞尔马（黑人权力事件）和石墙骚乱（同性恋与警察发生的暴力事件）；引领着所有的男性和女性，留下姓名和没留姓名的人，在伟大的征程中一路上留下足迹的人。他们来听牧师宣讲，我们不能独自前行。马丁·路德·金说，我们个人的自由与地球上每个灵魂的自由不可分割。

继续先辈开创的事业是我们这代人的任务。我们的征途不会结束，直到我们的妻子、母亲和女儿的所得能够与她们的努力付出相称。我们的征途不会结束，我们要让同性恋的兄弟姐妹在法律之下得到与其他人同样的待遇。如果我们真正是生而平等的，那么我们对彼此的爱也应该是平等的。我们的征途不会结束，直到没有公民需要等待数个小时去行使投票权。我们的征途不会结束，直到我们找到更好的方法迎接有憧憬的移民，他们依旧视美国是一块充满机会的土地，直到聪颖年轻的学生和工程师为我们所用，而不是被逐出美国。我们的征途不会结束，直到我们所有的儿童，从底特律的街道到阿巴拉契亚的山岭，再到康涅狄格州纽镇安静的小巷，直到他们得到关心和珍视，永远避免受到伤害。

那是我们这一代的任务——让生存、自由和追求幸福的言语、权力和价值切实体现在每个美国人的身上。我们的立国文件根本没有要求我们将每个人的生活一致化。这并不意味着，我们会以完全一样的方式去定义自由，沿着同样的道路通向幸福。进步不会终止几个世纪以来一直纠结的关于政府角色的争论，但这要求我们现在就采取行动。

目前是由我们决策，我们不能拖延。我们不能将绝对主义当作原则，或者以表象代替政治，或将中伤视作理性的辩论。我们必须行动，要意识到我们的工作并不完美。我们必须行动，意识到今天的胜利是并不完全的。这些将有赖于未来四年、四十年或是四百年致力于这项事业的人，去推进当年在费城制宪会议大厅传承给我们的永恒精神。

我的美国同胞，我今天在你们面前宣读的誓词，如同在国会山服务的其他人曾宣读过的誓词一样，是对上帝和国家的誓词，不是对党派或是派别的，我们必须在任期内忠实地履行这些承诺。但我今天宣读的誓词与士兵报名参军或者是移民实现梦想时所宣读的誓词没有多少差别。我的誓词与我们所有的人向我们头顶飘扬的、让我们心怀自豪的国旗所表达的誓言没有多大差别。这些是公民的誓词，代表着我们最伟大的希望。

你和我作为公民，都有为这个国家设定道路的权力。你和我作为公民，都有义务塑造我们时代的辩题，不仅是通过我们的选票，而且要为捍卫悠久的价值观和持久的理想发声。

现在让我们相互拥抱，怀着庄严的职责和无比的快乐，这是我们永恒的与生俱来的权利。有共同的努力和共同的目标，用热情与奉献，让我们回应历史的召唤，将珍贵的自由之光带入并不确定的未来。

感谢你们，上帝保佑你们，愿上帝永远保佑美利坚合众国。

第三节  精彩语录

Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.

从奴役的血腥枷锁和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了，建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生，誓言共同前进。

Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.

一路走来，我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言：一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬，我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持，这些都是美国精神的基本要义。

For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship.

因为我们——美国人民清楚，如果只有越来越少的群体获得成功，而大多数人不能成功，那么我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信，美国的繁荣必须建立在不断壮大的中产阶级的宽阔臂膀之上，我们知道只有这样美国的繁荣才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的独立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动获得的薪水足够让家庭摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.

我们——美国人民，仍然相信持久的安全与和平不需要持续的战争。我们勇敢的士兵经受了战火的考验，他们的技能和勇气是无可匹敌的。我们的公民依然铭记着那些阵亡者，他们非常清楚我们为自由付出的代价。明白他们的牺牲将让我们永远对那些试图伤害我们的势力保持警惕。但我们也是那些赢得和平而不只是战争的人们的后代，他们将仇敌转变成最可靠的朋友，我们也必须把这些经验带到这个时代。

附  录

2010国情咨文——2010年1月27日美国众议院

Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable—that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt.

When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed. But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades—the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college. So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children—asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope—what they deserve—is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."

It's because of this spirit—this great decency and great strength—that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength.

And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy.

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it, I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular—I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.

So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. Most but not all. To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.

Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college.

I thought I'd get some applause on that one.

As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right—the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it.

Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight.

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.

We should start where most new jobs do—in small businesses, companies that begin when—companies that begin when an entrepreneur—when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.

So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit—one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment.

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information.

We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.

Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.

But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years. We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade—what some call the "lost decade"—where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while. For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nations—they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.

Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America.

As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.

Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.

Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right.

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history—an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy—in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate.

I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing—even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future—because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.

Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia.

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform—reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families.

To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years—and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs—because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment—their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages.

And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. Yes, we do. Now, let's clear a few things up. I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families—even those with insurance—who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying—Democratic administrations, Republican administrations—we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.

And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. Thank you. She gets embarrassed.

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office—the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress—our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.

So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Let me know. Let me know. I'm eager to see it.

Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. Let's get it done. Let's get it done.

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.

At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door.

Now—just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact. I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.

Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.

Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree—which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year—when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But understand—understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery—all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument—that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again. Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust—deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue—to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve.

That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why—for the first time in history—my administration posts on our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions. But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.

With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests—including foreign corporations—to spend without limit in our elections. I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.

I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. Democrats and Republicans. Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.

Now, I'm not naïve. I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony—and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side—a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of—I'm speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators.

Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government. So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town—a supermajority—then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let's show the American people that we can do it together. This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait.

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future—for America and for the world.

That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed—far more than in 2008.

And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans—men and women alike. We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government—we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform—in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world—they have to know that we—that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades—last year. That's why we're building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.

Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people—the threat of nuclear weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.

Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions—sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is more united.

That's the leadership that we are providing—engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease—a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. Always.

Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. It's the right thing to do.

We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws—so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system—to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation.

In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America—values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values. They're American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions—our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government—still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away. No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change—change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change—or that I can deliver it. But remember this—I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation. But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going—what keeps me fighting—is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, "None of us," he said, "...are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail."

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are resilient. We are American."

It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.

And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.

We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment—to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

议长女士、副总统拜登、美国国会议员、各位来宾、美国同胞：

我国宪法规定，总统应当不时地向国会提供有关国情的信息。220年来，我们的领导人一直履行这一职责。在繁荣与安宁的时期，他们这样做了。在战争和经济萧条中，在严重动乱和伟大斗争的时刻，他们也这样做了。

一种想法是具有诱惑力的，就是回顾这些时刻，以为我们的进步是不可避免的——以为美国总是注定要成功。但是，当北方联邦军在布尔朗战役中被击溃，当盟军第一次在奥马哈海滩登陆，胜利是有很大疑问的。

当黑色星期二市场崩溃，当血腥的星期日民权示威者被殴打，前途绝非是确定无疑的。这些时候考验了我们的信念与勇气和我们合众国的力量。尽管我们存在着种种分歧与不同意见、犹豫不决和恐惧，但美国胜利了，因为我们选择了团结一起，作为一个国家，作为一国人民向前迈进。

现在，我们再次接受考验。我们必须再次响应历史的召唤。

一年前我就职，当时两场战争正酣，还有一场严重的经济衰退，金融体系处于崩溃的边缘，政府债台高筑。来自各个政治派别的专家警告说，如果我们不采取行动，我们可能面临第二次经济萧条。因此，我们立即大刀阔斧地采取了行动。一年后，这场风暴的最严重阶段已经过去了，但破坏仍然存在。十个美国人当中仍有一个人无法找到工作，许多商家关门，住房价值下降，小城镇和农村社区受到的冲击尤其严重。而对于已经很贫穷的人们来说，生活变得困难得多。

经济衰退也加重了美国的家庭几十年来一直承担着的负担——更加努力地工作，工作时间也更长，但所得却更少，储蓄不足以退休或帮助上大学的子女。所以我知道民间目前存在的忧虑，这种担忧并不新鲜。这些问题是我竞选总统的理由，多年来在印第安纳州埃尔德哈特、伊利诺伊州盖尔斯堡，我目睹了这些困境。我在每天晚上读到的信件中听到他们的声音。最难以读下去的信件是孩子们写的，他们问为什么他们要离开自己的家，问他们的母亲或父亲何时可以重新上班。

对于这些美国人和许多其他人来说，已经发生的变革不够快。一些人感到沮丧，一些人感到愤怒。他们不明白，为什么似乎华尔街上的不良行为得到奖赏，而商业大街上的努力却没有，或者为何华盛顿一直无法或不愿解决我们的任何问题，他们对党派斗争、叫喊和卑鄙行为感到厌倦，他们知道我们承担不起这种负担，现在不行。

因此，我们面临着巨大的和棘手的挑战。美国人民所希望,也是他们所应看到的是我们大家，民主党人和共和党人消除分歧，克服我们的政治斗争所造成的令人麻木的重压。因为虽然把我们选到这里来的人民具有不同的背景、不同的故事、不同的信仰，但他们面临的忧虑是相同的。他们持有的愿望是共同的：一份能够付清账单的工作,有机会获得成功，最重要的是能够给子女以更好的生活。

大家知道他们还有哪些共同点吗？在逆境中，他们共有一种顽强的韧性。在我们历史上最困难的年份之一过后，他们仍忙于制造汽车和教育孩子，创办企业和回学校上学。他们担任少年棒球联盟的教练，帮助他们的邻居。一位妇女写信给我说：“我们很紧张但也抱有希望，疲于应付但很受鼓舞。”

正是因为这种精神——这种伟大的尊严和巨大的力量，我从来都没有像今晚这样对美国的前途寄予厚望。尽管我们遇到困难，但我们的合众国是强大的。我们不放弃，我们不退出。我们不允许恐惧和分裂破坏我们的精神。这个新的十年，美国人民应当获得符合他们的道德标准和体现出他们的力量的政府。

今晚，我想谈谈我们如何能够共同兑现这一诺言。

事情得从我们的经济说起。

我们就职后最紧迫的任务是巩固银行的实力，正是这些银行导致了这场危机。这是不容易做到的。如果有一件事使民主党人和共和党人，以及这两者之间的每个人团结起来，那就是我们都厌恶银行救助。我讨厌它，我讨厌它，大家讨厌它。它的受欢迎程度与治疗牙疼时的根管疗法差不多。但是，我竞选总统时，我答应我不会只是做受欢迎的事情，我会做必要的事情。如果我们听任金融系统陷于崩溃，失业率可能会比今天高一倍。更多的企业肯定已经倒闭，更多人的住宅肯定已经失去。

因此，我支持了上届政府制订金融救援方案的努力。我们接管这一方案后，使之更加透明和更加负责。因此，目前市场稳定，我们已经收回了花在银行身上的绝大部分资金。绝大部分，但不是全部。为了收回其余部分，我已经提出对最大的几家银行征收一笔费用。现在我知道，华尔街对这个想法并不热衷。但是，如果这些公司能够再次负担得起支付高额奖金，他们就可以负担有限的收费，以偿还纳税人在他们需要时解救他们所花的钱。

现在，在我们使金融体系趋于稳定时，我们还采取措施，使我们的经济恢复增长，保住尽可能多的就业机会，帮助失业的美国人。这就是为什么我们向超过一千八百万的美国人提供或增加了失业救济；对通过《统一综合预算协调法案》获得医疗保险的家庭，使其费用降低了65%；并通过了25项不同的减税措施。

现在，让我再次重申：我们降低了税赋。我们降低了95%的劳动家庭的税赋，我们降低了小企业的税赋，我们降低了首次购房税，我们降低了照顾子女的父母的税赋，我们降低了要为上大学花钱的八百万美国人的税赋。

我认为我会为此得到一些掌声。

因此，千百万美国人有更多的钱可以用于购买汽油、食物和其他生活必需品，所有这些都有助于企业保留更多的工人。我们并没有把任何人的所得税提高分文，没有提高分文。

由于我们采取的措施，大约有二百万目前就业的美国人本来会失业。二十万人就业于建筑业和清洁能源产业，三十万人是教师和其他教育工作者，几十万人是警察、消防队员、惩教人员、急救人员。按照预期，到今年年底，我们将在这一总数基础上再增加一百五十万个就业岗位。

令这一切——从减税到增加就业成为可能的计划就是《经济复苏法案》。没错复苏法，也被称为《刺激法案》。左右两派的经济学家都说，这项法案帮助挽救了就业，避免了灾难。但是，你不必听信他们的话。

与凤凰城由于《复兴法案》而职工队伍将会扩大两倍的小企业谈一谈，与费城的窗户制造商谈一谈。他说，他曾经对《复兴法案》持怀疑态度，一直到由于该法案所创造的生意，使他不得不增加了两个班次的工作。与抚养两个孩子的单身教师谈一谈，学年的最后一周，她的校长对她说，由于《复兴法案》她不会被解雇了。

在全美各地都有这样的故事。两年的衰退过后，经济再次出现增长。养老金基金已经开始恢复部分的价值，工商企业正在开始恢复投资，一些企业正在缓慢地开始重新雇工。

但是，我意识到对于每一个成功事例来说，还有几个事例说的是男男女女一觉醒来，痛苦地不知道自己下一次将会从哪里领工资，一周又一周地发送简历，却没有听到任何答复。这就是为什么2010年我们的头号工作重点必须是就业，这也是为什么我今晚呼吁通过一项新的就业法案。

现在，美国创造就业机会的真正动力源泉将始终都是美国的企业。但是，政府能够创造企业拓展业务和雇佣更多工人所必需的条件。

我们应当从大多数新的就业岗位开始的地方开始——在小企业中，这些公司的创业之初，企业家抱着一种梦想碰运气，或者一名职工决定现在是自己当自己的老板的时候了。凭着纯粹的勇气和决心，这些公司经受住了这场经济衰退，现在准备实现增长。但是，当你与宾夕法尼亚州阿伦敦或者俄亥俄州伊利里亚等地的小企业主交谈时，你会发现尽管华尔街上的银行重新开始放贷，但他们主要是向比较大的公司放贷。对全国各地的小企业主甚至盈利的小区业主来说，融资依然困难。

因此，今晚我建议我们从华尔街已经偿还的钱里面拿出300亿美元，用于帮助社区银行为小企业提供它们持续经营所需的信贷。我还建议实行一项新的小企业税收优惠，这项优惠将提供给雇佣新职工或者提高工资的小企业，这些企业超过一百万家。在进行这项工作的同时，我们还要取消对小企业投资征收的所有资本利得税，并为所有大企业和所有小企业提供一项税收鼓励措施，促使其投资于开办新的工厂和采购新的设备。

其次，我们今天还可以让美国人在修建基础设施方面找到工作。从最初的铁路到州际高速公路系统，我们的国家一直是为了在竞争中获胜而进行建设的。没有任何理由只有欧洲或者中国应当拥有最快的列车，或者制造清洁能源产品的新工厂。

明天我将访问佛罗里达州的坦帕市。那里的工人很快就会破土动工，修筑《经济复苏法案》提供资助的一条新的高速铁路。全国各地都有类似的项目。这些项目将创造就业机会，帮助运输和传递我国的商品、劳务与信息。

我们应当让更多的美国人在修建清洁能源设施方面找到工作，并向提高自己的住宅的能源效率的美国人提供退税，因为这支撑着清洁能源领域中的就业机会。为了鼓励这些企业以及其他企业留在我国境内，现在要向把我们的就业岗位转移到海外的公司提供税收减免，把这种减免提供给在美国境内创造就业机会的公司。

现在，众议院已经通过了一项就业法案，其中包括了这些措施当中的一些。作为今年要办的头一件事，我敦促参议院也这样做。我知道他们会这样做的，他们会的。人们失去了工作，他们忍受着伤害，他们需要我们的帮助。我希望尽快地获得一项有关就业的提案。

但事情的真相是，这些举措不会弥补我们最近两年来所失去的700万个就业岗位。实现充分就业的唯一途径就是为经济的长期增长奠定新的基础，最终解决美国的家庭多年来所面临的问题。我们无法承受代价，迎接像最近十年来那样的一场新的所谓的经济“扩展”，一些人称之为“损失的十年”。在此期间，就业岗位的增加速度要比任何从前的经济扩展期间都缓慢，美国家庭的平均收入下降，医疗保健费用和学费达到了创纪录的高点，经济繁荣建立在一场住房建筑泡沫与金融投机基础上。

从我就职那天起我就被告知，应付我们的重大挑战过于雄心勃勃，这种努力会引起太大的争议。我一直被告知，我们的政治制度陷入僵局，因此我们应当暂时把问题搁置起来。对做出这种论断的人们，我有一个简单的问题：我们应当等待多久？美国应当把自己的前途搁置多久？

大家知道，华盛顿几十年来一直要求我们等待，尽管问题日益恶化。与此同时，中国并没有为重振经济而等待，德国没有等待，印度没有等待。这些国家都没有停滞不前。这些国家没有争当第二名，他们更加重视数学与科学。他们翻修了基础设施，他们在清洁能源方面进行了重大投资，因为他们想要获得这些就业机会。

好了，我不接受美国沦为第二名。

尽管工作可能会很棘手，辩论可能会令人不快和有争议，但现在是采取认真的态度，解决阻碍我们的经济增长的种种问题的时候了。

一个起步的地方就是实行重大的金融改革。我对惩罚银行不感兴趣，我感兴趣的是保护我们的经济。一个强有力的、健康的金融市场可以使企业获得信贷和创造新的就业机会。它引导家庭的储蓄成为提高收入的投资项目。但是，只有在我们对几乎使我们的整个经济陷于崩溃的那种鲁莽加以防范的情况下，这一目标才能达到。

我们需要确保消费者和中产阶级家庭掌握他们做出理财决策所需的信息。我们不能任凭金融机构，包括接受大家的存款的机构承担威胁到经济整体的风险。

众议院已经通过了包括许多这方面的变革在内的金融改革。游说分子正在千方百计地扼杀这项改革，但是我们不能让他们赢得这场战斗。如果最终提交给我的这项法案经受不住真正改革的考验，我将把它驳回，直到我们把工作做好。我们必须把工作做好。

其次，我们还需要鼓励美国的创新。去年，我们进行了基础研究拨款方面有史以来最大规模的投资，这项投资可能会带来世界上最廉价的太阳能电池，或者杀死癌细胞但却使健康细胞完好无损的疗法。在这种创新方面最成熟的领域非能源领域莫属。大家可以看到，去年在清洁能源方面投资所取得的成果将体现在给全国范围创造一千两百个就业岗位，从而帮助制造先进的蓄电池的一家北卡罗来纳公司，或者将使一千人在制造太阳能电池板方面找到工作的一家加利福尼亚企业之中。

但是，为了创造更多的这种清洁能源就业岗位，我们需要增加产量，提高效率，提供更多的鼓励措施。这意味着要在美国建设新一代安全、洁净的核电厂。这意味着要就开辟用于开采石油和天然气的新的近海海域问题做出棘手的决策。这意味着要继续在先进的生物燃料和清洁煤技术方面投资。是的，这还意味着要通过一项全面的能源和气候法案，包括最终会使清洁能源在美国成为有利可图的能源的鼓励措施。

我很感激众议院去年通过了这样一项法案。今年，我热切希望帮助参议院推进两党一致的这项努力。

我知道，在我们能否在经济困难下实施这种改革一直存在着争议。我知道，有一些人不同意在气候变化问题上的占压倒优势的科学证据。但这一点很重要——即使你怀疑这些证据，我们今后应当做的事情也是为提高能源效率和提供清洁能源提供鼓励措施，因为领导着清洁能源经济的国家将是领导全球经济的国家。美国必须成为这个国家。

第三，我们需要出口更多的商品。因为我们制造的和向别国出售的产品越多，我们在美国国内支撑的就业岗位也就越多。因此今晚，我们确定一个新的目标：我们将在今后五年内使出口翻一番。这一增长将会支持美国境内的二百万个就业岗位。为了帮助实现这一目标，我们即将启动一项全国范围的出口计划。这项计划将帮助农场主和小企业增加出口，并改革出口管制措施，使之与国家安全相符。

我们必须像竞争对手一样，大力谋求获得新的市场。如果在别国签订贸易协议的时候美国袖手旁观，我们就会失去在本国国内创造就业岗位的机会。但是，实现这些利益也意味着要加强这些协议，以便我们的贸易伙伴按照规则行事。这就是为什么，我们将继续影响签订一项开辟全球市场的多哈回合贸易协定。这也是为什么，我们将加强我们在亚洲的贸易关系以及同韩国、巴拿马和哥伦比亚等重要的伙伴国之间的贸易关系。

第四，我们需要在我国人民的技能和教育方面投资。今年，我们启动了一场全国性的竞争，以改善我们的学校，从而打破了左右两派之间的僵局。这里的想法很简单：我们不是奖励失败，而是只奖励成功。我们不是为维持现状拨款，而是只投资于改革——这种改革使得学生的学习成绩提高，激励学生们在数学与科学方面取得出类拔萃的成绩。使失败的、毁掉过多的年轻美国人前途的学校发生转变，这种情况从农村社区到市中心地带都有。在二十一世纪，最出色的消除贫困计划就是提供世界级的教育。在美国，孩子们能否成功不应取决于他们住在哪里，而应是他们的潜力。

当我们修订《小学和中学教育法》的时候，我们将与国会共同努力，以便把这些改革扩展到所有五十个州。尽管如此，在美国经济中，高中文凭不再能够保障获得一份好工作。这就是为什么，我敦促参议院像议众院一样，通过一项法案，重振我们的社区学院，因为这些学院为如此多的劳动家庭的孩子们提供了就业渠道。

为了使人们更加能够上得起大学，这项法案最终将取消对纳税人提供的使之到银行领取学生贷款的毫无保障的补贴。我们而是要把这笔钱拿来，向家庭提供1万美元的税收优惠，以便完成四年的大学学业和增加佩尔助学金。我们要再让一百万名学生在毕业时知道，他们只需支付自己收入的10%用于偿还学生贷款，他们的全部债务都将在二十年以后一笔勾销，而如果他们选择在政府就业，就会在十年后一笔勾销。因为在美国，没有人应当由于选择上大学而变得一贫如洗。顺便提一下，现在是高等院校认真考虑降低自己费用的时候了，因为他们也有责任帮助解决这一问题。

大学学费的要价问题仅仅是摆在中产阶级面前的负担之一。这就是为什么，我去年请求副总统拜登领导一个有关中产阶级家庭问题的专门委员会。这就是为什么，我们使有关儿童护理的税收优惠几乎翻一番，并向每个工人提供开设退休账户的机会，并增加对开始攒钱的人们的税收优惠，从而使人们更加容易进行储蓄，以便为退休生活做好准备。这就是为什么，我们正在努力提升家庭最大的一项投资，即住宅的价值。我们去年采取的巩固楼市的举措使千百万美国人得以获得新的贷款，并在抵押贷款偿还方面平均节省1500美元。今年，我们将加紧再融资，以使房主们能够获得具有更大偿还能力的抵押贷款。

恰恰是为了缓解中产阶级家庭的负担，我们才仍然需要实行医疗保险方面的改革。是的，我们就是如此。现在，我们要澄清一些事情。我之所以选择解决这一问题，并不是为了在立法方面稳操胜券。到目前为止应当很清楚的一点是，我之所以承担起解决医疗保健问题的职责，并不是因为这在政治上很有利。我承担起这一职责是因为我从一些美国人那里听到了一些故事，讲的是他们在申请医疗保险以前存在病情，而其生命取决于获得保险。我还听到一些被剥夺了保险的患者，只要得一次病就会穷困潦倒的故事，甚至具有保险的家庭也会因一场疾病破产的故事。

在进行了将近一个世纪的尝试之后——民主党与共和党的历届政府——我们比以往任何时候都更加接近于给如此多的美国人的生活带来更大的安全保障。我们所采取的策略将使每个美国人都获得保护，免遭保险业最恶劣的做法的侵害。它还会使小企业和没有保险的美国人获得机会，以便在竞争激烈的市场上选择自己支付得起的医疗保健计划。它还要求每项保险计划都为预防性医疗提供保险。

顺便提一下，我还希望向我们的第一夫人米歇尔奥巴马致谢。她今年即将创立一项全国性运动，以解决儿童肥胖病流行的问题，使儿童更加健康。

我们的做法将维护拥有保险的美国人接受治疗和保留医疗计划的权利。它将为数以百万计的家庭和公司减少费用和保险费。根据国会预算局——一个中立机构，两党都认为它是国会工作表现的官方记录者——的数字，我们的做法将使预算赤字在今后二十年里最多减少1万亿美元。

尽管如此，这仍是一个复杂的问题，对此辩论的时间越长，人们的怀疑就会越多。没有更加清楚地向美国人民解释，我要承担一部分责任。我知道，因为各种游说和讨价还价，这个过程让大多数美国人担心该计划最后还能给美国人带来什么。

但我还知道，这个问题并没有消失。到今晚我结束演讲的时候，将有更多美国人失去医疗保险，今年会有数以百万计的美国人失去医疗保险。我们的赤字会增加，保险费会上升。病人将得不到需要的医疗，小企业主将继续完全放弃医疗保险。我不会抛开这些美国人，在座的各位也不应抛弃这些美国人。

随着激烈情绪渐渐平息，我希望每个人重新考虑我们提出的计划。许多最了解我们体系的医生、护士和医疗问题专家都认为，这些措施将极大地改善现状，这是有原因的。但是不管哪个政党的什么人有更好的方案，能降低保险费、减少赤字、覆盖未投保者、加强老年人的医疗保险、并制止保险公司的不良做法，请告诉我。

不过，我要求国会做到下面这一点：不要回避改革。现在不能，因为我们已经接近完成这项工作。让我们想办法共同努力，为美国人完成这项工作。

虽然医疗改革可以削减赤字，但还不足以使我们摆脱我们陷入的严重的财政困境。这个难题使其他所有难题的解决更加困难，也受到很多政治因素的影响。

下面让我讨论一下政府开支，首先我要澄清事实。在上个十年开始时，美国有超过2000亿美元预算盈余。等到我就职的时候，我们每年的赤字超过1万亿美元，估计下一个十年的赤字将达到8万亿美元。主要原因是没有为两场战争、两次减税和昂贵的处方药计划支付费用。此外，这次衰退使我们的预算增加了3万亿美元的漏洞。这就是我来之前的情况。

如果是在平常时期就职，我最想做的就是削减赤字。但我们是在危机时期就职的，我们阻止第二次大萧条的行动又使我们的国债增加了1万亿美元。我完全相信这样做是正确的，但全国各地的家庭都在勒紧裤带，做出艰难的选择，联邦政府也应该这样。所以今晚，我将提出具体步骤来支付去年用以救助经济的1万亿美元。

从2011年开始，我们准备冻结政府开支三年。与我们的国家安全、老年医疗保险、医疗补助和社会保险相关的开支不会受影响。但是其他所有可自由决定的政府计划都会受到影响。像所有现金不够的家庭一样，我们将把预算控制在需要的范围内，放弃不需要的。如果不得不通过否决权实施这项制度，我会这样做。我们将继续逐条审查预算案，取消负担不起和没有用的计划，我们已经为明年节省了200亿美元。为帮助工薪家庭，我们将延长中产阶级税收优惠。但是在赤字达到最高点的时候，我们不会继续对石油公司、投资基金经理和年薪超过25万的人减税。我们承担不起。

现在，即便在支付了我任期内的开支以后，我们仍将面对在我就职时就已经存在的大量赤字。更重要的是，老年医疗保险、医疗补助和社会保险的费用将继续大幅上升。因此，我呼吁按照共和党人贾德格雷格和民主党人肯特康拉德的提议，设立一个由两党成员组成的财政委员会。这不可能是让我们假装已经解决了问题的华盛顿的花招之一。这个委员会必须在一定的期限之前提出一套具体的解决办法。

昨天，参议院阻挠了设立该委员会的议案。因此我将发布行政命令，使我们能继续向前推进，因为我不愿把这个问题留给下一代美国人。明天表决的时候，参议院应该恢复所得税预扣法，这是我们上世纪九十年代实现创纪录盈余的主要原因。

我知道，民主党的一些人会认为，在那么多人还在受苦的时候，我们不能解决赤字问题或冻结政府开支。我同意这一点，正因如此，我们将等到明年经济好转以后才实施冻结。但是要懂得这一点——如果我们不采取有目的的步骤控制债务，就可能损害我们的市场、增加借款成本并危害经济复苏——所有这些都会对就业机会的增加和家庭收入产生更坏的影响。

我估计一些右翼人士会有不同的观点，认为如果我们减少对人民的投资、延长对美国富人的减税措施、取消更多规定、保持医疗现状，我们的赤字就会消失。问题在于八年来我们都是这样做的，正是这种做法导致了这场危机，引起了这么多赤字。我们不能再这么做了。我们不应再继续充斥了华盛顿几十年的陈腐的战斗，现在是作出新尝试的时候了。让我们投资于我们的人民，不要留给他们一大堆债务。让我们承担起对投票支持我们的民众应该承担的责任。让我们尝试判断力。

为此，我们必须认识到我们面对的不只是赤字问题。我们面临的还有信任不足——多年来，对于华盛顿如何运转，深切而有害的怀疑不断增加。要重建信任我们必须在宾夕法尼亚大道的两端采取行动，结束院外活动集团成员的过多影响，公开政务，给予人民他们应该拥有的政府。

我来到华盛顿就是为了做到这一点。正因如此，政府有史以来第一次在网上公布白宫的参观者。正因如此，我们把院外活动集团成员排除在决策工作或各种联邦委员会之外。但我们不能就此止步。现在应该要求院外活动集团成员公开他们为了客户与政府或国会的所有接触，应该严格限制这些成员向联邦职务的候选人提供的捐款。

上周，最高法院废除了一项有百年历史的法律，为特殊利益集团包括外国公司不受限制地在我们的选举中花钱打开了闸门。我认为美国的选举不应由美国最强大的利益集团甚至是外国实体提供资金。它们应该由美国人民决定，这就是我敦促民主党人和共和党人通过一项议案来纠正这种错误的原因。

我还要求国会继续沿着“指定款项改革”的道路走下去。你们已经削减了部分开支，接受了一些有意义的改革。但是恢复公众的信任需要做更多，例如，一些议员要在网上公布部分指定款项要求。今晚，我呼吁国会设立单独的网站，在投票前公布所有指定款项要求，以便所有美国人都能看到他们的钱用在了哪里。

当然，如果我们不改变两党之间工作的方式，这些改革就无法实现。

我并不天真。我从未想过我当选的事实能带来和平、和谐，开创某种后党派时代。我知道，两党存在分歧，这种分歧是根深蒂固的。在一些问题上，理念上的分歧将使我们始终选择不同的道路。关于政府在我们生活中的作用、关于我们国家的优先事宜和我们的国家安全，这些分歧已经存在了两百多年。这是我们民主的本质。

但是让美国人民失望的是，如今在华盛顿似乎每天都是选举日。我们不能永久地置身于竞选运动中，唯一的目的就是让对手成为媒体最难堪的嘲弄的对象——抱着一种决出胜负的心态。任何一个政党都不应因为有能力就拖延或阻挠任何一项议案。合格公职人员的批准程序，不应被几名心怀不满的参议员为了自己偏爱的计划而当作要挟的条件。

在华盛顿人们也许认为，发表关于对方的任何评论，不管多么不正确，都只是游戏规则的一部分。但恰恰是这种政治状况使得两党都不能帮助美国人民，更糟糕的是它使我们民众产生更大分歧，并进一步加剧了民众对政府的不信任。所以，我不会停止改变我们的政治调子。我知道这是选举年。在上周以后，竞选热显然已经开始，比以往还早。但我们仍然需要治理国家。

我要提醒民主党人，我们仍然占据几十年来最大的多数，美国人民期待我们解决一些问题，而不是选择逃避。如果共和党领导层坚持说，做什么事情都需要在参议院得到60票，那么治理国家的责任也是你们的。否决一切从短期政治来看也许是好的，但这不是领导。我们来到这里是为了服务于人民，而不是满足自己的野心。所以，让我们向美国人民证明，我们可以共同努力。本周，我将在众议院共和党的会议上发表讲话。我希望开始与两党领导人举行月度会议。我知道你们不能等待。

纵观历史，最能让这个国家团结一致的莫过于安全问题。令人遗憾的是，在“9·11”事件以后出现的紧密团结已经逐渐消退。我们尽可以争论是谁的责任，但我不想纠缠于过去。我知道我们大家都热爱这个国家，我们都致力于保卫这个国家。所以，让我们停止互相嘲弄，不要在保护人民还是捍卫价值观之间作出错误的选择。让我们抛开恐惧和分歧，尽全力保卫我们的国家，开创更有希望的未来——为了美国也为了世界。

我们从去年就开始了这项工作。自从就职以来，我们重新开始关注威胁我们国家的恐怖分子。我们在国土安全方面投入了大量资金，瓦解了有可能夺走美国人生命的阴谋。我们正通过加强航班安全、加快情报工作的速度，来弥补圣诞未遂袭击事件暴露的不可接受的漏洞。我们已禁止酷刑，加强了与太平洋、南亚到阿拉伯半岛国家的伙伴关系。去年，成百上千名“基地”组织和分支机构成员包括许多高级领导人被抓获或消灭，比2008年多得多。

我们正向阿富汗增派兵力，训练阿富汗安全部队，使他们从2011年7月开始起带头作用，我们的军队可以开始回国。我们将奖励良好统治，打击腐败，支持所有阿富汗人——男性和女性的权益。我们的同盟和伙伴也加入了行动，他们已经各自加大承诺力度，并且明天将在伦敦召开会议重申我们的共同目标。今后还会有艰难的时刻，但我确信我们会成功。

我们还在抗击“基地”组织，同时我们正在负责地将伊拉克交还给他的人民。当我竞选总统时，我承诺我会结束这场战争，而这也是我身为总统正在做的。我们将会在今年8月底之前让所有的作战部队撤离伊拉克。我们将支持伊拉克政府举行选举，也将继续与伊拉克人民共同推动地区和平与繁荣。但不要怀疑：这场战争正在结束，我们的所有部队都要回家了。

今晚，我们所有穿着制服的军人，无论男女，无论他们身处伊拉克、阿富汗还是世界的其他地方都必须知道，我们尊敬、感谢并且全力支持他们。正如他们在战场上必须拥有足够的资源，我们有责任在他们回国后也给予他们支持。这就是为何我们加大了对退伍军人的投入，增长幅度是近几十年来最大的。这就是为何我们正在建设二十一世纪的退伍军人事务部。这就是为何米歇尔与吉尔拜登正在共同推动一项支持军人家庭的全国行动。

就在我们从事两场战争的同时，我们也面临着或许是对美国人民最大的威胁——核武器的威胁。我赞同约翰·F·肯尼迪和罗纳德·里根的远见，实施逆转这些武器扩散的战略，追求一个没有核武器的世界。为了削减我们核武器储备和发射装置，同时确保我们的威慑能力，美国和俄罗斯就一项近二十年来影响最深远的武器控制条约的谈判即将完成。在今年4月举行的核安全峰会上，我们将把44个国家聚集在一个清晰的目标下：在四年内确保全世界所有安全措施薄弱的核物质的安全，让它们永不落入恐怖分子之手。

这些外交努力还使我们能更有力地应对那些违反国际条约、执意发展核武器的国家。这就是为何朝鲜目前进一步受到孤立，并面临更严厉的制裁——制裁的执行力度很大。这就是为何国际社会更加团结。

这就是我们所贡献的领导力——通过各种接触推进所有民族的安全和繁荣。我们通过二十国集团保证全球复苏的持久性。我们与全球各地的穆斯林社会合作，推动科学、教育和创新。在抗击气候变化上，我们已从旁观者变为领导者。我们正在帮助发展中国家自给自足地养活人民，并继续从事艾滋病的防治。我们正在开展一项新的计划，使我们有能力更迅速、更有效地应对生物恐怖主义或传染性疾病。这一计划有助于应对国内威胁、加强全球公共卫生。

正如我们六十年来一直所做的，美国这么做是因为我们的命运与我们国家之外的人们是息息相关的，但我们这么做还因为这是对的。这就是为何，当我们今晚在这里聚首，有一万多美国人还在海地与许多国家一起帮助那里的人民恢复生产和重建。这就是为何，我们和阿富汗那个渴望读书的女孩站在一起，我们支持在街头游行示威要求人权的伊朗妇女，我们声援那个因国家腐败而找不到工作的几内亚年轻人。因为美国必须永远站在自由和个人尊严的一边。

在国际上，美国一直以来最大的力量源泉就是我们的理想。在国内也同样。我们在巨大的差异中发现统一，用写入我们宪法中的承诺：我们所有人生而平等，无论你是谁，你的外表如何，只要你遵守法律，你就应该受到法律的保护；只要你拥护我们的普世价值，你就应该得到与任何人相同的待遇。

我们必须不断完善这一承诺。我的政府有一个民权司，再度开始对违反民权和就业歧视提起公诉。我们终于加强了我们的法律，保护人们免受仇恨犯罪的侵害。今年，我将与国会和我们的军队共同废除一项法律，该法律由于同性恋者的身份而剥夺美国同性恋者效忠他们所热爱的国家的权利。

我们将严厉取缔违反同酬法的做法，使同样工作了一天的女性能获得同等的报酬。我们应该继续修复我们出故障的移民系统，以保护我们边境的安全、加强我们的法律、确保所有遵守规则的人能够对我们的经济作出贡献，令我们的国家更丰富多彩。

归根到底，是我们的理想、我们的价值标准筑起了美国。这些价值使我们得以打造一个由来自全世界各个角落的移民组成的国度，这些价值依然激励着我们的公民。每天，美国人承担着家庭和工作的责任。他们常常向他们的邻居伸出援手，回馈他们的国家。他们以劳动为荣，慷慨高尚。他们秉承的并非共和党或民主党的价值、商业价值或劳动价值，他们秉承的是美国价值。

不幸的是，我们的太多公民已经不再相信我们的大机构——我们的企业、我们的媒体，对，还有我们的政府——尽管这些机构依然还反映着这些价值。这些机构中不乏可敬的男性和女性工作者，他们从事的重要工作推动了国家的繁荣。但每当一名首席执行官事业失败了还要犒赏自己，或一位银行家为自己的私利而让人们陷入风险，人民的怀疑就会增加。每当说客们玩弄制度，或政客们只顾着相互诋毁，而不去振兴国家，我们就会失去信念。电视评论员越来越多地将严肃的辩论降格为愚蠢的争吵，或对重大问题一语带过，我们的公民也越来越多地转过身去。无怪乎社会上有那么多人愤世嫉俗，无怪乎有那么多的失望。

我竞选时的承诺是变革，口号是我们相信变革。但如今我知道，很多美国人不再确定他们是否依然相信我们能改变，或至少我能带来改变。但请记住这点——我从来没有说过变革会很容易，或者我可以独自完成。在一个拥有三亿人口的国家，民主可能变得喧嚣、混乱和复杂。当你试图做大事或带来大的变革，就会激起强烈的情绪和纷争。事情就是这样。

我们身为官员面对这样的情况可以明哲保身，避免道出令人难以接受的事实。我们可以做些必要的事，保持较高的民调支持率以顺利通过下一次选举，而不去做那些造福下一代的事。但我也知道这一点：如果五十年前或一百年前或二百年前的人们做了这样的决定，我们今晚就不可能在这里。我们能够在这里的唯一原因就是世世代代的美国人无所畏惧地承担起艰难的重任，不畏失败地去做必须做的事，让这个国家的梦想世代传承、恒久不灭。

这一年来，我们的政府经历过一些政治挫折，其中有些是应得的。但我每天醒来，都会想到他们与全国上下无数家庭这一年来所遭遇的困难相比微不足道。而支撑我继续前行、支撑我继续奋斗的是，尽管经历种种挫折，那种坚定和乐观的精神，那种与生俱来的尊严，它一直以来都是美国人最核心的精神，始终存在。

它存在于那位小企业主写给我的信中。他说：“我们没有人愿意考虑，甚至只是闪过这个念头，我们可能失败。”

它存在于那位女性的话中。她说，即使她和她的邻居们感受到衰退带来的痛苦，但“我们很坚强，我们有恢复力，我们是美国人”。

它存在于那位八岁的路易斯安那小男孩身上。他刚刚把自己的零花钱寄给我，问我能不能交给海地人民。

它还存在于所有义无反顾地前往从未去过的地方、将素昧平生的人拉出废墟的美国人，他们在又一个生命获救时高呼“美国！美国！美国”！

这种两百多年来一直支撑和鼓舞着这个国家的精神存在于你们，这个国家的人民身上。

我们结束了艰难的一年，我们走过了艰难的十年。但新的一年业已来到，新的十年也已开始。我们不放弃，我不放弃。让我们把握这一刻，重新开始，让梦想延续，让我们再次团结得更紧密。

谢谢。上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

2011国情咨文——2011年1月25日美国众议院

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th Congress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. And as we mark this occasion, we are also mindful of the empty chair in this Chamber, and pray for the health of our colleague—and our friend—Gabby Giffords.

It’s no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the last two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for our beliefs. And that’s a good thing. That’s what a robust democracy demands. That’s what helps set us apart as a nation.

But there’s a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise and passions and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter who we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater—something more consequential than party or political preference.

We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every race and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as one people; that we share common hopes and a common creed; that the dreams of a little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children, and that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled. That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation.

Now, by itself, this simple recognition won’t usher in a new era of cooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment will be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we can work together tomorrow. I believe we can. I believe we must. That’s what the people who sent us here expect of us. With their votes, they’ve determined that governing will now be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with support from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not at all—for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics.

At stake right now is not who wins the next election—after all, we just had an election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this country, or somewhere else. It’s whether the hard work and industry of our people is rewarded. It’s whether we sustain the leadership that has made America not just a place on a map, but a light to the world.

We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are up. The economy is growing again. But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure progress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the quality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner who dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the opportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children. That’s the project the American people want us to work on. Together.

We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans’ paychecks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full cost of the new investments they make this year. These steps, taken by Democrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one million private sector jobs created last year. But we have more work to do. The steps we’ve taken over the last two years may have broken the back of this recession—but to win the future, we’ll need to take on challenges that have been decades in the making.

Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good job meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn’t always need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your neighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you’d have a job for life, with a decent paycheck, good benefits, and the occasional promotion. Maybe you’d even have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company.

That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I’ve seen it in the shuttered windows of once booming factories, and the vacant storefronts of once busy Main Streets. I’ve heard it in the frustrations of Americans who’ve seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear—proud men and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the game. They’re right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in technology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills that once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just about any company can set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products wherever there’s an internet connection.

Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of their own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating their children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science. They’re investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China became home to the world’s largest private solar research facility, and the world’s fastest computer.

So yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this shouldn’t discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember—for all the hits we’ve taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our decline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world. No workers are more productive than ours. No country has more successful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs. We are home to the world’s best colleges and universities, where more students come to study than any other place on Earth.

What’s more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea—the idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That is why centuries of pioneers and immigrants have risked everything to come here. It’s why our students don’t just memorize equations, but answer questions like “What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What do you want to be when you grow up?”

The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can’t just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, “The future is not a gift. It is an achievement.” Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age. Now it’s our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and industries of our time. We need to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world. We have to make America the best place on Earth to do business. We need to take responsibility for our deficit, and reform our government. That’s how our people will prosper. That’s how we’ll win the future. And tonight, I’d like to talk about how we get there.

The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation.

None of us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be, or where the new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, we couldn’t know that something called the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do—what America does better than anyone—is spark the creativity and imagination of our people. We are the nation that put cars in driveways and computers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google and Facebook. In America, innovation doesn’t just change our lives. It’s how we make a living. Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it’s not always profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout history our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors with the support that they need. That’s what planted the seeds for the Internet. That’s what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS. Just think of all the good jobs —from manufacturing to retail—that have come from those breakthroughs.

Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik? We had no idea how we’d beat them to the moon. The science wasn’t there yet. NASA didn’t even exist.  But after investing in better research and education, we didn’t just surpass the Soviets; we unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs.

This is our generation’s Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven’t seen since the height of the Space Race. In a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal. We’ll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology—an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people.

Already, we are seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen are brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th, they volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of their factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard. Today, with the help of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar shingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert’s words, “We reinvented ourselves.”

That’s what Americans have done for over two hundred years: reinvented ourselves. And to spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we’ve begun to reinvent our energy policy. We’re not just handing out money. We’re issuing a challenge. We’re telling America’s scientists and engineers that if they assemble teams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest problems in clean energy, we’ll fund the Apollo Projects of our time.

At the California Institute of Technology, they’re developing a way to turn sunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory, they’re using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear facilities.  With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on oil with biofuels, and become the first country to have 1 million electric vehicles on the road by 2015.

We need to get behind this innovation. And to help pay for it, I’m asking Congress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to oil companies. I don’t know if you’ve noticed, but they’re doing just fine on their own. So instead of subsidizing yesterday’s energy, let’s invest in tomorrow’s.

Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if businesses know there will be a market for what they’re selling. So tonight, I challenge you to join me in setting a new goal: by 2035, 80% of America’s electricity will come from clean energy sources. Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal, and natural gas. To meet this goal, we will need them all—and I urge Democrats and Republicans to work together to make it happen.

Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America’s success. But if we want to win the future—if we want innovation to produce jobs in America and not overseas—then we also have to win the race to educate our kids. Think about it. Over the next ten years, nearly half of all new jobs will require education that goes beyond a high school degree. And yet, as many as a quarter of our students aren’t even finishing high school. The quality of our math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has fallen to 9th in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And so the question is whether all of us—as citizens, and as parents—are willing to do what’s necessary to give every child a chance to succeed.

That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and communities. It’s family that first instills the love of learning in a child. Only parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We need to teach our kids that it’s not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair; that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and discipline.

Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it should be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many schools don’t meet this test. That’s why instead of just pouring money into a system that’s not working; we launched a competition called Race to the Top.  To all fifty states, we said, “If you show us the most innovative plans to improve teacher quality and student achievement, we’ll show you the money.” Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a generation. For less than one percent of what we spend on education each year, it has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning. These standards were developed, not by Washington, but by Republican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the Top should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left Behind with a law that is more flexible and focused on what’s best for our kids.

You see, we know what’s possible for our children when reform isn’t just a top-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals; school boards and communities. Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago, it was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado; located on turf between two rival gangs. But last May, 97% of the seniors received their diploma. Most will be the first in their family to go to college. And after the first year of the school’s transformation, the principal who made it possible wiped away tears when a student said “Thank you, Mrs. Waters, for showing that we are smart and we can make it.”

Let’s also remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child’s success comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South Korea, teachers are known as “nation builders.” Here in America, it’s time we treated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. We want to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones.  And over the next ten years, with so many Baby Boomers retiring from our classrooms, we want to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math. In fact, to every young person listening tonight who’s contemplating their career choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if you want to make a difference in the life of a child—become a teacher. Your country needs you.

Of course, the education race doesn’t end with a high school diploma. To compete, higher education must be within reach of every American. That’s why we’ve ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and used the savings to make college affordable for millions of students.  And this year, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit—worth $10,000 for four years of college.

Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today’s fast-changing economy, we are also revitalizing America’s community colleges. Last month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North Carolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories that have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had worked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old.  And she told me she’s earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just because the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her children to pursue their dreams too. As Kathy said, “I hope it tells them to never give up.”

If we take these steps—if we raise expectations for every child, and give them the best possible chance at an education, from the day they’re born until the last job they take—we will reach the goal I set two years ago: by the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.

One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of students excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the children of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of their parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag, and yet live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here from abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It makes no sense. Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of illegal immigration. I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats to protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of undocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. I know that debate will be difficult and take time. But tonight, let’s agree to make that effort. And let’s stop expelling talented, responsible young people who can staff our research labs, start new businesses, and further enrich this nation.

The third step in winning the future is rebuilding America. To attract new businesses to our shores, we need the fastest, most reliable ways to move people, goods, and information—from high-speed rail to high-speed internet.

Our infrastructure used to be the best—but our lead has slipped. South Korean homes now have greater internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and Russia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building faster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our own engineers graded our nation’s infrastructure, they gave us a “D.”

We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental railroad, brought electricity to rural communities, and constructed the interstate highway system. The jobs created by these projects didn’t just come from laying down tracks or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a town’s new train station or the new off-ramp.

Over the last two years, we have begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a project that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction industry. Tonight, I’m proposing that we redouble these efforts.

We will put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We will make sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick projects based on what’s best for the economy, not politicians.

Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80% of Americans access to high-speed rail, which could allow you go places in half the time it takes to travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying—without the pat-down. As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already underway.

Within the next five years, we will make it possible for business to deploy the next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98% of all Americans. This isn’t just about a faster internet and fewer dropped calls. It’s about connecting every part of America to the digital age.  It’s about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and small business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world. It’s about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building onto a handheld device; a student who can take classes with a digital textbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor.

All these investments—in innovation, education, and infrastructure—will make America a better place to do business and create jobs.  But to help our companies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way of their success.

Over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to benefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers to work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit with one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and it has to change.

So tonight, I’m asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get rid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years—without adding to our deficit.

To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our exports by 2014—because the more we export, the more jobs we create at home. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India and China that will support more than 250,000 jobs in the United States.  And last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will support at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented support from business and labor; Democrats and Republicans, and I ask this Congress to pass it as soon as possible.

Before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade agreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American workers, and promote American jobs.  That’s what we did with Korea, and that’s what I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia, and continue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks.

To reduce barriers to growth and investment, I’ve ordered a review of government regulations. When we find rules that put an unnecessary burden on businesses, we will fix them. But I will not hesitate to create or enforce commonsense safeguards to protect the American people.  That’s what we’ve done in this country for more than a century. It’s why our food is safe to eat, our water is safe to drink, and our air is safe to breathe. It’s why we have speed limits and child labor laws.  It’s why last year, we put in place consumer protections against hidden fees and penalties by credit card companies, and new rules to prevent another financial crisis. And it’s why we passed reform that finally prevents the health insurance industry from exploiting patients.

Now, I’ve heard rumors that a few of you have some concerns about the new health care law. So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved. If you have ideas about how to improve this law by making care better or more affordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting a flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses. What I’m not willing to do is go back to the days when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a pre-existing condition.  I’m not willing to tell James Howard, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that his treatment might not be covered. I’m not willing to tell Jim Houser, a small business owner from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more to cover his employees.  As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs cheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their parents’ coverage. So instead of re-fighting the battles of the last two years, let’s fix what needs fixing and move forward.

Now, the final step—a critical step—in winning the future is to make sure we aren’t buried under a mountain of debt.

We are living with a legacy of deficit-spending that began almost a decade ago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to keep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people’s pockets. But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact that our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable.  Every day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a government that does the same. So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic spending for the next five years. This would reduce the deficit by more than $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending to the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was president.

This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we have frozen the salaries of hardworking federal employees for the next two years.  I’ve proposed cuts to things I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of Defense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he and his generals believe our military can do without. I recognize that some in this Chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and I’m willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But let’s make sure that we’re not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable citizens.  And let’s make sure what we’re cutting is really excess weight. Cutting the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is like lightening an overloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may feel like you’re flying high at first, but it won’t take long before you’ll feel the impact.

Now, most of the cuts and savings I’ve proposed only address annual domestic spending, which represents a little more than 12% of our budget. To make further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of spending alone will be enough. It won’t. The bipartisan Fiscal Commission I created last year made this crystal clear. I don’t agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And their conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it—in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes.

This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit.  Health insurance reform will slow these rising costs, which is part of why nonpartisan economists have said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion dollars to our deficit. Still, I’m willing to look at other ideas to bring down costs, including one that Republicans suggested last year: medical malpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits.

To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to strengthen Social Security for future generations.  And we must do it without putting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with disabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without subjecting Americans’ guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock market.

And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply cannot afford a permanent extension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2% of Americans. Before we take money away from our schools, or scholarships away from our students, we should ask millionaires to give up their tax break. It’s not a matter of punishing their success. It’s about promoting America’s success.

In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify the individual tax code. This will be a tough job, but members of both parties have expressed interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them.

So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of Congress—Democrats and Republicans—to forge a principled compromise that gets the job done.  If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we can make the investments we need to win the future. Let me take this one step further. We shouldn’t just give our people a government that’s more affordable. We should give them a government that’s more competent and efficient. We cannot win the future with a government of the past. We live and do business in the information age, but the last major reorganization of the government happened in the age of black and white TV. There are twelve different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least five different entities that deal with housing policy. Then there’s my favorite example: the Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they’re in fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them in when they’re in saltwater. And I hear it gets even more complicated once they’re smoked.

Now, we have made great strides over the last two years in using technology and getting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical records with a click of the mouse.  We’re selling acres of federal office space that hasn’t been used in years, and we will cut through red tape to get rid of more. But we need to think bigger.  In the coming months, my administration will develop a proposal to merge, consolidate, and reorganize the federal government in a way that best serves the goal of a more competitive America. I will submit that proposal to Congress for a vote—and we will push to get it passed.

In the coming year, we will also work to rebuild people’s faith in the institution of government. Because you deserve to know exactly how and where your tax dollars are being spent, you will be able to go to a website and get that information for the very first time in history. Because you deserve to know when your elected officials are meeting with lobbyists, I ask Congress to do what the White House has already done: put that information online. And because the American people deserve to know that special interests aren’t larding up legislation with pet projects, both parties in Congress should know this: if a bill comes to my desk with earmarks inside, I will veto it.

A 21st century government that’s open and competent. A government that lives within its means. An economy that’s driven by new skills and ideas. Our success in this new and changing world will require reform, responsibility, and innovation. It will also require us to approach that world with a new level of engagement in our foreign affairs.

Just as jobs and businesses can now race across borders, so can new threats and new challenges. No single wall separates East and West; no one rival superpower is aligned against us. And so we must defeat determined enemies wherever they are, and build coalitions that cut across lines of region and race and religion. America’s moral example must always shine for all who yearn for freedom, justice, and dignity. And because we have begun this work, tonight we can say that American leadership has been renewed and America’s standing has been restored.

Look to Iraq, where nearly 100,000 of our brave men and women have left with their heads held high; where American combat patrols have ended; violence has come down; and a new government has been formed. This year, our civilians will forge a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while we finish the job of bringing our troops out of Iraq. America’s commitment has been kept; the Iraq War is coming to an end.

Of course, as we speak, al Qaeda and their affiliates continue to plan attacks against us.  Thanks to our intelligence and law enforcement professionals, we are disrupting plots and securing our cities and skies. And as extremists try to inspire acts of violence within our borders, we are responding with the strength of our communities, with respect for the rule of law, and with the conviction that American Muslims are a part of our American family.

We have also taken the fight to al Qaeda and their allies abroad. In Afghanistan, our troops have taken Taliban strongholds and trained Afghan Security Forces.  Our purpose is clear—by preventing the Taliban from reestablishing a stranglehold over the Afghan people, we will deny al Qaeda the safe-haven that served as a launching pad for 9/11. Thanks to our heroic troops and civilians, fewer Afghans are under the control of the insurgency. There will be tough fighting ahead, and the Afghan government will need to deliver better governance. But we are strengthening the capacity of the Afghan people and building an enduring partnership with them. This year, we will work with nearly 50 countries to begin a transition to an Afghan lead. And this July, we will begin to bring our troops home.

In Pakistan, al Qaeda’s leadership is under more pressure than at any point since 2001. Their leaders and operatives are being removed from the battlefield. Their safe-havens are shrinking. And we have sent a message from the Afghan border to the Arabian Peninsula to all parts of the globe: we will not relent, we will not waver, and we will defeat you.

American leadership can also be seen in the effort to secure the worst weapons of war. Because Republicans and Democrats approved the New START Treaty, far fewer nuclear weapons and launchers will be deployed. Because we rallied the world, nuclear materials are being locked down on every continent so they never fall into the hands of terrorists.

Because of a diplomatic effort to insist that Iran meet its obligations, the Iranian government now faces tougher and tighter sanctions than ever before. And on the Korean peninsula, we stand with our ally South Korea, and insist that North Korea keeps its commitment to abandon nuclear weapons.

This is just a part of how we are shaping a world that favors peace and prosperity. With our European allies, we revitalized NATO, and increased our cooperation on everything from counter-terrorism to missile defense. We have reset our relationship with Russia, strengthened Asian alliances, and built new partnerships with nations like India. This March, I will travel to Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador to forge new alliances for progress in the Americas. Around the globe, we are standing with those who take responsibility—helping farmers grow more food; supporting doctors who care for the sick; and combating the corruption that can rot a society and rob people of opportunity.

Recent events have shown us that what sets us apart must not just be our power—it must be the purpose behind it.  In South Sudan—with our assistance —the people were finally able to vote for independence after years of war. Thousands lined up before dawn. People danced in the streets. One man who lost four of his brothers at war summed up the scene around him: “This was a battlefield for most of my life. Now we want to be free.”

We saw that same desire to be free in Tunisia, where the will of the people proved more powerful than the writ of a dictator. And tonight, let us be clear: the United States of America stands with the people of Tunisia, and supports the democratic aspirations of all people.

We must never forget that the things we’ve struggled for, and fought for, live in the hearts of people everywhere. And we must always remember that the Americans who have borne the greatest burden in this struggle are the men and women who serve our country. Tonight, let us speak with one voice in reaffirming that our nation is united in support of our troops and their families. Let us serve them as well as they have served us—by giving them the equipment they need; by providing them with the care and benefits they have earned; and by enlisting our veterans in the great task of building our own nation.

Our troops come from every corner of this country—they are black, white, Latino, Asian and Native American. They are Christian and Hindu, Jewish and Muslim. And, yes, we know that some of them are gay. Starting this year, no American will be forbidden from serving the country they love because of who they love. And with that change, I call on all of our college campuses to open their doors to our military recruiters and the ROTC. It is time to leave behind the divisive battles of the past. It is time to move forward as one nation.

We should have no illusions about the work ahead of us. Reforming our schools; changing the way we use energy; reducing our deficit—none of this is easy. All of it will take time. And it will be harder because we will argue about everything. The cost. The details. The letter of every law. Of course, some countries don’t have this problem. If the central government wants a railroad, they get a railroad—no matter how many homes are bulldozed. If they don’t want a bad story in the newspaper, it doesn’t get written. And yet, as contentious and frustrating and messy as our democracy can sometimes be, I know there isn’t a person here who would trade places with any other nation on Earth.

We may have differences in policy, but we all believe in the rights enshrined in our Constitution. We may have different opinions, but we believe in the same promise that says this is a place where you can make it if you try. We may have different backgrounds, but we believe in the same dream that says this is a country where anything’s possible. No matter who you are. No matter where you come from.

That dream is why I can stand here before you tonight. That dream is why a working class kid from Scranton can stand behind me.  That dream is why someone who began by sweeping the floors of his father’s Cincinnati bar can preside as Speaker of the House in the greatest nation on Earth.

That dream—that American Dream—is what drove the Allen Brothers to reinvent their roofing company for a new era. It’s what drove those students at Forsyth Tech to learn a new skill and work towards the future. And that dream is the story of a small business owner named Brandon Fisher.

Brandon started a company in Berlin, Pennsylvania that specializes in a new kind of drilling technology. One day last summer, he saw the news that halfway across the world, 33 men were trapped in a Chilean mine, and no one knew how to save them. But Brandon thought his company could help. And so he designed a rescue that would come to be known as Plan B. His employees worked around the clock to manufacture the necessary drilling equipment. And Brandon left for Chile. Along with others, he began drilling a 2,000 foot hole into the ground, working three or four days at a time with no sleep. Thirty-seven days later, Plan B succeeded, and the miners were rescued. But because he didn’t want all of the attention, Brandon wasn’t there when the miners emerged. He had already gone home, back to work on his next project. Later, one of his employees said of the rescue, “We proved that Center Rock is a little company, but we do big things.”

We do big things.

From the earliest days of our founding, America has been the story of ordinary people who dare to dream. That’s how we win the future.

We are a nation that says, “I might not have a lot of money, but I have this great idea for a new company. I might not come from a family of college graduates, but I will be the first to get my degree. I might not know those people in trouble, but I think I can help them, and I need to try. I’m not sure how we’ll reach that better place beyond the horizon, but I know we’ll get there. I know we will.”

We do big things.

The idea of America endures. Our destiny remains our choice. And tonight, more than two centuries later, it is because of our people that our future is hopeful, our journey goes forward, and the state of our union is strong.

Thank you, God Bless You, and may God Bless the United States of America.

众议院议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员、尊敬的客人们、同胞们：

今晚我想首先向美国第112届国会的男女议员、你们的新议长约翰·博纳表示祝贺。在我们庆祝这一时刻时，我们仍然很清楚一位国会议员的座位是空着的，让我们为我们的同事、我们的朋友加布里埃尔·吉福兹的健康祈祷。

我们这些今晚出席这一活动的人在过去两年曾存在分歧，这不是秘密。辩论是非常激烈的，我们为我们各自的观点进行了激烈的斗争。这是一件好事，这是强有力的民主所要求的。这种争论帮助美国成为区别于其他国家的民主国家。

但图森市的悲剧给了我们一个停止争论的理由，我们进行的公共辩论引发了噪音、情绪、怨恨。图森的悲剧提醒我们，不管我们是谁、来自何方，我们中的每一个人都是一个更伟大事务的一部分，它比政党或者政治倾向更具必然性。

我们是美国大家庭的组成部分。我们相信在这个各种种族、信仰、观点并存的国家，我们仍是一个团结在一起的民族。我们拥有共同的希望和信条，图森小女孩的梦想与我们自己孩子的梦想没有什么差别，这些梦想都应有获得实现的机会。这也是使我们作为一个国家产生分歧的原因。

现在，简单地认识到这一点本身将不会开启一个合作的新时代。这一时刻所能产生的成果取决于我们。这一时刻所产生的成果将不会由我们是否今晚坐在一起而决定，它将被我们明天是否合作所决定。我认为我们能够实现合作，我认为我们必须这样。这是那些把我们送到这里的人们所期望的。他们通过他们的选票决定，执政将是两党共同的责任，新的法案只有在获得民主党和共和党议员的支持下才能通过。在面对比党派或者政治更大的挑战面前，我们将一起前行，或者原地不动。

现在的利害不是谁将赢得下次选举，毕竟，我们刚刚举行完一次选举。现在的利害是新的就业机会和新的行业是否会在美国生根或者在其他地方。这事关我们人民的辛劳工作和行业是否能得到回报。这事关我们是否能继续保持领导能力，这种领导能力使美国不只局限于地图上的某一个地方，美国因为这种领导能力而成为世界的灯光。

我们做好了前进的准备。在我们大多数人经历最为糟糕的经济衰退两年后，股市已再次大幅上升，公司赢利在增加，经济在再次增长。但我们从不只以这些标准来衡量进展，我们以我们人民的成功来评估进展。通过他们所能找到的工作和这些工作所提供的生活质量，通过小企业主把好点子的梦想转变成兴旺发达的企业的前景，通过我们给我们孩子更好生活的机遇。这是一个美国人民想让我们从事的事业，美国人民想让我们共同致力于这项事业。

我们去年12月做了这方面的工作。由于我们通过的减税法案，美国人今天收到的支票金额要比过去多。所有的企业都可以把它今年所作投资的全部开支注销。这些由民主党人和共和党人合作采取的措施将使经济增长，增加就业岗位，私人行业去年已创造一百多万个就业岗位。但我们有更多的工作要做。我们在过去两年所采取的措施可能已克服了经济衰退的主要困难，但是为了赢得未来，我们必须直接应对那些在过去数十年来一直积累起来的挑战。

许多观看今晚演讲的人可能还记得那个找到好工作意味着在附近工厂或者市中心商业区就业的时候，你并不总是需要获得一个学位，你的竞争基本只限于你的邻居。如果你努力工作，你可能会终身拥有这个职位，这个工作会给你带来体面的收入，好的福利，有时还会升职。你可能还会拥有看到你的孩子在同一公司工作的自豪感。

世界已发生了变革。对于许多人来说，变革是痛苦的。在曾经一度业务繁忙的工厂面临关闭时，我透过百叶窗看到了这种痛苦；在一度繁忙的商业街道空空如也的店门前，我看到了这种痛苦；在那些看到收入不断缩水或者失业美国人的绝望言论中，我听到了这种痛苦。这就好像在比赛进行到一半时，表现出色而又颇感自豪的运动员发现规则突然改变了。他们是正确的，规则发生了变化。仅仅用了一代人的时间，技术革命已改变了我们的工作、生活和做生意的方式。一度需要一千名工人的钢铁厂现在用一百名工人就可以完成同样的工作。今天，任何一家公司都可以设立商店、雇佣员工、把产品销售给有互联网连接的所有地方。

与此同时，中国和印度等国已意识到，他们在做出一些变革后将能够在新世界里与其他国家进行竞争。所以，他们开始对他们的孩子进行更早和更长时间的教育，更加重视数学和科学。他们投资于研发和新技术。就在不久之前，中国已拥有世界上最大的私营太阳能研究设施，世界上运行速度最快的计算机。

所以，是的，世界发生了变革。就业岗位的竞争是真实存在的，但这不应当使我们灰心，它应当成为激励我们的动力。请记住，尽管我们在过去几年遭受到了巨大打击，尽管所有的悲观者预言美国在衰落，但美国仍是世界上最大、最繁荣的经济体。我们工人的劳动生产率是最高的，我们的公司是最成功的，我们的投资者和企业家所拥有的专利数是最多的。我们拥有世界上最好的院校和大学，来美国就读的学生超过任何其他国家。

更为重要的是，我们是首个以思想立国的国家，这个思想是我们中的每个人都应当有机会来塑造自己的命运。这就是为什么先驱们和移民们数个世纪以来不惜冒着失去一切的风险来到美国的原因。这就是我们的学生不只是记住方程式，而是会提出“你认为这个想法如何？你想如何改变世界？当你长大后你想成为什么样的人”等问题。

我们将赢得未来，但为了实现这一点，我们不能原地踏步。正如罗伯特·肯尼迪所说的那样“未来不是一个礼物，它是一个成就”。维持美国梦从来不是墨守成规。它需要每一代人作出牺牲、斗争，满足新时代的要求。现在轮到我们这一代人了。我们知道在我们的时代为工作和行业进行竞争需要什么。我们需要在创新、教育和建设方面超越其他国家。我们要使美国成为商业环境最好的国家。我们需要对我们的赤字负责任，对我们的政府进行改革。这就是我们的人民实现繁荣的方法。这就是我们如何赢得未来的方法。今晚，我想谈谈我们如何做到这些。

赢得未来的首个步骤是鼓励美国人创新。

我们所有人都无法肯定地预言下一个主要行业将是什么行业或者新的就业岗位来自哪里。三十年前，我们不知道一个被称作互联网的东西会引发经济革命。我们所能做的是争取在激发美国人民的创造性和想象力这些方面比其他国家的人做得更好。我们是一个将车开到车道上、把计算机放在办公室的国家，是一个拥有爱迪生、莱特兄弟的国家，是一个拥有谷歌和脸谱的国家。在美国，创新不只改变我们的生活，更重要的是这是我们赖以谋生的方法。我们的自由企业制度驱动着创新，但是由于公司投资基础研究并不总是有利可图，在历史上，我们的政府向一流的科学家和发明家提供了他们所需要的支持。这些支持种下了互联网的种子，这些支持帮助制造出计算机芯片和全球定位仪这样的东西。想想所有的好工作，从制造业到零售业都来自于这些突破。

半个世纪之前，当苏联人发射一颗名为“伴侣号”的人造卫星从而在太空竞赛领域击败我们时，我们不知道我们如何在登月方面击败他们。那方面的科学当时还不存在，美国宇航局当时甚至都还未组建。但在更好的研究和教育方面投资后，我们不仅超过了苏联人，我们还推动了一系列的创新，这些创新创造了新的行业和数百万个新就业岗位。

这是我们那一代人创造的“伴侣号”走在世界前沿的时刻。我在两年前说过，我们需要将研发拓展到自太空竞赛高峰后再也没有出现过的新层次上。我将在未来几周内向国会提交一份预算案，它将帮助我们实现这一目标。我们将投资于生物医药研究、信息技术，尤其是清洁能源技术，这一投资将会强化我们的安全、保护我们的地球、为我们的人民创造无数新就业岗位。

我们已看到了可再生能源的潜力。罗伯特·阿伦和加里·阿伦是一对在密歇根州经营屋顶公司的兄弟。他们在“9·11”恐怖袭击事件后志愿派出他们最好的装修屋顶员工来帮助维修五角大楼，但是他们工厂的半个厂区没有开工，经济衰退重创了他们的工厂。今天，在政府贷款的帮助下，空闲的厂房被用于制造销往全球各地的太阳能电池板。用罗伯特的话说：“我们再造了自己。”

这就是美国人在过去两百多年里一直在做的事情，再造自我。为了推动更多像阿伦兄弟这样的成功故事，我们已开始再造我们的能源政策。我们将不只提供款项，我们还将提供挑战。我们将告诉美国的科学家和工程师，如果他们组建他们领域最好的科学家小组，致力解决清洁能源最困难问题，我们将向我们时代的“阿波罗项目”提供资金支持。

在加州理工学院，科学家正在寻找一种将太阳光和水转换成汽车燃料的方法。在橡树岭国家实验室，科学家们正在通过超级计算机以使从我们的核设施获得更多能量。在进行更多的研究和激励措施后，我们可以用生物燃料来打破我们对石油的依赖，成为在2015年前首个拥有一百万电动汽车上路的国家。

我们需要找到创新背后的要素。为了向创新提供经费支持，我将请求国会取消向石油公司所提供的数十亿美元税款补贴。我不知道你是否注意到这一情况，石油公司自身运营得很不错。所以，与其向昨天的能源业提供补贴，我们不如投资于未来的能源。

现在，清洁能源领域的技术突破只有在业界知道有销售市场的情况下才会转变成清洁能源业的工作岗位。所以，今晚，我想让你们和我一起来制订一个新目标：争取在2035年之前使美国85%的电力供应量来自清洁能源。一些人想要风力和太阳能，其他人想要核电、清洁煤炭和天然气。为了实现这一目标，我们将需要所有这些清洁能源。我呼吁民主党人和共和党人通过合作来实现这一目标。

保持我们在研究和技术领域的领导地位对于美国的成功至关重要。如果我们想拥抱未来，如果我们想让创新在美国而不是海外创造就业岗位，那么我们必须赢得教育我们孩子的竞赛。思考一下吧，在未来十年，近半数新就业岗位将需要拥有高中以上的教育程度。虽然如此，美国仍有近四分之一的学生甚至未完成中学教育。我们教育和科学的教育质量落后于许多国家，美国年轻人拥有大学学位比例的排行已降至世界第九位。所以问题是我们所有的人，作为公民，作为父母，是否愿意做那些必要的事情以便让每个孩子都有成功的机会？

这一责任不仅是在我们的教室内开始的，也是在我们的家庭和社区里开始的。是家庭首先培养了孩子爱好学习的习惯，只有父母在确保关掉电视的情况下，孩子的家庭作业才会完成。我们需要教育我们的孩子，不仅是超级碗比赛的获胜者值得庆祝，那些科学大赛的赢家也应当值得庆祝。成功不是名气或者公共关系所带来的，它是由辛劳的工作和自律造就的。

我们的学校也有责任。当一名儿童步入教室，它就应当是一个被寄予厚望和拥有很高教学能力的地方，但是太多的学校未能达到这一标准。这就是为什么我们没有向教育系统注入大笔资金原因，我们启动了一个名为“冲顶赛跑”的竞争。我们对所有五十个州说：“如果你们能够向我们展示提高教师质量和学生成就的最具创新力的方案，我们将向你们提供款项。”“冲顶赛跑”是我们公共学校在十年内所进行的最有意义的改革。它只使用了不到我们每年教育开支的1%的经费，但它已使四十个州提高了教学和学习标准。这些标准不是由华盛顿所决定的，它是由美国各个州的共和党和民主党州长们所决定的。“冲顶赛跑”应当成为我们今年所采取的方法。我们今年将用一个更为灵活、专注于用给我们的孩子带来最大益处的法律来取代《不让一个儿童落后法》。

你们应该知道，当改革不仅仅是从上到下的指示时，我们的孩子所能够取得的成绩有多大。改革措施将由当地的教师和校长、校董事会和社区来决定。以丹佛的布鲁斯·兰多夫学校为例，它在三年前被评为科罗拉多州最差的学校之一，它位于两个敌对黑帮争夺的地盘内。但在去年五月，该校97%的高三学生获得了毕业证，大多数人将是他们家庭中上大学的第一人。在学校实现转变后的第一年，一位学生的话使这一切成为现实的校长流下了眼泪。这个学生说：“感谢你，威特斯女士，感谢你向我们表明，我们是聪明的，我们能够成功。”

让我们也记住，除了父母之外，对一个孩子成功的最大影响来自于站在教室前的男女教师们。在韩国，教师们被称作“国家建造者”。在美国，现是我们该以同样程度的尊重对待那些教育我们孩子的人的时候了。我们应当奖励好教师，停止为糟糕的教师找借口。在未来十年，由于非常多的婴儿潮，一代教师将退休，我们将需要准备十万名科学、技术、工程和数学学科教师。事实上，对于今晚收听讲演的、正在考虑职业选择的年轻人，如果你想让我们国家前途有所不同，如果你想让一个孩子的生命有所不同，成为一位教师吧。你的国家需要你。

当然，教育竞赛不会止步于高中毕业证，为了竞争必须让每位美国人都有接受高等教育的机会。这就是我们为什么结束向银行提供没有充分根据的税款补贴，用节省下来的钱来使数百万学生能有能力上大学。我今年将请求国会采取进一步措施，使我们的学费税收抵免永久化，对一个人四年的大学来说，这笔钱相当于1万美元。

由于人们需要在今天快速变化的经济领域里接受新工作和职业的培训，我们也将重新使美国的社区学院恢复活力。我上个月看到了北卡罗来纳州福费斯社区技术学院的潜力，学院的许多学生曾在现在已搬离城镇的附近工厂就业。凯西·普罗克托是一位两个孩子的母亲，她十八岁就开始在家具业工作。她告诉我，现年55岁的她正在攻读生物技术学位，不只是因为家具业的工作没有了，而是因为她想鼓励她的孩子也追求他们的梦想。凯西说：“我希望这将能教会他们永不放弃。”

如果我们采取这些措施，如果我们提高对每个孩子的期望值，给他们在教育方面最好的机遇，从他们出生至他们最后的就业岗位，我们将实现我在两年前确定的目标：在这个十年结束的时候，美国将再度成为拥有大学生比例最高的国家。

有关教育的最后一点。今天，我们的学校里有数百万学业优秀的非美国公民。一些人是非法工人的孩子，他们与他们父母的行为没有任何关系。他们是以美国人的身份长大的，宣誓效忠美国，但却每天生活在将被驱逐的威胁之下。其他人来自海外，在我们的院校和大学里学习，但他们一旦获得学位，我们就把他们送回国和我们进行竞争。这没有道理。现在，我强烈地认为，我们应当立即解决非法移民的问题。我做好了与共和党人和民主党人合作以保护我们边境的准备，执行我们的法律，解决数百万生活在阴影之下的非法移民问题。我知道，这方面的辩论将是艰难的，将需要时间。但是今晚，让我们就开始作出努力达成共识。停止驱逐那些有才能、负责任的年轻人，他们可以在我们的实验室工作、创业、给美国带来新的财富。

赢得未来的第三步是重建美国。为了吸引新的行业来到美国，我们需要运送人员、商品、信息最快捷、最可靠的方法，从高速铁路至高速互联网等基础设施。

我们的基础设施曾经是世界上最棒的，但现在我们的领先优势已经下滑。韩国家庭的互联网接入比例已超过了美国。欧洲国家和俄罗斯在公路和铁路的投资额超过了美国。中国正在建造更快的火车和新机场。与此同时，当我们自己的工程师给我们的基础设施打分时，他们给我们打了一个“D”。

我们必须做得更好，美国是一个建设了州际铁路，将电力输往乡村社区，建设了州际高速公路的国家。这些项目创造的工作不只来自于铺设铁轨或者路面，工作机会也来自在镇里新建火车站或者新外匝道附近开设的行业。

在未来两年，我们已开始为二十一世纪进行重建。这个项目已为遭到沉重打击的建筑业带来了数千个好工作。今晚，我提议我们加倍这方面的努力。

我们将让更多的美国人从事修理年久失修的道路和桥梁工作。我们将确保这方面的工作有充分的经费保证，吸引私人投资，根据项目对经济而不是对政治家的最佳益处来选择项目。

在未来二十五年内，我们的目标是使80%的美国人能够拥有高速铁路，这将使你乘高速铁路出行的时间比开车出行的时间减少一半。对于一些旅程来说，它将比乘飞机出行更快，而且没有严格的安检措施。在我们讲话之时，加州和中西部地区的高铁线路已在建设之中。

在未来五年内，我们将使业界向98%的美国人提供下一代高速无线网络连接成为可能。这并不只是更快的互联网和更少的漏接电话。这使美国的各个地区都进入数字化时代。这事关衣阿华州或者阿拉巴马州乡村社区的农民和小企业主能够向全世界出售他们的产品，这事关消防队员能够用手持装置来下载着火建筑物的设计图。这事关一名学生可以用数字教科书上课或者一位病人能够与她的医生进行面对面的视频聊天。

所有这些投资，在创新、教育、基础设施方面的投资将为美国带来更好的商业环境并且创造就业。但是为了帮助我们的公司竞争，我们还必须打破那些阻碍他们成功的障碍物。

多年以来，众多的游说人士利用税法来为某些公司和行业谋利，那些在这一系统中就业的会计师或者律师最终什么税都不交，而所有其他人则要承受世界上最高的公司税率。这毫无道理，这需要改变。

所以，今晚我请求民主党和共和党人简化税率，根除漏洞，实现公平竞争。用这些节省下来的钱来降低公司税率，这将是二十五年来的第一次，而且是在不增加我们赤字的情况下。

为了帮助商业界向海外出售更多的产品，我们确定了在2014年将出口额翻一倍的目标，因为我们出口的越多，在国内创造的就业岗位就会越多。我们的出口额已经开始上升。我们最近与印度和中国签署了协议，这些协议将为美国二十五万多个就业岗位提供支持。我们上个月与韩国完成了贸易协议的最后文本，它将支持至少七万个美国就业岗位。这一协议获得来自行业和劳工组织、民主党人和共和党人前所未有的支持。我请求国会尽早通过这一协议。

在我就职之前，我明确表示我们将执行我们的贸易协议。我将只会签署那些对美国工人有信心、增加美国就业岗位的协议。我们与韩国签署协议时就是这样做的，我想在与巴拿马和哥伦比亚寻求签署类似协议时也会这样做，在继续与我们的亚太和全球贸易会谈时持同样立场。

为了降低增长和投资的障碍，我已下令对政府规则进行重新评估。当我们发现那些给行业带来不必要负担的规则时，我们将会修改这些规则。我将毫不迟疑地设立或者强制执行常识性的保护性规则，以保护美国人民。我们在过去一个多世纪一直是这样做的。这就是为什么我们的食物、水、空气是安全的。这就是我们为什么去年对信用卡公司隐藏资费和惩罚规定采取消费者保护措施，为了避免新的金融危机采取新规则的原因。这就是我们为什么最终通过改革法案以防止医保行业剥削病人的原因。

现在，我听说了有关你们中的一些人对新的医保法律有一些担心的传闻。所以让我来首先说，所有的事情都有改善的可能。如果你有使医疗护理更加高质量或者更便宜的想法，我很愿意与你合作。我们现在可以着手开始解决法案中给小企业带来不必要记账负担的缺陷，但我不愿意去做的事情是重返保险公司以先决条件为由来否决一些人获得医疗保险的时代。我不愿意告诉来自得州的脑癌患者詹姆斯·霍华德，医保公司可能不会支付他的治疗费用。我不愿意告诉俄勒冈州的小企业主吉姆·豪斯，他还得多支付5000美元来使他的雇员获得医保。就在我们讲话时，这一法案正使给老年人所开的处方药更为便宜，使没有医疗保险的学生有继续享受他们父母医保的机会。所以，与其重开过去两年在这方面的斗争，不如让我们纠正需要纠正的地方向前走。

现在，赢得未来的最后一步，也是最关键的一步，是确保我们不会葬身于如山的债务之中。

几乎从十年前开始，赤字财政就一直与我们形影相随。在金融危机爆发后，这在一定程度上对于保持银行流动性、保护就业以及增加人民收入来说是必要的。但现在经济衰退的最糟时刻已经结束，我们必须直面政府财政入不敷出的现实。这是不可持续的。每天美国的家庭在节衣缩食以保证营收平衡，他们的政府也应如此。所以，今晚我建议从今年开始冻结未来五年部分年度国内项目支出。这将使美国财政赤字在未来十年减少4000多亿美元，进而使政府可自由支配的开支所占经济的比例降低到艾森豪威尔总统时期以来的最低水平。

冻结需要进行痛苦的削减。我们已经冻结了未来两年辛劳工作的联邦雇员的工资水平。我也建议削减我一直非常关注的一些项目的支出，比如社区行动项目。国防部长也已同意削减他与他的将军们认为对我们军事影响不大的数百亿美元的军费支出。我承认在座各位中有些人已提出了进一步削减开支的提案，我愿意删除任何的确可节省的开支。不过我们必须确保不加重最脆弱的民众的负担，而且我们还要确保所削减开支属真正超重部分。通过减少对改革和教育的投资来实现赤字削减，就相当于拆除发动机以实现超载飞机减重的目的。这样做或许可能让你一开始觉得飞得很高，但没过多久，你就会感受到冲击。

现在，我提出的大部分削减和节省提案只包括在年度国内支出中，而这种开支仅占我国预算的12%多一点。为了取得进一步进展，我们必须停止仅削减此类开支就已足够的臆测，这还不够。去年我组建的两党联立财政委员会已经明确了这一点。我并不认同他们的全部提案，但他们的确取得了重大进步。他们的结论是解决我国赤字问题的唯一办法是削减我们能够发现的所有过度消费，包括国内项目开支、国防开支、医疗开支等。

这就意味着进一步降低卫生保健开支，包括像医疗保险和医疗补贴这样我国长期赤字最大单一来源项目。医疗保险改革将减缓这些开支的上升，这就是无党派经济学家认为废止卫生保健法会使我国赤字增加2500亿美元的部分原因。我很愿意看到其他降低开支的想法，包括去年共和党的一项提案：进行医疗事故改革，降低草率的医疗诉讼发生率。

为了构建坚实的基础，我们还应制定两党解决方案，强化后代社会保障。在这一点上，我们不应危及当前退休人员，最易受到伤害的人群，或残疾人，不应有损后代利益，不应使美国退休收入保障受制于充满不确定性的股市。

如果我们真的关心我们的赤字，我们就不能允许永久延长有关2%最富裕美国人的减税法案。在削减学校资金或学生的奖学金之前，我们应该让那些百万富翁们放弃他们的减税优惠。这不是惩罚他们所取得的成功。而是要促进美国的成功。

实际上，在税收方面，我们能为所有美国人做得最好的事莫过于简化个人税码。这将会是一项艰巨的工作，不过两党成员已经表示有意从事这项工作，而且我也准备加入他们。

所以，现在是时候采取行动了。现在是时候两党及国会两院在原则上做出让步，共同从事这项工作了。如果我们现在做出这一艰难决定，从而严加控制我们的赤字，那么我们便能够进行赢得未来所需的投资。更进一步地说，我们的政府不能负担得更多。我们应该给人民一个更强有力、更高效的政府。过去的政府无法赢得未来。我们生活和工作在信息时代，但上一次政府大规模重组却还是在黑白电视机的时代。涉及出口的有十二个机构。涉及住房政策的则至少有五个实体。我常举的一个例子是大马哈鱼在淡水中时由内政部负责，而在咸水中时则由商业部负责。而我听说一旦被熏烤之后情况就更复杂。

现在，我们已经在过去的两年里，在利用技术以及消灭浪费方面实现了突飞猛进。退伍军人现在点一下鼠标，就能下载他们的电子病历。我们正在出售几英亩数年都未曾使用的联邦办公地点，而且我们将去除繁文缛节以便摆脱更多负担。不过，我们需要考虑更多。未来的几个月里，我的政府将会提出一项建议，以最有助于实现打造更具竞争力美国的目标的方法，合并、巩固并整顿联邦政府。我将会把这一建议提交给国会进行投票，我们将会推动这一建议的通过。

未来一年里，我们将继续努力重建人民对政府机构的信任。因为你们应当确切知道你们所缴的税花在哪里，花了多少，你们也将能够在第一时间登录网站获得这些信息。因为你们应当知道自己选出的官员何时会见游说团体，我已要求国会按照白宫已经在做的将这些信息公布上网。而且因为美国人民应当知道，特殊利益不能穿插在小项目的立法中，国会中的两党议员应该知道这一点：如果呈现在我案头的法案中存在“特殊专款”(注：一般是指国会议员各自根据其选区或者集团需要插入预算报告中的“相关项目专款”)，我将会予以否决。

一个具备公开和竞争力的二十一世纪政府，一个量入为出的政府。一个由新技术与理念驱动的经济体系。要在这个不断变化的新世界中取得成功，我们需改革、责任和创新。这还需要我们在外交事务中通过新方法接触世界。

正如就业和商贸现在可以跨越国界一样，新威胁和新挑战也是如此。隔在东西方之间的不是一堵墙，与我们为敌的也不是某个超级大国。所以，我们必须战胜敌人，无论他们在哪里，并建立跨越地区、种族和宗教界线的联盟。美国的道德榜样必需始终照耀着渴望自由、正义和尊严的所有人。因此我们已经开始了这项工作，所以今晚我们能够说美国领导阶层已经复兴，美国的地位已经恢复。

看看伊拉克，我们有近十万勇敢的男女士兵已经昂首挺胸撤离伊拉克，美国的战斗任务也已经结束。在那里，暴力现象已经开始下降，新政府已经组建。今年，我们的民众将与伊拉克人民建立持久伙伴关系，与此同时，我们从伊拉克撤军的工作也将结束。美国遵守了承诺，伊拉克战争即将结束。

当然，诚如我们所言，基地组织及其附属组织仍在计划攻击我们。感谢我们的情报和执法人员，我们正在挫败他们阴谋，保护我们的城市和天空。对于极端分子激发我们国内暴力行动的企图，我们正以社区力量、对法规的尊重，以及对美国穆斯林是我们美国大家庭一份子的坚定信仰作出回应。

我们也同基地组织及其海外盟友展开了战斗。在阿富汗，我们的军队已经占据了塔利班的根据地，并且训练了阿富汗安全部队。我们的目标很明显：通过阻止塔利班再次压榨阿富汗人民，我们将会阻止基地组织获得充当“9·11”起点的避风港。经过英勇的军队及平民的奋战，只剩下少数阿富汗人仍处于塔利班这一叛乱组织的控制之下。摆在前面的将会是激烈的战斗，而且阿富汗政府需要进行更好的管制。不过，我们正在增强阿富汗人民的力量，并与他们构建持久的伙伴关系。今年，我们将会同近五十个国家一起，开始向由阿富汗主导的状态过渡。今年7月，我们将开始撤军。

在巴基斯坦，基地组织领导阶层承受着比2001年以来任何时候都要大的压力。他们的首领和骨干正在被清除出战场，他们的避风港正在收缩。而且，我们已经从阿富汗边界向阿拉伯半岛以及全球各地的恐怖分子发出警告：我们不会留情，我们不会动摇，我们将击败你们。

美国领导人也在努力确保最厉害战争武器的安全。因为共和党和民主党通过了新《削减战略武器条约》，可部署的武器和发射器会更少。因为我们要重振世界，要在各大洲限制核材料，以免落入恐怖分子手中。

因为美国也在通过外交努力坚持要求伊朗履行其义务，所以伊朗政府现在面临着比以往更加严厉的制裁。在朝鲜半岛上，我们与盟国韩国站在一起，坚持朝鲜践行其放弃核武器的诺言。

这仅是我们重塑世界、维护世界和平和繁荣所作出努力的一部分。我们与欧洲同盟一道，在努力恢复北约的活力，增加从反恐到导弹防御等各方面的合作。我们已经重新设定了与俄罗斯的关系，强化亚洲同盟，并与印度等国家建立了新的伙伴关系。今年三月，我将访问巴西、智利和萨尔瓦多，打造美洲新的进步同盟。在全球，我们与那些负责任的国家一道，帮助农民生产更多的粮食，支持医治伤患的医生，并与败坏社会风气和掠夺人民财富的腐败行为作斗争。

最近的事件告诉我们，使我们与众不同的不仅是我们的力量，也必然还有其后的目的。在我们的帮助下，南苏丹人民在经历了多年的战争后，最终能够投票选择自己的独立。他们在黎明前排起了数千人的长队，人民在大街上欢舞。一名在战争中失去了四名兄弟的男子在描述他身边的景象时这样说道，“这曾是我生命大多时间中的战场，现在我们希望自由”。

我们在突尼斯看到了同样的要求自由的愿望，在那里，事实证明人民的意志比独裁者的敕令更有力量。今晚，我们要明确宣示：美利坚合众国人民与突尼斯人民站在一起，并支持全体人民的民主愿望。

我们绝对不能忘记我们为之努力、为之奋斗、所有人都铭记心中的事情。我们必须永远记住，在这场斗争中负担最为沉重的美国人正是那些报效我们祖国的男男女女。今晚，让我们共同重申，我们的国家会团结一致地支持我们的军队及其家人。让我们为他们服务，就像他们为我们服务那样，给予他们需要的装备，为他们提供应得的保健和福利，并在建设祖国的伟大任务中，为退伍军人提供支持。

我们的军人来自这个国家的每一个角落。他们是黑人、白人、拉丁裔、亚裔和印第安人。他们是基督教教徒、印度教教徒、犹太教教徒和穆斯林。的确，我们知道其中有一些人是同性恋。从今年开始，美国人都不会因为他们的爱人而被禁止报效其所爱的国家。接下来，我呼吁所有大学校园向我们的军方征兵人员和后备军官训练队敞开大门。现在，是时候和过去的分裂斗争说再见了。我们应该作为一个民族向前迈进。

我们不应该对摆在我们面前的工作心存任何幻想。改革学校、改变能源使用方式、减少赤字，这一切都并非易事，这需要时间。我们会围绕一切事情展开争论，这会使难度变得更高，成本、细节、每一个法律条文。当然，有些国家不存在这个问题，如果中央政府说要建一条铁路，他们就会建成一条铁路，无论这需要拆除多少个家庭的房屋；如果他们不希望一件坏事见报，就没人会去写报道。可是，尽管我们的民主有时可能引起争议、令人沮丧乃至像一团乱麻，但我知道在场的各位没有一个人会愿意与地球上任何其他国家的人交换位置。

我们在政策上可能有分歧，但对于我们的宪法所赋予的权利我们都深信不疑；我们可能有不同的见解，但我们都坚持一个共同的信念：在这个国家里，只要你努力尝试，你就有可能成功；我们可能来自不同的背景，但我们抱有同一个梦想：在这个国家里，任何想法都可能成为现实，无论你是谁，也无论你来自何方。

正是这个梦想使我今晚能够站在这里、站在你们面前。正是这个梦想使一名来自斯克兰顿的劳工子弟能够端坐在我身后。正是这个梦想使一个最初曾在他父亲于辛辛那提开设的酒吧里扫地的人后来能够在这个地球上最伟大的国家里当上众议院议长。

这个梦想——美国梦驱使着艾伦兄弟为了一个新时代而彻底改造了他们的屋顶工程公司。这个梦想驱使着那些在佛塞斯技术社区学院求学的学生们学习新技术，为了未来努力奋斗。这个梦想也驱使一个名为布兰登·费舍尔的小企业主有了自己的故事。

布兰登在宾夕法尼亚州的柏林市开设了一家公司，专攻新型钻探技术。去年夏季的一天，他看到新闻，智利矿井中有三十三人被困，无人知道如何营救。但布兰登认为他的公司可以帮忙，他设计了一套营救方案称为B计划。他的员工二十四小时工作，生产所需的钻探设备。然后布兰登前往智利。他同其他人一起钻了一个2000英尺的洞，连续不眠不休工作了三四天。三十七天后B计划成功，矿工获救。但布兰登不想引起注意，矿工升井后，他并没有在那里，他已经回家开始致力于下一个项目了。后来，他的一名雇员在谈到这次救援行动时说：“森特·罗克是一家小公司，但我们做的却是大事情。”

我们做的是大事情。

自建国之初起，美国一直在讲述敢于追求远大理想的普通人的故事。未来我们也将因此而成功。

我们是一个会这样说话的民族：“我或许没有巨款，但是我有成立一家新公司的高见。我或许没有出生在一个拥有大学学历的家庭，但我将会成为这个家庭里第一个获得大学学历的人。我或许并不认识那些处于困境中的人们，但我认为我能够帮助他们，而且我需要试一试。虽然我不确定我们将如何超越地平线到达更好的地方，但我知道我们将会到达那里。我知道我们能够做到。”

我们做的是大事情。

美国的理念经久不衰。我们的命运依然取决于我们的选择。今晚，在两个多世纪之后，正因为有了我们的人民，我们的未来才充满希望，我们的征程才一路向前，我们的国家才强大繁盛。

谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

2012国情咨文——2012年1月24日美国众议院

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Last month, I went to Andrews Air Force Base and welcomed home some of our last troops to serve in Iraq. Together, we offered a final, proud salute to the colors under which more than a million of our fellow citizens fought—and several thousand gave their lives.

We gather tonight knowing that this generation of heroes has made the United States safer and more respected around the world. For the first time in nine years, there are no Americans fighting in Iraq. For the first time in two decades, Osama bin Laden is not a threat to this country. Most of al Qaeda’s top lieutenants have been defeated. The Taliban’s momentum has been broken, and some troops in Afghanistan have begun to come home.

These achievements are a testament to the courage, selflessness and teamwork of America’s Armed Forces. At a time when too many of our institutions have let us down, they exceed all expectations. They’re not consumed with personal ambition. They don’t obsess over their differences. They focus on the mission at hand. They work together.

Imagine what we could accomplish if we followed their example. Think about the America within our reach: A country that leads the world in educating its people. An America that attracts a new generation of high-tech manufacturing and high-paying jobs. A future where we’re in control of our own energy, and our security and prosperity aren’t so tied to unstable parts of the world. An economy built to last, where hard work pays off, and responsibility is rewarded.

We can do this. I know we can, because we’ve done it before. At the end of World War II, when another generation of heroes returned home from combat, they built the strongest economy and middle class the world has ever known. My grandfather, a veteran of Patton’s Army, got the chance to go to college on the GI Bill. My grandmother, who worked on a bomber assembly line, was part of a workforce that turned out the best products on Earth. The two of them shared the optimism of a nation that had triumphed over a depression and fascism. They understood they were part of something larger; that they were contributing to a story of success that every American had a chance to share—the basic American promise that if you worked hard, you could do well enough to raise a family, own a home, send your kids to college, and put a little away for retirement.

The defining issue of our time is how to keep that promise alive. No challenge is more urgent. No debate is more important. We can either settle for a country where a shrinking number of people do really well while a growing number of Americans barely get by, or we can restore an economy where everyone gets a fair shot, and everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. What’s at stake aren’t Democratic values or Republican values, but American values. And we have to reclaim them.

Let’s remember how we got here. Long before the recession, jobs and manufacturing began leaving our shores. Technology made businesses more efficient, but also made some jobs obsolete. Folks at the top saw their incomes rise like never before, but most hardworking Americans struggled with costs that were growing, paychecks that weren’t, and personal debt that kept piling up.

In 2008, the house of cards collapsed. We learned that mortgages had been sold to people who couldn’t afford or understand them. Banks had made huge bets and bonuses with other people’s money. Regulators had looked the other way, or didn’t have the authority to stop the bad behavior. It was wrong. It was irresponsible. And it plunged our economy into a crisis that put millions out of work, saddled us with more debt, and left innocent, hardworking Americans holding the bag. In the six months before I took office, we lost nearly 4 million jobs. And we lost another 4 million before our policies were in full effect.

Those are the facts. But so are these: In the last 22 months, businesses have created more than 3 million jobs. Last year, they created the most jobs since 2005. American manufacturers are hiring again, creating jobs for the first time since the late 1990s. Together, we’ve agreed to cut the deficit by more than $2 trillion. And we’ve put in place new rules to hold Wall Street accountable, so a crisis like this never happens again.

The state of our Union is getting stronger. And we’ve come too far to turn back now. As long as I’m President, I will work with anyone in this chamber to build on this momentum. But I intend to fight obstruction with action, and I will oppose any effort to return to the very same policies that brought on this economic crisis in the first place. No, we will not go back to an economy weakened by outsourcing, bad debt, and phony financial profits.

Tonight, I want to speak about how we move forward, and lay out a blueprint for an economy that’s built to last—an economy built on American manufacturing, American energy, skills for American workers, and a renewal of American values.

Now, this blueprint begins with American manufacturing.

On the day I took office, our auto industry was on the verge of collapse. Some even said we should let it die. With a million jobs at stake, I refused to let that happen. In exchange for help, we demanded responsibility. We got workers and automakers to settle their differences. We got the industry to retool and restructure. Today, General Motors is back on top as the world’s number-one automaker. Chrysler has grown faster in the U.S. than any major car company. Ford is investing billions in U.S. plants and factories. And together, the entire industry added nearly 160,000 jobs. We bet on American workers. We bet on American ingenuity. And tonight, the American auto industry is back.

What’s happening in Detroit can happen in other industries. It can happen in Cleveland and Pittsburgh and Raleigh. We can’t bring every job back that’s left our shore. But right now, it’s getting more expensive to do business in places like China. Meanwhile, America is more productive. A few weeks ago, the CEO of Master Lock told me that it now makes business sense for him to bring jobs back home. Today, for the first time in 15 years, Master Lock’s unionized plant in Milwaukee is running at full capacity.

So we have a huge opportunity, at this moment, to bring manufacturing back. But we have to seize it. Tonight, my message to business leaders is simple: Ask yourselves what you can do to bring jobs back to your country, and your country will do everything we can to help you succeed.

We should start with our tax code. Right now, companies get tax breaks for moving jobs and profits overseas. Meanwhile, companies that choose to stay in America get hit with one of the highest tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and everyone knows it. So let’s change it.

First, if you’re a business that wants to outsource jobs, you shouldn’t get a tax deduction for doing it. That money should be used to cover moving expenses for companies like Master Lock that decide to bring jobs home. Second, no American company should be able to avoid paying its fair share of taxes by moving jobs and profits overseas. From now on, every multinational company should have to pay a basic minimum tax. And every penny should go towards lowering taxes for companies that choose to stay here and hire here in America. Third, if you’re an American manufacturer, you should get a bigger tax cut. If you’re a high-tech manufacturer, we should double the tax deduction you get for making your products here. And if you want to relocate in a community that was hit hard when a factory left town, you should get help financing a new plant, equipment, or training for new workers.

So my message is simple. It is time to stop rewarding businesses that ship jobs overseas, and start rewarding companies that create jobs right here in America. Send me these tax reforms, and I will sign them right away.

We’re also making it easier for American businesses to sell products all over the world. Two years ago, I set a goal of doubling U.S. exports over five years. With the bipartisan trade agreements we signed into law, we’re on track to meet that goal ahead of schedule. And soon, there will be millions of new customers for American goods in Panama, Colombia, and South Korea. Soon, there will be new cars on the streets of Seoul imported from Detroit, and Toledo, and Chicago.

I will go anywhere in the world to open new markets for American products. And I will not stand by when our competitors don’t play by the rules. We’ve brought trade cases against China at nearly twice the rate as the last administration—and it’s made a difference. Over a thousand Americans are working today because we stopped a surge in Chinese tires. But we need to do more. It’s not right when another country lets our movies, music, and software be pirated. It’s not fair when foreign manufacturers have a leg up on ours only because they’re heavily subsidized.

Tonight, I’m announcing the creation of a Trade Enforcement Unit that will be charged with investigating unfair trading practices in countries like China. There will be more inspections to prevent counterfeit or unsafe goods from crossing our borders. And this Congress should make sure that no foreign company has an advantage over American manufacturing when it comes to accessing financing or new markets like Russia. Our workers are the most productive on Earth, and if the playing field is level, I promise you—America will always win.

I also hear from many business leaders who want to hire in the United States but can’t find workers with the right skills. Growing industries in science and technology have twice as many openings as we have workers who can do the job. Think about that—openings at a time when millions of Americans are looking for work. It’s inexcusable. And we know how to fix it.

Jackie Bray is a single mom from North Carolina who was laid off from her job as a mechanic. Then Siemens opened a gas turbine factory in Charlotte, and formed a partnership with Central Piedmont Community College. The company helped the college design courses in laser and robotics training. It paid Jackie’s tuition, then hired her to help operate their plant.

I want every American looking for work to have the same opportunity as Jackie did. Join me in a national commitment to train 2 million Americans with skills that will lead directly to a job. My administration has already lined up more companies that want to help. Model partnerships between businesses like Siemens and community colleges in places like Charlotte, and Orlando, and Louisville are up and running. Now you need to give more community colleges the resources they need to become community career centers—places that teach people skills that businesses are looking for right now, from data management to high-tech manufacturing.

And I want to cut through the maze of confusing training programs, so that from now on, people like Jackie have one program, one website, and one place to go for all the information and help that they need. It is time to turn our unemployment system into a reemployment system that puts people to work. These reforms will help people get jobs that are open today.

But to prepare for the jobs of tomorrow, our commitment to skills and education has to start earlier. For less than 1 percent of what our nation spends on education each year, we’ve convinced nearly every state in the country to raise their standards for teaching and learning—the first time that’s happened in a generation. But challenges remain. And we know how to solve them.

At a time when other countries are doubling down on education, tight budgets have forced states to lay off thousands of teachers. We know a good teacher can increase the lifetime income of a classroom by over $250,000. A great teacher can offer an escape from poverty to the child who dreams beyond his circumstance. Every person in this chamber can point to a teacher who changed the trajectory of their lives. Most teachers work tirelessly, with modest pay, sometimes digging into their own pocket for school supplies—just to make a difference.

Teachers matter. So instead of bashing them, or defending the status quo, let’s offer schools a deal. Give them the resources to keep good teachers on the job, and reward the best ones. And in return, grant schools flexibility: to teach with creativity and passion; to stop teaching to the test; and to replace teachers who just aren’t helping kids learn. That’s a bargain worth making.

We also know that when students don’t walk away from their education, more of them walk the stage to get their diploma. When students are not allowed to drop out, they do better. So tonight, I am proposing that every state—every state—requires that all students stay in high school until they graduate or turn 18.

When kids do graduate, the most daunting challenge can be the cost of college. At a time when Americans owe more in tuition debt than credit card debt, this Congress needs to stop the interest rates on student loans from doubling in July. Extend the tuition tax credit we started that saves millions of middle-class families thousands of dollars, and give more young people the chance to earn their way through college by doubling the number of work-study jobs in the next five years.

Of course, it’s not enough for us to increase student aid. We can’t just keep subsidizing skyrocketing tuition; we’ll run out of money. States also need to do their part, by making higher education a higher priority in their budgets. And colleges and universities have to do their part by working to keep costs down.

Recently, I spoke with a group of college presidents who’ve done just that. Some schools redesign courses to help students finish more quickly. Some use better technology. The point is, it’s possible. So let me put colleges and universities on notice: If you can’t stop tuition from going up, the funding you get from taxpayers will go down. Higher education can’t be a luxury—it is an economic imperative that every family in America should be able to afford.

Let’s also remember that hundreds of thousands of talented, hardworking students in this country face another challenge: the fact that they aren’t yet American citizens. Many were brought here as small children, are American through and through, yet they live every day with the threat of deportation. Others came more recently, to study business and science and engineering, but as soon as they get their degree, we send them home to invent new products and create new jobs somewhere else.

That doesn’t make sense.

I believe as strongly as ever that we should take on illegal immigration. That’s why my administration has put more boots on the border than ever before. That’s why there are fewer illegal crossings than when I took office. The opponents of action are out of excuses. We should be working on comprehensive immigration reform right now.

But if election-year politics keeps Congress from acting on a comprehensive plan, let’s at least agree to stop expelling responsible young people who want to staff our labs, start new businesses, defend this country. Send me a law that gives them the chance to earn their citizenship. I will sign it right away.

You see, an economy built to last is one where we encourage the talent and ingenuity of every person in this country. That means women should earn equal pay for equal work. It means we should support everyone who’s willing to work, and every risk-taker and entrepreneur who aspires to become the next Steve Jobs.

After all, innovation is what America has always been about. Most new jobs are created in start-ups and small businesses. So let’s pass an agenda that helps them succeed. Tear down regulations that prevent aspiring entrepreneurs from getting the financing to grow. Expand tax relief to small businesses that are raising wages and creating good jobs. Both parties agree on these ideas. So put them in a bill, and get it on my desk this year.

Innovation also demands basic research. Today, the discoveries taking place in our federally financed labs and universities could lead to new treatments that kill cancer cells but leave healthy ones untouched. New lightweight vests for cops and soldiers that can stop any bullet. Don’t gut these investments in our budget. Don’t let other countries win the race for the future. Support the same kind of research and innovation that led to the computer chip and the Internet; to new American jobs and new American industries.

And nowhere is the promise of innovation greater than in American-made energy. Over the last three years, we’ve opened millions of new acres for oil and gas exploration, and tonight, I’m directing my administration to open more than 75 percent of our potential offshore oil and gas resources. Right now—right now—American oil production is the highest that it’s been in eight years. That’s right—eight years. Not only that—last year, we relied less on foreign oil than in any of the past 16 years. But with only 2 percent of the world’s oil reserves, oil isn’t enough. This country needs an all-out, all-of-the-above strategy that develops every available source of American energy. A strategy that’s cleaner, cheaper, and full of new jobs.

We have a supply of natural gas that can last America nearly 100 years. And my administration will take every possible action to safely develop this energy. Experts believe this will support more than 600,000 jobs by the end of the decade. And I’m requiring all companies that drill for gas on public lands to disclose the chemicals they use. Because America will develop this resource without putting the health and safety of our citizens at risk.

The development of natural gas will create jobs and power trucks and factories that are cleaner and cheaper, proving that we don’t have to choose between our environment and our economy. And by the way, it was public research dollars, over the course of 30 years, that helped develop the technologies to extract all this natural gas out of shale rock—reminding us that government support is critical in helping businesses get new energy ideas off the ground.

Now, what’s true for natural gas is just as true for clean energy. In three years, our partnership with the private sector has already positioned America to be the world’s leading manufacturer of high-tech batteries. Because of federal investments, renewable energy use has nearly doubled, and thousands of Americans have jobs because of it.

When Bryan Ritterby was laid off from his job making furniture, he said he worried that at 55, no one would give him a second chance. But he found work at Energetx, a wind turbine manufacturer in Michigan. Before the recession, the factory only made luxury yachts. Today, it’s hiring workers like Bryan, who said, “I’m proud to be working in the industry of the future.”

Our experience with shale gas, our experience with natural gas, shows us that the payoffs on these public investments don’t always come right away. Some technologies don’t pan out; some companies fail. But I will not walk away from the promise of clean energy. I will not walk away from workers like Bryan. I will not cede the wind or solar or battery industry to China or Germany because we refuse to make the same commitment here.

We’ve subsidized oil companies for a century. That’s long enough. It’s time to end the taxpayer giveaways to an industry that rarely has been more profitable, and double-down on a clean energy industry that never has been more promising. Pass clean energy tax credits. Create these jobs.

We can also spur energy innovation with new incentives. The differences in this chamber may be too deep right now to pass a comprehensive plan to fight climate change. But there’s no reason why Congress shouldn’t at least set a clean energy standard that creates a market for innovation. So far, you haven’t acted. Well, tonight, I will. I’m directing my administration to allow the development of clean energy on enough public land to power 3 million homes. And I’m proud to announce that the Department of Defense, working with us, the world’s largest consumer of energy, will make one of the largest commitments to clean energy in history—with the Navy purchasing enough capacity to power a quarter of a million homes a year.

Of course, the easiest way to save money is to waste less energy. So here’s a proposal: Help manufacturers eliminate energy waste in their factories and give businesses incentives to upgrade their buildings. Their energy bills will be $100 billion lower over the next decade, and America will have less pollution, more manufacturing, more jobs for construction workers who need them. Send me a bill that creates these jobs.

Building this new energy future should be just one part of a broader agenda to repair America’s infrastructure. So much of America needs to be rebuilt. We’ve got crumbling roads and bridges; a power grid that wastes too much energy; an incomplete high-speed broadband network that prevents a small business owner in rural America from selling her products all over the world.

During the Great Depression, America built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate Bridge. After World War II, we connected our states with a system of highways. Democratic and Republican administrations invested in great projects that benefited everybody, from the workers who built them to the businesses that still use them today.

In the next few weeks, I will sign an executive order clearing away the red tape that slows down too many construction projects. But you need to fund these projects. Take the money we’re no longer spending at war, use half of it to pay down our debt, and use the rest to do some nation-building right here at home.

There’s never been a better time to build, especially since the construction industry was one of the hardest hit when the housing bubble burst. Of course, construction workers weren’t the only ones who were hurt. So were millions of innocent Americans who’ve seen their home values decline. And while government can’t fix the problem on its own, responsible homeowners shouldn’t have to sit and wait for the housing market to hit bottom to get some relief.

And that’s why I’m sending this Congress a plan that gives every responsible homeowner the chance to save about $3,000 a year on their mortgage, by refinancing at historically low rates. No more red tape. No more runaround from the banks. A small fee on the largest financial institutions will ensure that it won’t add to the deficit and will give those banks that were rescued by taxpayers a chance to repay a deficit of trust.

Let’s never forget: Millions of Americans who work hard and play by the rules every day deserve a government and a financial system that do the same. It’s time to apply the same rules from top to bottom. No bailouts, no handouts, and no copouts. An America built to last insists on responsibility from everybody.

We’ve all paid the price for lenders who sold mortgages to people who couldn’t afford them, and buyers who knew they couldn’t afford them. That’s why we need smart regulations to prevent irresponsible behavior. Rules to prevent financial fraud or toxic dumping or faulty medical devices—these don’t destroy the free market. They make the free market work better.

There’s no question that some regulations are outdated, unnecessary, or too costly. In fact, I’ve approved fewer regulations in the first three years of my presidency than my Republican predecessor did in his. I’ve ordered every federal agency to eliminate rules that don’t make sense. We’ve already announced over 500 reforms, and just a fraction of them will save business and citizens more than $10 billion over the next five years.

We got rid of one rule from 40 years ago that could have forced some dairy farmers to spend $10,000 a year proving that they could contain a spill, because milk was somehow classified as an oil. With a rule like that, I guess it was worth crying over spilled milk. Now, I’m confident a farmer can contain a milk spill without a federal agency looking over his shoulder. Absolutely.

But I will not back down from making sure an oil company can contain the kind of oil spill we saw in the Gulf two years ago. I will not back down from protecting our kids from mercury poisoning, or making sure that our food is safe and our water is clean. I will not go back to the days when health insurance companies had unchecked power to cancel your policy, deny your coverage, or charge women differently than men.

And I will not go back to the days when Wall Street was allowed to play by its own set of rules. The new rules we passed restore what should be any financial system’s core purpose: Getting funding to entrepreneurs with the best ideas, and getting loans to responsible families who want to buy a home, or start a business, or send their kids to college.

So if you are a big bank or financial institution, you’re no longer allowed to make risky bets with your customers’ deposits. You’re required to write out a “living will” that details exactly how you’ll pay the bills if you fail—because the rest of us are not bailing you out ever again. And if you’re a mortgage lender or a payday lender or a credit card company, the days of signing people up for products they can’t afford with confusing forms and deceptive practices—those days are over. Today, American consumers finally have a watchdog in Richard Cordray with one job: To look out for them.

We’ll also establish a Financial Crimes Unit of highly trained investigators to crack down on large-scale fraud and protect people’s investments. Some financial firms violate major anti-fraud laws because there’s no real penalty for being a repeat offender. That’s bad for consumers, and it’s bad for the vast majority of bankers and financial service professionals who do the right thing. So pass legislation that makes the penalties for fraud count.

And tonight, I’m asking my Attorney General to create a special unit of federal prosecutors and leading state attorney general to expand our investigations into the abusive lending and packaging of risky mortgages that led to the housing crisis. This new unit will hold accountable those who broke the law, speed assistance to homeowners, and help turn the page on an era of recklessness that hurt so many Americans.

Now, a return to the American values of fair play and shared responsibility will help protect our people and our economy. But it should also guide us as we look to pay down our debt and invest in our future.

Right now, our most immediate priority is stopping a tax hike on 160 million working Americans while the recovery is still fragile. People cannot afford losing $40 out of each paycheck this year. There are plenty of ways to get this done. So let’s agree right here, right now: No side issues. No drama. Pass the payroll tax cut without delay. Let’s get it done.

When it comes to the deficit, we’ve already agreed to more than $2 trillion in cuts and savings. But we need to do more, and that means making choices. Right now, we’re poised to spend nearly $1 trillion more on what was supposed to be a temporary tax break for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. Right now, because of loopholes and shelters in the tax code, a quarter of all millionaires pay lower tax rates than millions of middle-class households. Right now, Warren Buffett pays a lower tax rate than his secretary. Do we want to keep these tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans? Or do we want to keep our investments in everything else—like education and medical research; a strong military and care for our veterans? Because if we’re serious about paying down our debt, we can’t do both.

The American people know what the right choice is. So do I. As I told the Speaker this summer, I’m prepared to make more reforms that rein in the long-term costs of Medicare and Medicaid, and strengthen Social Security, so long as those programs remain a guarantee of security for seniors.

But in return, we need to change our tax code so that people like me, and an awful lot of members of Congress, pay our fair share of taxes. Tax reform should follow the Buffett Rule. If you make more than $1 million a year, you should not pay less than 30 percent in taxes. And my Republican friend Tom Coburn is right: Washington should stop subsidizing millionaires. In fact, if you’re earning a million dollars a year, you shouldn’t get special tax subsidies or deductions. On the other hand, if you make under $250,000 a year, like 98 percent of American families, your taxes shouldn’t go up. You’re the ones struggling with rising costs and stagnant wages. You’re the ones who need relief. Now, you can call this class warfare all you want. But asking a billionaire to pay at least as much as his secretary in taxes? Most Americans would call that common sense.

We don’t begrudge financial success in this country. We admire it. When Americans talk about folks like me paying my fair share of taxes, it’s not because they envy the rich. It’s because they understand that when I get a tax break I don’t need and the country can’t afford, it either adds to the deficit, or somebody else has to make up the difference—like a senior on a fixed income, or a student trying to get through school, or a family trying to make ends meet. That’s not right. Americans know that’s not right. They know that this generation’s success is only possible because past generations felt a responsibility to each other, and to the future of their country, and they know our way of life will only endure if we feel that same sense of shared responsibility. That’s how we’ll reduce our deficit. That’s an America built to last.

Now, I recognize that people watching tonight have differing views about taxes and debt, energy and health care. But no matter what party they belong to, I bet most Americans are thinking the same thing right about now: Nothing will get done in Washington this year, or next year, or maybe even the year after that, because Washington is broken. Can you blame them for feeling a little cynical?

The greatest blow to our confidence in our economy last year didn’t come from events beyond our control. It came from a debate in Washington over whether the United States would pay its bills or not. Who benefited from that fiasco?

I’ve talked tonight about the deficit of trust between Main Street and Wall Street. But the divide between this city and the rest of the country is at least as bad—and it seems to get worse every year.

Some of this has to do with the corrosive influence of money in politics. So together, let’s take some steps to fix that. Send me a bill that bans insider trading by members of Congress; I will sign it tomorrow. Let’s limit any elected official from owning stocks in industries they impact. Let’s make sure people who bundle campaign contributions for Congress can’t lobby Congress, and vice versa—an idea that has bipartisan support, at least outside of Washington.

Some of what’s broken has to do with the way Congress does its business these days. A simple majority is no longer enough to get anything—even routine business—passed through the Senate. Neither party has been blameless in these tactics. Now both parties should put an end to it. For starters, I ask the Senate to pass a simple rule that all judicial and public service nominations receive a simple up or down vote within 90 days.

The executive branch also needs to change. Too often, it’s inefficient, outdated and remote. That’s why I’ve asked this Congress to grant me the authority to consolidate the federal bureaucracy, so that our government is leaner, quicker, and more responsive to the needs of the American people.

Finally, none of this can happen unless we also lower the temperature in this town. We need to end the notion that the two parties must be locked in a perpetual campaign of mutual destruction; that politics is about clinging to rigid ideologies instead of building consensus around common-sense ideas.

I’m a Democrat. But I believe what Republican Abraham Lincoln believed: That government should do for people only what they cannot do better by themselves, and no more. That’s why my education reform offers more competition, and more control for schools and states. That’s why we’re getting rid of regulations that don’t work. That’s why our health care law relies on a reformed private market, not a government program.

On the other hand, even my Republican friends who complain the most about government spending have supported federally financed roads, and clean energy projects, and federal offices for the folks back home.

The point is, we should all want a smarter, more effective government. And while we may not be able to bridge our biggest philosophical differences this year, we can make real progress. With or without this Congress, I will keep taking actions that help the economy grow. But I can do a whole lot more with your help. Because when we act together, there’s nothing the United States of America can’t achieve. That’s the lesson we’ve learned from our actions abroad over the last few years.

Ending the Iraq war has allowed us to strike decisive blows against our enemies. From Pakistan to Yemen, the al Qaeda operatives who remain are scrambling, knowing that they can’t escape the reach of the United States of America.

From this position of strength, we’ve begun to wind down the war in Afghanistan. Ten thousand of our troops have come home. Twenty-three thousand more will leave by the end of this summer. This transition to Afghan lead will continue, and we will build an enduring partnership with Afghanistan, so that it is never again a source of attacks against America.

As the tide of war recedes, a wave of change has washed across the Middle East and North Africa, from Tunis to Cairo; from Sana’a to Tripoli. A year ago, Qaddafi was one of the world’s longest-serving dictators—a murderer with American blood on his hands. Today, he is gone. And in Syria, I have no doubt that the Assad regime will soon discover that the forces of change cannot be reversed, and that human dignity cannot be denied.

How this incredible transformation will end remains uncertain. But we have a huge stake in the outcome. And while it’s ultimately up to the people of the region to decide their fate, we will advocate for those values that have served our own country so well. We will stand against violence and intimidation. We will stand for the rights and dignity of all human beings—men and women; Christians, Muslims and Jews. We will support policies that lead to strong and stable democracies and open markets, because tyranny is no match for liberty.

And we will safeguard America’s own security against those who threaten our citizens, our friends, and our interests. Look at Iran. Through the power of our diplomacy, a world that was once divided about how to deal with Iran’s nuclear program now stands as one. The regime is more isolated than ever before; its leaders are faced with crippling sanctions, and as long as they shirk their responsibilities, this pressure will not relent. Let there be no doubt: America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve that goal. But a peaceful resolution of this issue is still possible, and far better, and if Iran changes course and meets its obligations, it can rejoin the community of nations.

The renewal of American leadership can be felt across the globe. Our oldest alliances in Europe and Asia are stronger than ever. Our ties to the Americas are deeper. Our ironclad commitment—and I mean ironclad—to Israel’s security has meant the closest military cooperation between our two countries in history.

We’ve made it clear that America is a Pacific power, and a new beginning in Burma has lit a new hope. From the coalitions we’ve built to secure nuclear materials, to the missions we’ve led against hunger and disease; from the blows we’ve dealt to our enemies, to the enduring power of our moral example, America is back.

Anyone who tells you otherwise, anyone who tells you that America is in decline or that our influence has waned, doesn’t know what they’re talking about.

That’s not the message we get from leaders around the world who are eager to work with us. That’s not how people feel from Tokyo to Berlin, from Cape Town to Rio, where opinions of America are higher than they’ve been in years. Yes, the world is changing. No, we can’t control every event. But America remains the one indispensable nation in world affairs and as long as I’m President, I intend to keep it that way.

That’s why, working with our military leaders, I’ve proposed a new defense strategy that ensures we maintain the finest military in the world, while saving nearly half a trillion dollars in our budget. To stay one step ahead of our adversaries, I’ve already sent this Congress legislation that will secure our country from the growing dangers of cyber-threats.

Above all, our freedom endures because of the men and women in uniform who defend it. As they come home, we must serve them as well as they’ve served us. That includes giving them the care and the benefits they have earned—which is why we’ve increased annual VA spending every year I’ve been President. And it means enlisting our veterans in the work of rebuilding our nation.

With the bipartisan support of this Congress, we’re providing new tax credits to companies that hire vets. Michelle and Jill Biden have worked with American businesses to secure a pledge of 135,000 jobs for veterans and their families. And tonight, I’m proposing a Veterans Jobs Corps that will help our communities hire veterans as cops and firefighters, so that America is as strong as those who defend her.

Which brings me back to where I began. Those of us who’ve been sent here to serve can learn a thing or two from the service of our troops. When you put on that uniform, it doesn’t matter if you’re black or white; Asian, Latino, Native American; conservative, liberal; rich, poor; gay, straight. When you’re marching into battle, you look out for the person next to you, or the mission fails. When you’re in the thick of the fight, you rise or fall as one unit, serving one nation, leaving no one behind.

One of my proudest possessions is the flag that the SEAL Team took with them on the mission to get bin Laden. On it are each of their names. Some may be Democrats. Some may be Republicans. But that doesn’t matter. Just like it didn’t matter that day in the Situation Room, when I sat next to Bob Gates—a man who was George Bush’s defense secretary and Hillary Clinton—a woman who ran against me for president.

All that mattered that day was the mission. No one thought about politics. No one thought about themselves. One of the young men involved in the raid later told me that he didn’t deserve credit for the mission. It only succeeded, he said, because every single member of that unit did their job—the pilot who landed the helicopter that spun out of control; the translator who kept others from entering the compound; the troops who separated the women and children from the fight; the SEALs who charged up the stairs. More than that, the mission only succeeded because every member of that unit trusted each other—because you can’t charge up those stairs, into darkness and danger, unless you know that there’s somebody behind you, watching your back.

So it is with America. Each time I look at that flag, I’m reminded that our destiny is stitched together like those 50 stars and those 13 stripes. No one built this country on their own. This nation is great because we built it together. This nation is great because we worked as a team. This nation is great because we get each other’s backs. And if we hold fast to that truth, in this moment of trial, there is no challenge too great; no mission too hard. As long as we are joined in common purpose, as long as we maintain our common resolve, our journey moves forward, and our future is hopeful, and the state of our Union will always be strong.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

众议院议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员、贵宾们和美国同胞们：

上个月，我前往安德鲁斯空军基地，欢迎在伊拉克服役的最后一批军人回国。我们一起最后骄傲地向国旗敬礼。一百多万美国同胞曾为之作战，其中数千人献出了自己的生命。

我们今晚聚集在此，深知这一代的英雄使美国更安全，在全世界更受尊敬。现在不再有美国人在伊拉克作战，这是九年来的第一次。乌萨马·拉登不再对美国构成威胁，这是二十年来的第一次。“基地”的大多数头目都已溃散，塔利班的气焰已经破灭。驻阿富汗的一些部队已经开始撤回国内。

这些成就见证了美国军队的英勇无畏、无私和团队精神。在我们的许多机构都令人失望之时，他们的作为超出了所有人的期望。他们不沉溺于个人的欲望，他们不计较相互间的分歧，他们全神贯注于肩负的使命，他们为此同心协力。

可以想象，如果我们以他们为榜样，我们能完成什么样的业绩。想一想我们可以为美国实现的目标：人民接受的教育领先全世界；吸引新一代高科技制造业和高薪工作；实现我们的未来，由我们自己掌握能源，我们的安全和繁荣不再依赖世界上某些不稳定地区；经济长盛不衰，辛勤工作总有回报，尽职尽责受到奖励。

我们可以做到这一点。我知道我们可以，因为我们曾这样做过。二战结束时，上一代英雄离开战场返回家园，建成全世界迄今为止最强大的经济体和中产阶级。我祖父，巴顿麾下的老兵，有机会借助《退伍军人法》上大学。我祖母，在一个轰炸机装配线上工作，作为劳动大军的一员生产全世界第一流产品。他们两个人都发扬了战胜大萧条和法西斯主义国家拥有的乐观向上的精神。他们了解自己是一个伟大事业的组成部分，他们为每一个美国人都有机会踏上的成功之路做出贡献——在美国可以实现最普遍的希望：你如果辛勤工作就足以养活家庭，拥有住房，送孩子上大学，还可以为退休存点钱。

我们这个时代的关键问题是如何让这样的希望生生不息。没有任何挑战比这更为迫切，没有任何争论比这更重要。我们可以满足于这样一个国家，其中越来越少的人富甲一方，而越来越多的美国人却勉强度日；或者我们可以重建我国经济，让人人都得到公平的机会，人人都尽自己的一份力量，人人都遵守同样的规则。利害攸关的问题不是民主党的价值观或共和党的价值观，而是美国的价值观。我们必须重新树立这些价值观。

让我们谨记我们是如何走到这一步的。在经济衰退爆发前，就业岗位和制造业早已开始离开我们的海岸。技术使各行各业更有效率，但一些工作岗位也因此陈旧过时。位于最高层的同胞们看到他们的收入前所未有地增长，但大多数勤奋工作的美国人开支上升，工资水平停滞，债务不断增加，为此生活十分艰难。

2008年，纸牌搭建的房子坍塌了。我们知道，抵押贷款批给了没有能力支付或对此一知半解的人。银行拿着别人的钱投下巨大的赌注，得到了丰厚的报酬。监管人员视若无睹，或没有权力阻止不良行为。这是不对的，这是不负责任的。这使我们的经济陷入危机，数百万人失业，我们背上了更多的债务，让无辜、勤劳的美国人代人受过。在我上任前的六个月中，我们失去了近四百万个就业岗位。在我们的政策全面落实之前，我们又失去四百万个就业岗位。

这些都是事实，但是以下这些也是事实。在过去二十二个月内，各行各业创造了三百多万个就业岗位。去年，这些行业创造了2005年以来的大多数就业岗位。美国制造商重新开始雇人，自二十世纪九十年代末期以来首次创造了工作机会。我们共同努力，已同意将赤字至少降低两万亿美元，并且制定了让华尔街承担责任的新规则，防止类似的危机再度发生。

我们合众国的国情日益强盛。我们已取得长足的进展，绝不能走回头路。只要我还担任总统之职，就将与在座的每一位一起再接再厉。但是，我将采取行动打破障碍，并将反对恢复原有政策的任何要求，因为当初正是这些政策引发了这场经济危机。不，我们不能重蹈覆辙，听任外包、坏账和虚假的金融利润削弱我国经济。

今晚，我希望谈一谈今后如何取得进展，并为建设长盛不衰的经济制定蓝图——以美国制造业、美国能源、美国劳工的技能以及继续发扬美国价值观为出发点的经济。

这份蓝图以美国制造业为开端。

在我就职之日，我国的汽车产业正濒临崩溃。有些人甚至说我们应该任其消亡。但这事关上百万个就业岗位，我拒绝让这种情况发生。作为提供帮助的交换条件，我们要求他们负起责任。我们让工人和汽车制造商解决他们的分歧。我们让汽车产业更新设备，重新改组。今天，通用汽车重新坐上世界头号汽车制造商的宝座。克莱斯勒在美国的增长速度比其他任何大型汽车公司都快。福特正在美国的车间和厂房挹注数十亿美元的资金。整个汽车产业总计增加了将近十六万个就业岗位。我们坚信美国的劳动者，我们坚信美国的创新能力。今晚，美国汽车产业已经东山再起。

在底特律发生的事情也可以在其他行业发生。它可以在克里夫兰、匹兹堡和罗利发生。我们不可能把所有流失到海外的工作都找回来，但是现在，在诸如中国等地从事经营的成本越来越高。与此同时，美国的生产效率也越来越高。几周前，玛斯特锁公司的首席执行长告诉我，在他看来把就业岗位带回美国现在是明智的经营之道。今天，玛斯特锁公司坐落在密尔沃基实行工会制的工厂已全面投产，这是十五年来的第一次。

因此，我们面前有一个把制造业迁回来的大好机会，可是我们必须抓住机会。今晚，我对企业领导人要说的话很简单：问一问你们自己怎样才能把工作机会带回美国，你们的国家就会尽一切努力助你们成功。

我们应该从我国的税法入手。目前，公司把工作和利润移到海外会获得税收优惠。与此同时，选择留在美国的公司却要承受在全球最高之列的税率。这样做没有道理，人人都知道这一点。因此我们必须着手改革。

首先，如果你是想要外包的企业，你就不应当因此获得减税。这笔钱应当用来贴补像玛斯特锁等决定把工作迁回美国的公司的搬迁费用。其次，任何美国公司都不能通过把工作和利润移到海外而逃避公平纳税。从现在起，每个跨国公司都应当支付基本的最低税金。每一分钱都应当用来为选择留在美国并雇用美国人力的公司减税。第三，如果你是美国制造商，你就应当获得幅度更大的减税。如果你是高科技制造商，我们应当为你在美国本地制造产品而加倍减税。如果你想迁入一个因为工厂迁出而受到重创的社区，你在为新工厂、设备或者新员工培训融资时应当得到帮助。

我要说的很简单。现在应当停止奖励将工作迁到海外的企业，而应当开始奖励在美国国内创造就业岗位的企业。把这些税法改革方案交给我，我会立刻签署。

我们还使美国工商企业更容易在全世界各地销售产品。两年前，我提出美国出口在五年内翻一番的目标。随着两党一致的各项贸易协定经我们签署成为法律，我们正朝着这个目标稳步迈进并可超前实现。不久以后，美国产品将在巴拿马、哥伦比亚和韩国获得数以百万计的新顾客。不久以后，来自底特律、托利多和芝加哥的新进口汽车将在首尔街头出现。

我将前往全世界任何地方为美国产品打开新市场。当我们的竞争对手不按规则行事的时候，我不会坐视不顾。我们对中国提起贸易诉讼的案例数量是上一届政府的近两倍，而且已经看到成效。由于我们制止了中国轮胎的倾销，一千多名美国人在今天得以有工作。可是我们需要再接再厉。当另一个国家听任我们的影片、音乐和软件被盗版，这是不对的。当外国制造商只因受到大量补贴而取得高于我们的优势，这是不公平的。

今晚，我宣布创建一个“贸易执法单位”，负责调查中国等国的不公平贸易作法。我们将加强检验，防止假冒或者不安全的商品跨越边境进入我国。本届国会应做到勿使外国公司在取得融资或者进入俄罗斯等新市场方面取得高于美国制造商的优势。我们的工人是全世界生产效率最高的，如果有一个公平的竞争环境，我敢保证美国将永远立于不败之地。

我也听到许多企业领导人说，他们想要在美国雇用人手，但却找不到拥有他们所需技能的人员。不断发展的科学和技术产业需要招聘的人员数量是能够胜任这类工作的人员的两倍。思考一下这个现象，这些在数百万美国人找工作的时候依然空缺的岗位。没有任何借口可言，而我们也知道如何补救。

杰基·布雷是北卡罗莱纳的一位单身母亲，当过机械师，但被裁员。当时西门子公司在夏洛特开办了一家天然气汽轮机厂，并与中部皮埃蒙特社区学院结成了伙伴关系。西门子公司帮助该学院设计激光和机器人技术培训方面的课程。公司为杰基付了培训费用，然后雇用她来工厂工作。

我要让每一位正在找工作的美国人都得到杰基那样的机会。请与我一道努力在全国各地培训两百万美国人，让他们掌握能够直接解决就业的技能。我的政府已经汇集起更多的乐意帮忙的企业。像西门子这样的企业与夏洛特、奥兰多和路易斯维尔等地的社区学院之间的样板伙伴关系正在建立并发挥效力。现在必须把资源给予更多的社区学院，让它们成为社区职业培训中心，教会人们目前企业所急需的从数据管理到高科技生产等各项技能。

我要精简令人眼花缭乱的种种培训项目，从现在起，让杰基这样的民众可以只上一个培训项目、一个网站、一个地方就能获得他们所需的一切信息和帮助。现在是把我们的失业救助系统变成让人们重新走上工作岗位的再就业系统的时候了。这些改革将帮助人们获得目前依然空缺的就业岗位。

但是，要为未来谋职做好准备，我们加强技能培训和提高教育质量的努力就必须开始得更早。我们仅用了我国年度教育经费的不到百分之一，就说服了国内几乎每一个州提高其教学和学习标准，这是几十年来的第一次。我们仍然面临诸多难题，但我们知道应当如何解决这些难题。

在一个其他国家正在加倍投资于教育的时候，拮据的预算已迫使各州解雇数以千计的教师。我们知道，一名好教师能够使一个班的学生一生增加25万美元的收入，一名好教师能够让一个梦想冲出困境的孩子获得摆脱贫困的机会。在这个大厅中的每一个人都能说出一位改变了他们的生活轨迹的教师。大多数教师诲人不倦，他们收入不高，有时还得自己掏钱购买教学用品，只是为了尽自己的一份力。

教师的作用重大。因此，不要责怪他们或者为现状辩护，而是让我们给学校提一个协议，为学校提供保留好教师所需要的资源，奖励优秀教师。作为交换，让学校享有灵活性，创造性地、富于激情地进行教学，不再实行应试教育，并且取代对孩子的学习没有帮助的教师。这是一个值得做的交换。

我们还知道，如果学生不中途退学，更多人会走上领取毕业证书的讲台。如果不允许学生辍学，他们会取得更好的成绩。因此，今晚我提议，每一个州——每一个州——要求学生留在高中就读，直到毕业或十八岁。

在孩子们毕业时，最严峻的挑战可能是大学费用。此时此刻，美国人的学费债务超过了信用卡债务，国会必须阻止学生贷款利息在7月份成倍上涨。把我们开始的为数百万中产家庭节省成千上万美元学费的减税优惠延长下去，并通过在未来五年加倍提供半工半读机会，让更多的年轻人有机会自己挣钱念完大学。

当然，仅仅增加学生援助是不够的。我们无法一再补贴不断猛涨的学费，我们会耗光资金。各州也需要尽一份力，把高等教育作为其预算的一项重要内容。各高等院校必须尽量努力降低费用。

最近，我与一批已经这样做的大学校长进行了交谈。一些学校重新设计课程，帮助学生更快完成学业。有些采用了更好的技术手段。这就是说，这是可以办到的。所以，让我告知高等院校：如果你们不能停止学费上涨，那么你们从纳税人那里得到的资金就将减少。高等教育不能是奢侈品，它是经济之必需，美国每一个家庭都应能支付得起。

我们还要记住，在这个国家几十万才华横溢、勤奋好学的学生面临着另一个挑战：他们尚不是美国公民。他们许多人是小时候被带到这里，是地地道道的美国人，然而却每天面临被遣返的威胁。还有一些人最近才来这里攻读商学、科学和工程学，但他们一拿到学位，我们便送他们回国，到其他地方去发明新产品，创造新就业机会。

这毫无道理可言。

我极其坚定地相信，我们应着手解决非法移民问题。正因为如此，我的政府已经向边界派遣了人数比以往任何时候都多的边防人员。也正因为如此，现在非法越境事件比我上任时减少。反对这项行动的人再也找不到借口，我们现在应当立即努力制定全面的移民改革方案。

但是，如果选举年的政局使国会不情愿就一项全面方案采取行动，那么让我们至少同意停止遣返那些有责任感的年轻人，他们希望去我们的实验室、创业和捍卫这个国家。向我提交一项法案，让他们有机会通过奋斗取得公民身份，我将立刻签署。

要知道，长盛不衰的经济要求我们激发这个国家每个人的聪明才智和创造力。这意味着对妇女应当实行同工同酬。这意味着应当支持每一个愿意工作的人，每一个敢于承担风险的人，每一个有志成为下一个史蒂夫·乔布斯的实业家。

毕竟，创新是美国的根本。大多数新的就业岗位是由初创企业和小型企业创造的。因此让我们通过一项有助于他们成功的议程。打破妨碍有抱负的企业家进行发展融资的条条框框，将减税优惠扩大到那些增加工资和创造良好就业岗位的小型企业。两党都同意这些设想。因此，请把它们变成法案，今年放在我的办公桌上。

创新还要求从事基础研究。今天，在我们联邦政府资助的实验室和大学获得的各种发现有可能带来新的治疗方法，杀死癌细胞而不损坏健康细胞。新型的警察和士兵使用的轻便防弹背心可以挡住任何子弹。请不要在预算中除掉这些投资，请不要让其他国家在未来的竞赛中占上风。请支持研究与创新，正是它们带来了电脑芯片和因特网、带来了美国的新就业岗位和新兴行业。

谈到创新的前途，没有任何一个领域能比美国能源产业更有希望。近三年来，我们进行了数百万英亩的石油和天然气勘探。今晚，我指示我的政府开发我国75%以上的潜在近海石油和天然气资源。目前——目前——美国的石油产量达到八年来最高水平。是的，八年。不仅如此，去年，我们对外国石油的依赖比以往十六年中的任何一年都少。但是，鉴于我们仅有世界2%的石油储备量，石油是不够的。这个国家需要有一个全方位的综合战略，开发美国能源的各项潜能，这项战略意味着更清洁、更便宜并充满新的就业岗位。

我们拥有将近满足美国一百年需要的天然气资源，本届政府将采取一切可能的措施安全地开发这种能源。专家认为，这将在十年内带来六十多万个就业岗位。我要求在公有土地上钻探天然气的所有公司将他们使用的化学物质成分公诸于众。这是因为美国在开发这种资源时不会把我国公民的健康与安全置于危险境地。

开发天然气将创造就业岗位，为货车和工厂提供更清洁和更便宜的能源，从而证明我们不必在环境与经济两者之间只取其一。顺便提一下，是过去三十年间政府拨出的研究资金帮助开发了从页岩中提炼天然气的技术。这一点提醒我们：政府的支持对帮助企业把新能源设想转化为现实至关重要。

天然气的道理同样适用于清洁能源。三年来，我们与民间行业建立的伙伴关系已经使美国在世界高科技电池生产中处于领先位置。由于联邦政府的投资，可再生能源的使用几乎翻了一番，并给成千上万美国人带来就业机会。

布赖恩·里特比从家具制造业下岗时，曾担心已经五十五岁的他不再会有另一次机会。但他在密歇根州一家叫做“活力”的风力涡轮机制造厂找到了工作。在经济衰退前，这家工厂只建造豪华游艇。今天，它在招聘像布赖恩这样的工人。布赖恩说：“我为在这个未来行业工作感到自豪。”

我们在页岩气，我们在天然气方面的经验告诉我们，这些公共投资不一定带来立竿见影的回报。某些技术未取得成果，有些企业倒闭，但我不会背弃对清洁能源作出的承诺。我不会背弃像布赖恩这样的工人。我不会因为我们拒绝在这里作出同样的承诺而把风力或太阳能或电池工业让给中国或德国。

我们对石油公司的补贴已经长达一个世纪，时间足矣。现在应该是停止向这个利润鲜逊于任何人的产业提供纳税人馈赠，转向为前途从未如此光明的清洁能源加倍投资的时候了。请批准清洁能源减税优惠，请创造这些就业机会。

我们也能够通过新的鼓励项目来刺激能源创新。目前国会的分歧或许太深，难以为解决气候变化问题通过一项全面的方案。然而那是没有理由的，国会至少应制定一项清洁能源标准，为发明革新开辟市场。迄今你们尚未采取行动，今晚我将采取行动。我将指示本届政府批准在公共土地上开发足以供三百万家庭用电需要的清洁能源。我很自豪地宣布，国防部与我们一道为这个世界最大的能源消费国，作出有史以来对清洁能源最大的承诺之一——海军将购买足以每年为二十五万家庭提供电力的供电量。

当然，节省资金的最简便方式是节约能源。因此，我在此提议：帮助厂家杜绝工厂的能源浪费，为公司提供改造建筑的奖励计划。这样一来，未来十年的能源费用将会减少1000亿美元，使美国的污染降低，制造业扩大，给建筑业带来工人所需的更多就业岗位。请提交给我一项创造这类就业岗位的法案。

开创新能源的前景，应该只是修整美国基础设施的更宏大计划中的一项内容。美国有许多领域需要重建。我们的道路和桥梁失修，供电网浪费能源过多，高速宽带网络不健全，致使美国乡村地区的小企业难以将产品行销全球。

在大萧条时期，美国修建了胡佛水坝和金门大桥。二次大战后，我们修建了连接各州的高速公路。民主党和共和党政府均为大型项目作出投资，造福了所有人——从当年的建设者到今天仍在使用它们的公司企业。

在今后几周内，我将签署一项行政令，以排除使许多建筑项目停滞不前的官僚障碍。但是，你们需要为这些项目出资。利用我们不再为战争开支的经费，以其中二分之一支付我们的债务，用另一半来进行我们的国内建设。

现在是从事基建的最佳时机，特别是由于建筑业是在房地产泡沫破裂时遭受最大重创的行业之一。当然，受到冲击的不仅是建筑工人。数百万无辜的美国人也受到冲击，他们的房屋价值下跌。虽然政府无法单独解决这一问题，但不应让负责任的房主等到房地产市场跌入谷底才可获得救助。

因此，我将向本届国会提交一项方案，为每位负责任的房主提供机会，通过有史以来最低的利息进行重新贷款，使他们可在房贷上每年节省3,000美元。不再有官僚挡道，不再有银行拖延。对规模最大的金融机构收取一小笔费用，可确保不导致赤字递增，并使那些被纳税人救助的银行有机会偿还它们的信用赤字。

让我们永远不要忘记：每天都勤奋工作、遵纪守法的千百万美国人理当拥有一个以同样方式行事的政府和金融体系。现在应该从上到下实行同一个规则：不再允许纾困、施舍和逃避责任。美国的长盛不衰要求每一个人都承担责任。

由于贷款人向无力偿还抵押贷款的申请人贷款，由于购买方明知负担不起仍勉为其难，我们所有的人已经为此付出了代价。正是因为这个原因，我们需要采取有效的监管制止不负责任的行为。防止金融欺诈的规定，禁止倾倒有毒物品或生产劣质医疗设备的条例——这些都不会损害自由市场，反而会促使自由市场更好地运作。

毫无疑问，有些规章已经过时，并非必须而且代价过高。事实上，我在总统任期内的头三年批准的规章比我的共和党籍前任在同期内所颁行的规章要少。我已指令每个联邦机构取消不合理的规章。我们已经宣布实行五百多项改革，仅其中的一小部分便能在今后五年为企业和公民节省100多亿美元。

我们取消了四十多年前制定的一项规定，这项规定导致一些奶牛场可能每年要花1万美元来证明他们能够控制泄漏——因为牛奶不知何故被归为油类。有了这样的规定，我想即使洒了牛奶也值得大哭一场。而我确信一名牧民有能力处理牛奶泄漏，不需要一个联邦机构插手。这是毫无疑问的。

但我不会放松对石油公司防止漏油的要求，确保不再发生我们两年前在墨西哥湾看到的漏油事故。我不会放松为保护我们的孩子们免受汞中毒危害提出的要求，不会放松我们为保证食品安全和清洁用水提出的要求。我不会回到过去允许医疗保险公司任意取消保单，拒绝承保，对女性收取与男性不同保费的日子。

我也不会回到允许华尔街自行其是的日子。我们已经批准的新规则重新确立了任何一个金融体制都应遵循的核心宗旨：向提出最佳创意的创业者提供资金，向希望买房子、开公司或送子女上大学的负责任的家庭提供贷款。

因此，如果你是一家大银行或金融机构，你就不能再用客户的存款从事冒险的交易。你必须开出一份详细说明你一旦倒闭将如何偿清款项的“预嘱”——因为我们其他的人不愿再为你们纾困。如果你是一家抵押贷款机构或薪金预支行或信用卡公司，利用难懂的表格和欺诈手段导致人们签购他们负担不起的金融产品——这样的日子已经一去不复返。今天，美国消费者终于有了由理查德·科德雷负责的监管机构，承担保护他们的专门职能。

我们还将建立一个金融犯罪调查组，由训练有素的调查人员组成，打击大规模欺诈活动并保护民众的投资。某些金融公司违反重要的反欺诈法规，因为屡屡违犯者并没有受到实质性惩治。这损害了消费者，也损害了绝大多数遵纪守法的银行及金融服务业专业人员。因此，通过惩治欺诈的立法意义重大。

今晚，我要求司法部长成立由联邦检察官和具有主导地位的各州司法部长组成的特别工作组，对导致房产危机的违章借贷与包装风险房贷展开更大规模调查。这个工作组将追究违法责任，加快为房主提供帮助，加速结束这个伤害到如此之多美国人的无节制时期。

再次倡导公平合理和共同责任的美国价值观将有利于保护我们的人民和我们的经济，而它也应对我们努力摆脱债务负担和对未来投资具有指导作用。

眼下，我们最直接的当务之急是，在经济复苏仍然脆弱的情况下，避免给一亿六千万美国工薪阶层加税。人们今年无法承受从每次工资中减少40美元。可以有许多途径达到上述目标。为此，让我们在此地此时一致同意：不要附加议题，不要造势，毫无耽搁地批准削减工资税。让我们完成这项工作。

在赤字问题上，我们已就削减和节省2万亿以上美元开支达成协议。但我们还需进一步努力，而这意味着作出选择。目前，我们要额外花费将近1万亿美元来支持一项本应是临时性的为美国2%最富有的人减税的项目。如今，由于税法的缺陷和保护规定，四分之一的百万富翁享有比数百万中产阶层家庭要低的税率。今天，沃伦·巴菲特的税率比他的秘书的税率还低。我们希望保留这些给美国富人的减税措施吗？还是说我们希望把投资用于其他方面，如教育和医学研究，加强军力和照料退伍军人？因为如果我们真想摆脱债务，就不可能两者兼得。

美国人民知道什么是正确的选择。我也知道。正如去年夏天我对众议院议长所说，我有准备作出进一步改革，控制医疗照顾和医疗补助开销，巩固社会安全福利，只要这些项目继续能为老年人提供保障。

但与此相应，我们需要修改税法，让像我这样以及像国会中许多人一样的人，缴纳我们应该承担的税收。税务改革应该遵循巴菲特规则，即如果你年收入超过1亿美元，你的税率就不应低于30%。我的共和党朋友汤姆·科伯恩说的对：华盛顿应该停止补贴百万富翁。实际上，如果你的年收入超过1亿美元，你就不应享有纳税补贴和减免。而另一方面，如果你的收入不到25万美元一年，98%的家庭都是这样，那么你们的税率就不应增加。你们面对着价格上涨而工资不动的艰难，你们是需要得到减税的人。谁要称这是阶级对抗，请自便。但要求百万富翁至少同他的秘书一样纳税应该被称作什么？大多数美国人会称这是常理。

在这个国家，我们并不妒忌财务上的成功，我们对此表示赞赏。当人们谈论像我这样的人付出我应付的那一部分税金时，那不是因为他们妒忌我的富有，那是因为他们理解，我如果获得一个我并不需要同时国家又无力负担的税务减免时，只会增加赤字或让旁人去承担这个差额，例如一个靠固定收入维生的老年人，或一个正奋力完成学业的学生，或一个勉力维持日常开销的家庭。那是不对的，美国人也都知道，那是不对的。他们知道，正因为以前的几代人认识到他们彼此肩负的责任，对国家未来肩负的责任，这一代人才有可能获得成功；他们知道，只有当我们也具有共同的责任感，我们的生活方式才有可能持续下去。这就是我们今后降低赤字的途径。这样美国才能长盛不衰。

我承认今晚正在收看我的讲话的人们对税务和债务、能源和医疗保健等事项有不同的看法，但是不论他们属于哪一个党派，我可以断定此时此刻大多数美国人都在思考同一件事：今年，明年甚至后年，华盛顿将一事无成，因为华盛顿四分五裂。他们感觉有点悲观你能责怪他们吗？

去年对我们经济的信心最大的打击不是来自我们不能控制的事件，而是来自华盛顿关于美国能否弥补开支的讨论。谁能从这样的不利局面中得利？

我今晚谈到民众和华尔街之间的信任危机。但这个城市和这个国家其余地方之间的分歧至少同样严重——而且似乎年复一年逐渐恶化。

有些问题与金钱政治的腐蚀性有关。为此让我们一起采取一些步骤解决这个问题。请给我提交一项禁止国会议员进行内幕交易的法案，我明天就签署。让我们限制任何民选官员在他们可以产生影响的行业拥有股票。让我们确保为国会竞选集中筹款的人不得游说国会，反之亦然。这个想法至少在华盛顿之外得到两党的支持。

某些方面出现的失常现象与国会近来工作的方式有关。简单多数不再足以在参议院通过任何法案，甚至包括日常事务。对于这种种策略，任何一党都不能回避自己的责任。现在，两党都应该加以制止。首先，我要求参议院通过一个简单的规则，对所有司法和公共服务部门的提名必须在九十天内给予赞成或否定的简单表决。

行政部门也需要改变。这个部门往往效率不高、陈旧过时、脱离实际。这就是为什么我要求本届国会给予我整合联邦官僚体制的权力，使我们的政府更精简、反应更快、更能适应美国人民的需要。

最后，我们也需要降低这个城市积聚的高温，否则将一事无成。我们应该抛弃一些观念，例如两党必然会党同伐异，相互摧毁；政治意味着坚持僵化的意识形态，无法按照事理常情建立共识等。

我是民主党人，但是我相信共和党亚伯拉罕·林肯的信念：政府只应该为人民做他们自己无法做得更好的事情，仅此而已。正是因为这个原因，我的教育改革要求各学校和各州有更多的竞争、更多的自主。正是因为这个原因，我们正在取消不起作用的监管条例。正是因为这个原因，我们的医疗保健法律依靠改革后的民营市场，不再依靠政府项目。

另外一方面，我的某些共和党朋友，即使对政府支出最强烈地表示不满，也支持联邦拨款用于建造道路，实施清洁能源项目和为国内服务的联邦机构。

问题在于，我们都希望有一个更明智、更有效的政府。尽管我们可能无法在今年弥合我们之间观念上最大的分歧，我们仍然可以取得实际进展。无论本届国会是否参与，我都会采取行动促进经济增长。但如果得到你们的帮助，我可以做更多的事情。因为如果我们共同努力，美利坚合众国就没有达不到的目标。这是我们在过去几年的海外行动中取得的经验。

结束伊拉克战争让我们能够给我们的敌人以致命的打击。从巴基斯坦到也门，残余的“基地”组织成员仓皇失措，知道自己无法逃脱美利坚合众国的恢恢天网。

从这个实力地位出发，我们已经开始逐步紧缩在阿富汗的战事。我军有一万人已经回国，还有两万三千多人到今年夏天将会撤离。这个让阿富汗发挥主导作用的过渡将继续，我们将与阿富汗建立持久的伙伴关系，让它永远不可能再成为攻击美国的一个发源地。

随着战争浪潮的消退，一股变革的潮流席卷整个中东和北非，从突尼斯到开罗，从萨那到的黎波里。一年前，卡扎菲还是世界上当权时间最长的独裁者之一，是双手沾满了美国人鲜血的凶手。今天，他已不复存在。在叙利亚，我毫不怀疑阿萨德政权很快就会发现，变革的力量无法逆转，人类尊严不容抹杀。

这场令人震撼的变革结果如何仍无法确定。但我们与其最终结果利害攸关。本地区人民的命运归根结底由他们自己决定，但我们将倡导那些使我们自己的国家受益匪浅的价值观。我们将反对暴力和恐吓。我们将捍卫全人类的权利和尊严——男性和女性；基督徒、穆斯林和犹太人。我们将支持有助于建设强大稳定的民主和开放市场的政策，因为自由必将战胜暴政。

我们将维护美国自身的安全，防范那些威胁我国公民、我国盟友和我国利益的人。看看伊朗，我国外交的有力作用让一个曾对如何应对伊朗的核计划存在分歧的世界现在团结一致。该政权比以往任何时候都更加孤立，该国领导人面临着严厉制裁。只要他们还在逃避自己的责任，这样的施压就不会放松。毫无疑问：美国决心阻止伊朗获得核武器，为实现这一目标，我将不排除任何方案。但和平解决这个问题仍然是可能的，而且益处大得多。伊朗如果改弦易辙并履行其义务，就可以重新加入国际社会。

美国领导地位的重振在全球各地都有所体现。我们在欧洲和亚洲历史最悠久的同盟比以往任何时候都更强大。我们与美洲的关系更加深厚。我们对以色列的安全作出的牢不可破的承诺，我是说牢不可破，意味着我们两国在历史上最密切的军事合作。

我们已经很清楚地表明，美国是一个太平洋大国，缅甸的新开端点燃了新的希望。从我们建立的保障核材料安全的联盟，到我们领导的消除饥饿和疾病的使命；从我们对敌人的打击，到我们作为道义典范的持久力量——美国回来了。

如果有人另有别论，如果有人说美国正在衰落或我们的影响力已经减弱，都是不知所云。

这不是我们从渴望与我们合作的世界各国领导人那里得到的信息。这也不是从东京到柏林，从开普敦到里约等地人民的感觉，这些地方对美国的看法比数年来的任何时候都好。是的，世界正在改变；不错，我们不能控制每一事件，但美国仍然是世界事务中不可或缺的国家——只要我仍担任总统之职就将保持已成的盛业。

那就是为什么我与我们的军事将领一起提出新的国防战略，确保我们维持全世界最优异的军力，同时为我们的预算节省将近5000亿美元。为了抢占制敌的先机，我已经将此提案送交国会，以保障我国避免日益严重的网络威胁。

说到底，由于我国男女军人捍卫自由，我们才得以维系自由。随着他们班师回国，我们必须为他们服务，就像他们为我们服务一样。这包括给予他们应得的照顾和福利，那就是为什么自我担任总统以来，我们为退伍军人的年度开支年年增长。它意味着召唤我们的退役军人重建我们的国家。

由于获得本届国会两党一致的支持，我们正在为聘用退役军人的公司提供新的税务抵免。米歇尔和吉尔·拜登已与美国企业合作，承诺为退役军人及其家人提供十三万五千份工作。今晚，我提议组成一个退伍军人就业团，帮助我们的社区聘用退役军人担任警察和消防员，使美国及其保卫者同样强盛。

这就带回我一开始的主题。我们被派到此地服务的人可以从我们军队的服务学到几件事。当你穿上军服时，无论你是黑人或白人；亚裔、拉美裔、美国原住民；保守派、自由派；富人、穷人；还是同性恋、异性恋都不重要。当你走上战场，你会照顾身边的袍泽，否则任务将会失败。当你处在枪林弹雨之中，你们会全体共进退，效忠同一个国家，不会抛下任何一个人。

我保存的最令人自豪的物品之一，是海豹突击队在执行捉拿本·拉登使命时携带的一面旗帜，上面有每一位勇士的姓名。他们中有些可能是民主党人，有些可能是共和党人，但这并没有任何关系。就像那天在情况室一样，我坐在鲍勃·盖茨旁边，他是乔治·布什政府的国防部长；当时还有希拉里·克林顿，她曾是我竞选总统时的对手。

那一天最重要的是完成使命。谁也没有想到政治，谁也没有想到自己。参加突袭行动的一位年轻人后来对我说，他没有资格为这项使命获得嘉奖。他说，这次使命获得成功是因为参加行动的每一位成员都尽了自己的一份力量——将盘旋失控的直升机降落在地面上的驾驶员；阻止其他人进入大院的翻译；将妇女和儿童与作战区隔离的军人；冲上楼道的海豹突击队。不仅如此，这次使命获得成功也是因为参加行动的成员相互信任——因为除非你知道有人在你身后做掩护，否则你不可能冲上楼道，在黑夜中履险如夷。

这就是美国精神。每当看到这面旗帜，我都体会到我们的命运如同旗帜上紧密相连的五十颗星和十三道红白相间的条纹。建成这个国家并非个人之功。这个国家之所以伟大，是因为我们共襄盛举；这个国家之所以伟大，是因为我们同心协力；这个国家之所以伟大，是因为我们相互扶持。如果我们坚持这个真理，那么在这艰难的时刻，就没有我们不能战胜的挑战，就没有我们不能完成的使命。只要我们为了同一个目标休戚与共，只要我们坚持我们的共同意志，我们在征途上将一往无前，我们的未来会充满希望，我们的国家将永远强盛。

谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

里根演说

出版说明

自1776年《独立宣言》发表至今，美国建国已有两百三十多年。在这一历史阶段中，先后产生了四十四任总统。作为总统共和制国家的美国，其总统兼国家元首和政府首脑双重身份于一身，其在三权分立的国家政治架构中拥有极大的权力和影响力，在国家政治生活中拥有举足轻重的地位。正如美国第二十六任总统西奥多·罗斯福所说，美国总统是“国王和总理大臣的统一体”。

在美国，演讲是任何一个准备从政的人士必须具备的基本技能。无论地方议会议员、地方行政首脑还是美国联邦国会议员乃至美国总统，都是通过以演讲为基本形式的竞选活动产生的，这就决定了演讲这种活动在美国政治生活中的重大意义。而作为国家最高领导人的美国总统，他们的演讲往往在表明个人政治见解和基本立场、展露自身意志品质和性格特点的同时，在某种程度上还代表了美国的制度设计与价值观念、反映了美国的文化背景与社会演变。他们的演讲大都是针对当时美国所面临的国内外重大问题，讨论国家内政外交政策的优劣得失，表明解决问题的态度，指出今后的施政方向，激励和动员美国人民克服困难、奋力前行。从美国总统的演讲中，我们可以看到他们对时代潮流的认识、把握和对国家意志的充分表达，可以看到他们的政治才华和不同的人格魅力，还可以看到美国在其国家发展所经历的一个又一个时代转折点上，怎样面对困难、迎接挑战、坚韧不拔，一步步走向成功与成熟。

美国总统的演讲事先大多经过了精心的准备，语言精炼、用词规范、措辞讲究、逻辑严密，不但文采斐然、优美动人，而且有的放矢、言之有物。同时，每个总统的演讲都具有鲜明的个性特色。有的晓之以理，发人深省；有的动之以情，感人肺腑；有的则充满思辨，促使人们对人生、社会乃至世界进行更深层次的思考。

《美国总统演讲系列》丛书，重点选取了美国自成立以来几位重要总统的演讲，其中既有他们的就职演讲、卸任演讲，也有他们在重大事件发生时发表的演讲以及针对一些特定案例向公众发表的演讲等。选取这些演讲，并不代表我们认同其所包含的思想倾向或价值取向，只是想帮助广大读者从这些演讲中，加深对美国国情、美国社会的了解。相信广大读者在对这些演讲进行欣赏的同时，一定会对其反映出的世界观、价值观等做出正确的分析和判断。

编  者

2014年5月

前言

罗纳德·里根是美国第四十任总统。他在走入政坛之前，在社会上奋斗了几十年，并从事过众多行业。这些行业里积累的丰富经验为里根的总统生涯奠定了基础。里根担任过运动广播员、救生员、报社专栏作家、电影演员、电视节目演员和励志讲师，并且是美国影视演员协会的领导人。他的演说风格高明而极具说服力，被媒体誉为“伟大的沟通者”。里根于1967年至1975年担任第三十三任加利福尼亚州州长，1981年到1989年担任总统。

1911年2月6日，里根出生于美国伊利诺伊州坦皮科城。里根父亲的曾祖父迈克尔·里根，于19世纪60年代自爱尔兰移民到美国。他母亲的曾祖父约翰·威尔逊，则是在19世纪40年代从苏格兰移民到美国。里根的父亲约翰·里根是一名信奉天主教的爱尔兰后裔，母亲妮尔·威尔逊是苏格兰、爱尔兰及英国的后裔。

里根最初在狄克森的罗克河畔做救生员。这份工作让他享受扮演救世主的角色，据说他在长达七年的工作中，拯救了七十七名溺水者。后来里根还开玩笑说，这些溺水者都没有向他道过谢。里根对这段成就相当自豪，常向白宫的访客们展示挂在总统办公室里的罗克河照片。

里根毕业于伊利诺伊州的尤里卡学院，主修经济学和社会学。他极有语言与表演的天赋，这让他在大学里有了充分的用武之地。身为学院新生的他被选为学生罢课的新生演讲人，加入了一次反对减缩学院开支的罢课。1929年里根加入了兄弟会，后来他认为加入兄弟会的这段经验是学院生涯里最难忘的回忆。他很少花时间在课业上，只拿到了中等的成绩，但他却是校园里许多俱乐部和运动队伍的领导人，被称为“校园里的大角色”。

1932年，里根先后在爱荷华州的WOC广播电台和WHO广播电台担任运动播报员，负责播报芝加哥杯棒球赛。他仅凭借球场收报机传来的文字讯息，在广播室里以丰富的想象力来报导比赛进行的情况。有一次比赛进行到第九局时收报线突然故障，但里根仍流畅地虚构比赛进行的情况，直到收报线修复为止。

毕业后里根依然发挥着自己的优势，从事播报行业。1937年，里根担任芝加哥杯进行前的棒球春训播报员，里根清晰的嗓音、逍遥自在的风格和运动家健硕的体格，使他很受观众欢迎。对他而言，这正是发挥才能之地。后来他只进行了一次试镜，便获得在华纳兄弟公司七年的契约，从而走上了演员的道路。他担任的角色大多是B级片里的男主角。就演员职业而言，里根是一个高产的演员。到1939年年底，他已经在十九部电影里出演过各种角色。在《克努特·罗克尼》中他饰演足球队员乔治·格里佩，由于一句著名的台词：“去替格里佩赢一球！”而获得“格里佩”这个伴随他一生的昵称。里根自认为最好的演出是在1942年的《金石盟》里，饰演一名被截肢的年轻人。后来他还使用里面的台词：“我的其余部分在哪里？”作为他自传的书名。

里根在进入政坛之前，曾于1935年被任命为美国陆军的后备军官，并在1941年11月被召集，但由于眼睛患有散光而没有成为第一线战斗人员。而这恰恰为里根发挥自己的才能提供了机会。在珍珠港事件后，里根中尉被分派至陆军航空队的电影小组，制作用于训练和教育的影片，以充分发挥他的演戏才能。他一直待在好莱坞直到战争结束。

1966年，里根开始参加州长竞选，并一举击败连任两届的派特·布朗，当选了第三十三任加利福尼亚州州长。里根于1967年1月3日宣誓就任加州州长，他在第一届任期中，停止政府雇用更多人员，但也批准提升税率以支撑预算。里根对当时反越战的抗议活动采取强硬路线。1969年，里根直接派遣了2,200名国民警卫队前往镇压在柏克莱加州大学校区的人民公园进行的抗议活动。

1968年，里根首次参与共和党总统候选人提名，却不幸失败。1976年，他再次参与提名，对手是时任总统的杰拉尔德·福特，这次提名选举是里根政治生涯中重要的一刻，里根再次以全国代表大会中微弱的票数落败。在全国代表大会上里根发表演说，详尽地阐述了核战争的危险以及苏联在道德上的威胁。他的演说结束后，许多人表示“很后悔投错了票”。

1980年的总统竞选中，里根在电视辩论上的表现也提升了他的民众形象，他以精湛的辩论技术、优秀的外表和丰富的经验，让自己在电视辩论中获得了极大的优势。选举的结果是里根在普选上获得43,903,230票，比卡特的35,480,115票高出了10%。而在选举人票上里根则获得了压倒性的胜利，囊括489张选举人票，卡特则只获得49张。同时那年的选举还使共和党在参议院中一举增加了12个席次，成为参议院的多数党，倒转了二十八年来民主党在参议院保有的多数地位。

在竞选连任的1984年美国总统选举中，里根以压倒性胜利击败华特·蒙岱尔，赢得了五十个州里的四十九个州的支持（蒙岱尔只取得他的老家明尼苏达州和华盛顿特区）。里根获得将近60%的选票。里根赢得连任的机会一直相当稳固，蒙岱尔在民主党全国代表大会上发表的演说被视为失误连连，在演说中他说道：“里根会提升税率，而我也会这样做。但他不会告诉你，而我会。”

里根是第一位亲自揭幕夏季奥运的美国总统。在德州的达拉斯他接受了共和党的提名，借着当时美国经济的复苏而支持度高涨，他在当年夏天亲自揭幕了洛杉矶奥运会。

1984年的总统竞选中里根做出他最著名的宣战玩笑。他在电台准备发表演说，没有察觉到播音已经开始而开玩笑道：“我亲爱的美国人民，我很高兴地告诉你们，今天我签署了一项法案，将会宣布俄国永远为非法状态，我们在五分钟后开始轰炸。”一些人认为在美苏处于如此紧张的状态下发表这种言论是一个大错误。一些人则引用里根的话来质疑里根在外交政策和国际关系上的现实认知。其他人则认为这不过是在录音室里意外流出的一个幽默笑话罢了。这段录音后来还被乐手杰里·哈里森和布特斯·柯林斯改编为舞曲“五分钟”。

尽管在第一场辩论中里根表现不佳，但他在第二场辩论中恢复了优势，并且在整场选战的大多数时候都占据民调的优先位置。里根在1984年选战的大胜利，被许多政治评论者认为是“里根式民主”转变了传统民主党支持者的立场所造成的。

当里根就任时，美国经济面临两位数的通货膨胀（将使经济计划相当难以预料）以及20%的银行利率（使大多数人难以抵押贷款），将近八百万人处于失业状态。劳工的平均时薪比起五年前下降了5%，而联邦政府征收的个人税率则平均高达67%。国债则将近1万亿美元。里根在经济上被视为是自由意志主义者，他主张减税、缩小政府规模、减少对商业的管制，但当时没有人清楚他要如何进行，也不确定由民主党占多数的众议院会不会支持他。

除了经济压力外，社会环境还动荡不安。1981年的夏季，联邦政府机场的大量航管人员由于薪资问题和工作环境的争议，由飞航管制员工会领导发起了违法的罢工。里根依照事先声明的警告，开除了所有参与罢工的航管人员。由于这个工会是1980年大选中，少数支持里根的两个工会当中的一个，里根的这个举动在政治上引起了轩然大波。

里根第一届任期的主要目标便是复苏美国的经济，当时美国经济处于所谓的滞胀（停滞的经济发展和高通货膨胀）。里根所下的第一道命令是停止政府对石油价格的控制，以恢复国内在石油生产和探测上的市场动力。为了解决两位数的通货膨胀，里根支持了联邦储备系统主席保罗·沃尔克以戏剧性的效果，提升银行利率来达成减缩货币供应量目标的计划。经济学家米尔顿·佛利民描述，当时里根了解到“若要成功遏止通货膨胀，金融的管制和短暂的经济衰退是不可避免的”。里根利用紧缩货币供应配合全面减税的方法来刺激商业的投资（依据里根的说法：“芝加哥经济学派、供应面经济学，随便人们怎么称呼。我注意到有些人甚至称它为里根经济学，直到它开始生效为止……”）。里根的对手嘲笑这是“巫毒经济”“涓滴效应”和“里根经济学”，但里根成功地开展全面减税。

为了终结通货膨胀而紧缩货币的供应，使美国经济在1981年7月开始急剧衰退，并在1982年11月降到谷底。美国经济在历经1981~1982年的衰退后，于1983年开始戏剧性的经济复苏，里根政府主张减税帮助了经济的复苏，制造了更多的工作机会，最终使联邦政府获得更多的税收，从20世纪80年代初的每年5,170亿美元大幅提升至1万多亿美元。而里根政府新的军事战略增加了大量军事预算，导致联邦政府的预算赤字达到前所未见的地步。一些批评家则认为，这种将预算大幅投注军事产业的政策，事实上属于古典的凯因斯经济学，并认为接踵而来的经济成长并非减税造成的，而是政府大幅度支出的结果。

当时由民主党占多数的众议院，反对里根如此减缩社会福利和其他国内的支出。由于警觉到社会福利开支的增长，里根指派了阿伦·格林斯潘领导社会福利改革，拟出了减缓社会福利支出的计划。随着年龄的增长，从社会福利取得的津贴也会随之缓慢增长（也配合着逐渐增长的国民平均寿命），使这套制度在接下来的50~70年内不会超出政府的负担能力。这套计划也借着提升社会福利的工资税比率来增加政府的税收。

为了解决预算赤字，里根政府大量由国内和国外贷款国债。到里根第二届任期时，民间所持有的国债已经从1980年占GDP的26%大幅提升至1989年的41%，是自1963年以来最高的纪录。1988年国债总计2.6万亿美元，向国外的借债总额超过了国内，美国也从原本世界最大的债权国转变为世界最大的借债国。

里根的经济政策拉大了贫富间的差距。然而，在里根的任期内，所有经济阶层的所得都提高了，包括最底层的贫穷人口也提升了6%。而同时最富有的1%美国人则提升了1万亿美元的收入。

里根政府被同性恋权利运动以及其他人批评没有迅速处理当时流行的艾滋病。白宫在1982年10月第一次讨论这种疾病，里根则在1985年的记者会上第一次公开讨论政府处理这种疾病的措施。

尽管遭受批评，里根在任内支出了570亿美元以对抗HIV和艾滋病，大多数资金都投注至美国国家卫生院。在HIV和艾滋病研究上的资源于1983年增加了450%，1984年增加了134%，1985年增加了99%，1986年增加了148%。1985年9月里根说道：“包括1986年的预算，我们已经投注超过5亿元在艾滋病的研究上，我确定其他医学团体也在同步进行这些研究。我们今年有1亿元预算，明年将会有1.26亿元，所以这是我们放在第一优先的问题。这场疾病的严重性是毫无疑问的，我们必须找出疾病的原因。”到1986年里根已经投注大笔经费在艾滋病的预防和研究上，并宣称艾滋病“是我们在健康与人类服务部的公共卫生上排在第一优先的疾病。”

里根还在另一场有关艾滋病的少见争论里扮演重要角色。美国研究员罗伯特·加罗与法国科学家路克·蒙塔尼埃都宣称是自己发现了人类免疫不全的病毒（HIV），并各自为其命名，这场争论最后终于由里根和法国总统弗朗索瓦·密特朗谈判达成共识，让两人和其团队在名称上都占有同样的功劳。这次事件相当的罕见，忽视了在科学上命名的根据，也是第一次在生物学上的争论竟上升到政治的层面。显然，密特朗和里根意识到两个大国不该为了这个议题而产生争执。

虽然里根的第二届任期最显著的是外交上的政策，但他也主导了许多重要的国内法案。1982年，里根签署法案使1965年的选举权法得以延长二十五年期限——尽管在1980年的选战中他曾经反对延期。这项法案保护了盲人、残障者和文盲的投票权。其他重要的法案还包括1986年的税赋改革法令和1988年的公民自由法案——包含了对二战中被拘留的日裔美国人的赔偿。里根也立法授权对牵扯至贩毒的谋杀行为判处死刑。

米尔顿·佛利民以里根任内每年联邦公文（记录联邦政府每年发布的法规与管制公文）的数量来说明里根反对政府管制的政策走向。自从20世纪60年代以来，每位总统每年的联邦公文数都持续增加，但里根上任后发出的联邦公文急剧减少，证明了里根对政府管制的反对态度。联邦公文的数量在里根任内都只维持小幅度增长，直到里根离任为止才又开始大量增加。

里根是第一位主张共产主义将会垮台的领导人。1983年3月3日他说道：“我相信共产主义是人类历史上可悲而怪异的一页——仍在进行中的最后一页。”当时西方对苏联的主流看法是，苏联新一批的领导人时代即将来临，而西方世界必然要跟他们合作。但里根则主张在苏联正处于严重的经济危机之时，借由切断苏联与西方的科技交流来使这种危机加大。他认为苏联最恶劣的是与人类历史的潮流相背，磨灭其人民的自由和尊严。

美国学者对冷战结束的正统观点是“由于自由和民主的西方国家持续地在军事地位上、意识形态的动力上和经济系统上保持优势，最终导致苏联的投降和冷战的结束。这些因素显露了共产主义在道德上的非法性并突出了其经济上的停滞。”这种观点都能被共和党（强调里根扮演的角色）和民主党（强调杜鲁门、肯尼迪、詹森和卡特长期以来的围堵政策）所接受。这种看法也被东欧国家所广泛接受。波兰团结工会的领导人列赫·瓦文萨在2004年时说：“当谈到罗纳德·里根时，我必须以我个人的角度来谈他，我们在波兰的人都会以我们的角度来谈论他。为什么？因为我们所得到的自由是他给予的。”西德的总理赫尔穆特·科尔则说：“他的出现是这个世界的幸运。在里根呼吁戈尔巴乔夫推倒柏林墙后的两年，柏林墙就真的倒了，而十一个月后德国便统一了。”爱尔兰首相伯蒂·埃亨说：“里根总统是共产主义的坚定抵抗者，他扮演了重要的角色，终结了共产主义以及二战后欧洲的分裂。”1989年成为捷克斯洛伐克总统的瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔说：“他是个保持着坚定原则的人，毫无疑问是他促使了共产主义的垮台。”

里根选择强硬的态度与苏联直接对抗，而不像前几位总统如理查德·尼克松、杰拉尔德·福特、吉米·卡特采取缓和政策。他在苏联已经没有能力投注比美国更多军事预算的情况下，展开了新一波的军备竞赛，努力使冷战在经济上和表面上激烈化。

里根政府以“唯有实力才能获致和平”为名的政策进行大规模扩军，这个名称是为了对照西奥多·罗斯福的强硬外交政策和他的名言：“说话温和，手持大棒。”里根政府新设立的对苏政策以赢得冷战为最终目标，这个战略被命名为NSDD-32。这个战略概述了里根计划在三个战线对抗苏联：经济上减少苏联获取高科技技术的机会，并减少其资源，包括压低苏联商品在世界市场上的价值；军事上增加美国的军事支出，以巩固美国在谈判上的立场，并迫使苏联转移更多经济资源至军事用途上；处理从阿富汗的反苏联游击队，到波兰的团结工会运动。里根并提出了主动战略防御计划，将之称为“星际大战”，是以外太空为基础建立的导弹防御网。这通常被美国以外的国家视为是一种威胁，因为它可能抵销苏联对美国“保证互相毁灭”的能力。理论上将使美国发起核战的第一击，并躲过接下来苏联的反击。由于感受到可能因此失去军备竞赛中的平衡地位以及世界的战略根基，苏联的领导人和人民对于情势越来越沮丧。1986年10月里根与苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫在冰岛会面，戈尔巴乔夫急切地希望美国取消这种防御性同时也是攻击性的导弹防御网。1990年3月11日，立陶宛在新当选的维陶塔斯·兰茨贝吉斯总统的领导下宣布脱离苏联独立，其余的苏联加盟国也在1991年陆续宣布独立，由此苏联正式瓦解。玛格利特·撒切尔对此描述道：“里根不开一枪便赢得了冷战。”

里根主张美国经济开始复苏，快速电脑化的经济、高科技的技术是主要力量，但苏联在这方面远远落后，甚至连韩国的高科技也超越了它，而且一年比一年落后。里根进一步禁止美国和盟国对苏联输出高科技技术，使苏联处境更为恶劣。有一段时间当石油价位极高时，这种落后由于苏联输出了大量石油而得以掩盖，但这个优势在20世纪80年代初期也丧失了。要和西方国家进行经济竞赛显然必须进行彻底的改革，戈尔巴乔夫开始进行改革，他期望新政策中的开放性和新思维能够重新复兴苏联经济，但这些改革却得不到解决的方法，反而产生更多对苏联体制的不满。里根的大规模扩军行动和强硬的反苏言论，造成苏联在1983年北约的例行演习中产生近乎恐慌的反应。虽然这次核战的危机随着演习结束而迅速平息，但这次演习也显示了里根的强硬态度所可能产生的负面后果。一些历史学家，如贝丝·A·菲舍尔认为这次危机对里根的政策有着深远影响，使他对苏联的态度从直接对抗转变为和睦友好的政策。

尽管里根与苏联签订了限武条约，如中程核子武器条约和裁减战略武器谈判，里根依然进行着星际大战计划，部署外太空为基础建立的导弹防御网，以环绕地球的军事卫星来拦截导弹，使美国在核子大战中不受损伤。批评家认为这项计划是不切实际的，而且还违背了反弹道导弹的条约，支持者则认为这项计划能迫使苏联投入更多无法负担的军事支出。事实上，苏联也曾尝试着自行建立一套类似的系统，或至少同时经由限武条约来减缓与美国间的军事差距。最后苏联在后者上表现得较为成功。由于试图追上美国的军事研究而严重损害了原本已经不稳固的苏联经济，这也被认为是导致苏联垮台的主要原因之一。

1987年6月12日，罗纳德·里根访问西柏林时，在柏林墙的勃兰登堡门前发表演说：“戈尔巴乔夫先生，推倒这堵墙！”由于里根在表达理念时的口才和具有的独特情感而被誉为“伟大的沟通者”。这些口才技巧来自于他担任演员、电视和广播节目主持人以及政治家时逐渐培养的经验，同时身为总统也雇用了技巧高明的演讲稿撰稿者以进一步发挥他的魅力。里根的修辞技巧是相当多变的，他运用强烈甚至是意识形态的言词来指责苏联和共产主义，尤其是在第一届任期时。

但他也能唤起人们将美国视为自由捍卫者的印象和观念。他于1964年11月27日的演讲中将演讲题目取名为“决择的时刻”，重新引入了富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福广为人知的著名用词“命运的结合”。其他演讲中他称美国为“山巅上的光辉城市”，称美国人为“慷慨大方、具有理想、大胆勇敢、正派和诚实”的市民并且拥有“梦想英雄目标的权利”。

1986年1月28日，在得悉挑战者号意外坠毁后，他延迟了新年国情咨文演说并改向全国发表演说，在演说中他形容那些罹难的宇航员：“我们永远不会忘记他们，这也不会是我们最后一次看到他们。因为就在今天早上，他们准备出发并且向我们挥手道别，摆脱了阴沉大地的束缚，而触摸了上帝的脸庞。”（里根引用了美国诗人约翰·吉莱斯皮·玛吉的著名诗句）

里根很幽默，尤其是他的俏皮话，不仅消除了对手的力量，还使他广受大众喜爱。在1984年总统选战与华特·蒙岱尔的电视辩论中，在讨论到他的年纪时他妙语道：“我不会以我的年纪来作为选战的议题。我不会以此作为政治目的，来彰显我的对手年幼和缺乏经验。”谈到他的职业时他开玩笑道：“政治不是什么糟糕的职业。如果你成功了将会获得许多奖励，如果你可耻的失败了，那你也可以出版一本书。”

里根的支持者和反对者都注意到他开朗乐观的态度，使他比前几任总统更受欢迎。里根有一次如此说道：“领导者的教训是相同的，要辛勤地工作，了解事情的真相，乐于倾听并了解他人，坚强的责任感和指挥感，并替你所代表的人民做出最好的决定。”

1981年3月30日，刚就任总统六十九天的里根，前往华盛顿特区的希尔顿饭店与美国劳工联合会－产业工会联合会的代表们共进午餐并发表演说。当里根和幕僚们走出饭店大门时，埋伏在饭店门口媒体人潮里的精神病患者欣克利，以一把22毫米口径的左轮手枪朝里根射击了六枪，中弹的除了里根外还有白宫新闻秘书和保镖等三人，里根迅速被送至附近的华盛顿大学医院进行紧急手术。

一发子弹击中了里根的腋下，距离心脏只有1英寸，里根也因此得以幸免。手术进行时里根还向医生开玩笑道：“我希望你们都是共和党人。”（虽然医生并不是，但他仍回复道：“我们今天都会支持共和党的。”）当第一夫人南希·里根到达医院时，里根则以重量级拳击冠军杰克·登普西被击倒时的名言向她开玩笑道：“亲爱的，我忘记低头了。”

里根的个人魅力使他几乎发表任何言论都能让大众接受，因此而获得了“铁弗龙总统”的绰号。他于伊朗门事件中否认他知情这项交易，但现在存于档案库的国防部长卡斯帕·温伯格的引证则显示出里根知情，这可能是违反了美国宪法的，但他带给公众的形象却是“伟大、坚强的里根冒险以武器来交换人质的自由”。在1985年12月里根写了一份秘密的总统“调查”来记载这次“以武器换人质”的计划。里根时代的秘密文件本来可以从2001年开始被公开，但乔治·沃克·布什总统签署了一项法案使这些文件将继续无限期保密，从而使人们无法得知更多这方面的资讯。

里根的金融和减税政策被批评拉大了贫富间的差距，他缩减社会福利和所得税率则被一些批评家批评为是加惠富裕人口的政策。在他任内，空前的国债成长也被批评将会危及国家经济的健全。在20世纪80年代解除了对银行产业的管制后，信用合作社得以自由地将存款人的存款投资至商业不动产上（之前他们被限制只能投资住宅不动产），许多信用合作社开始进行风险性的投资。主掌联邦对产业管制的联邦房屋贷款银行试图限制这种风险行为，于是开始和里根政府的政策产生冲突，里根希望对大多数产业撤销管制——包括银行产业在内。里根也因此拒绝向国会递交联邦房屋贷款银行的预算审核，这项冲突使美国损失了1,500亿元，而且几乎导致了信用合作社产业的崩溃。

自由派也批评里根强硬外交政策可能导致核子大战的危机。批评家指出里根忽略了在中南美洲和南非的人权问题，里根对于南非种族隔离制度的支持也被非裔美国人强烈批评。虽然里根也试图结束南非的种族隔离制度并实行自由化，但他反对向南非实行经济上的制裁，认为那是表面上看似有益的制裁计划，事实上将会缩减南非政府的影响力，并让许多南非的好人承受经济的困境。

虽然里根成年后很少出席教堂举办的活动，但他自幼便是一名基督徒，而且时常向基督教团体发表演说。1978年3月里根给一名卫理宗神职人员写了封信，这名神职人员对尼西亚信经持怀疑态度，并指责里根是“主日学校层次的神学”——里根坚定地支持尼西亚信经，并引用了克利夫·史戴普·路易斯的三难困境。不过在里根的国葬上并没有依照他的信仰和愿望来进行，而是进行了多种信仰的仪式。

1989年1月11日，里根在白宫的总统办公室经由电视转播发表了全国性的告别演说，九天后便离开总统职位，由布什接任。在布什的就职典礼结束后，里根回到了他位于加州圣巴巴拉市附近的大牧场，在那里写自传、骑马、伐木。最后他迁至位于加州贝艾尔的新家。

里根偶尔会代表共和党露面，包括在1992年的共和党全国代表大会上发表了精彩演说。他公开支持单项否决权、平衡预算的宪法修正案和撤销宪法第22号修正案——限制总统只能连任一次的修正案。

几年后里根宣布他被诊断出罹患阿兹海默症。他经由手写信件来向全国说明他的健康状况，由于他一向乐观的态度，他最后总结道：“我知道我正在走向我人生旅程中的黄昏。我知道对美国而言前方总是有着灿烂的黎明。谢谢你们，我的朋友们。愿上帝永远祝福你们。”阿兹海默症慢慢地摧毁了里根的脑部能力，迫使他过着与世隔绝的生活。2000年8月，美国《新闻和世界周刊》报道里根病危的消息，但顽强的生命力使里根又活了近四年。到了2003年底，里根进入阿兹海默症的晚期。

2004年6月5日，里根于家中辞世，享年九十三岁。他的遗体也开放让公众瞻仰仪容。整场国葬庄严隆重，在世的数位美国总统和众多外国元首都参加了葬礼。

盖洛普民意测验对美国民众做了一次谁是最受欢迎的美国总统的调查，罗纳德·里根以87%的支持率排名第一。里根在接下来每年的许多民调测验中，继续被选为最好的美国总统之一。同时里根是目前为止活得最久的美国总统。这位总统在有生之年带领美国走出了经济低迷，走出了民主困境，使美国进入了黄金发展时期。

第一章  开创国家复兴的时代

第一节  背景介绍

里根于1966年踏入政坛，当选第三十三任加利福尼亚州州长。他连续击败连任两届的派特·布朗，并在1970年的选战中成功连任。在他第一届任期中，他停止政府雇用更多人员，但也批准提升税率以支撑预算。里根对当时反越战的抗议活动采取强硬路线。1969年，里根直接派遣了2,200名国民警卫队前往镇压，在柏克莱加州大学校区人民公园进行的抗议活动。

1971年，里根着手改革加州的社会福利。稍早里根曾反对1964年的民权法案和1965年的民权法案投票。但后来他改变了立场，并认为如果必要的话，民权法案必须动用军事力量来执法。里根也反对建立更大的联邦水坝，以免水坝会淹没溪谷的印地安人农场。他曾和家人一同进行夏季登山，前往内华达山脉考察一处被提议建造高速公路的地点，考察后他便宣布放弃建造的计划。

在死刑的议题上，他强烈支持维持死刑，加州最高法院却在判决中使1972年以前加州的死刑宣判全部无效，尽管这个判决后来被宪法修正案所推翻，但这次判决成为里根任内最大的挫折。尽管里根支持死刑，但他在任内颁布了两次赦免和缓刑命令，在里根之后再没有加州州长如此赦免死刑囚犯。里根任内唯一一次执行死刑是在1967年4月12日，从那次以后直到1992年为止，加州都没有再执行过死刑。

里根任内还废除了公共的精神病医院系统，改以社区为基础的住宅及医疗来取代非自愿的强制住院，因为他认为那是违反公民的自由。不过从里根任内直到其他的继任者，这种以社区为基础的设施一直都没有充分实现过。

1968年，里根首次参与共和党总统候选人提名的选举，却没有成功。1976年，他再次参与提名，对手是时任的杰拉尔德·福特，这次提名选举是里根政治生涯中重要的一刻，杰拉尔德·福特被视为当时共和党内的元老，在全国代表大会中里根再次以几票之差落败。在全国代表大会上里根发表演说，阐述核子战争的危险及苏联在道德上的威胁，听完他动人的演说，许多人表示“很后悔投错了票”。

里根在电视辩论上的表现也提升了他的选情，辩论中他看起来比卡特更为自在。当时正是美国通货膨胀和银行利率急速高涨的时期，在回答观众的问题时他做了非常有力的回答：“你觉得你现在的生活比四年前要好吗？”

选举的结果里根在普选上获得43,903,230票，比卡特的35,480,115票高出了10%。而在选举人票上里根则获得压倒性胜利，囊括489张选举人票，卡特则只获得49张。同时那年的选举还使共和党在参议院一举增加了12个席次，成为参议院的多数党，倒转了二十八年来民主党在参议院保有多数的地位。

第二节  里根于1981年第一次总统就职演讲

Tuesday, January 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O’Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.

Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system, which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you, and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity, which is the bulwark of our Republic.

The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children’s future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding—we are going to begin to act, beginning today.

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. However, if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else?

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.

We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick—professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truck drivers. They are, in short,“We the people,”this breed called Americans.

Well, this administration’s objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this“new beginning”and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play, which is the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.

So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government—not the other way around. Moreover, this makes us special among the nations of the Earth. Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government, which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government. It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.

So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew; our faith and our hope.

We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don’t know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter—and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in them and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.

I have used the words“they”and“their”in speaking of these heroes. I could say“you”and“your”because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak—you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic“yes”. To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world’s strongest economy.

In the days ahead, I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow—measured in inches and feet, not miles—but we will progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden? In addition, these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans,“Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of... On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for our children, our children’s children and ourselves.

In addition, as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it—now or ever.

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. Our adversaries in today’s world do not have a weapon. We as Americans do have a weapon. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city’s special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence. Then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln?

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.

Less than one such marker lays a young man—Martin Treptow—who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.

We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading,“My Pledge,”he had written these words: “America must win this war. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, and I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds; to believe that together, with God’s help, we can and will resolve the problems, which now confront us.

In addition, after all, why shouldn’t we believe that? We are Americans.

God bless you, and thank you.

1981年1月20日，星期二

议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：

今天对于我们大家来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻，对这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么不妥。但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

总统先生，我希望我们的国民能够记住你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这样一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

我们国家的各项事业都在不断的发展过程中。美国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长，最严重的通货膨胀之一，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

工业发展变缓使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

尽管现在我们的纳税负担十分沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。数十年来，我们的赤字屡屡上升，为图眼前暂时的方便，我们把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押了出去。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

作为独立的个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一段入不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家就不应受到同样的约束呢？

为了保住明天，今天我们就必须行动起来。大家都要明白无误地懂得——从今天起我们就要采取行动。

几十年来，经济弊病一直袭击着我们，我们深受其害。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为作为现在的美国人，我们一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

在当前这场危机之中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是问题所在。

我们时常会错误的以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢？

不论是政府官员，还是平民百姓，我们必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而，我们必须关心一个被忽视了太久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有种族之分，没有民族之分，没有政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是“我们的人民”，这个称之为美国人的民族。

本届政府的目标是必须建立一种健全的、生机勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担“新开端”的富有成效的工作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有了这些我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。

因此，在我们开始改革之际，我们有必要看清现状。我们是一个拥有政府的国家，而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界各国中独树一帜，我们的政府除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。目前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。

我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。我们大家都需要记住：不是联邦政府创立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。

因此请不要误解，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要让它发挥作用，同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够而且必须促进生产力，而不是抑制生产力。

这么多年来为什么我们能取得这么大的成就，并获得世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛，原因就是在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。在这里个人所享有并得以确保的自由和尊严超过了世界上任何其他地方。为这种自由所付出的代价有时相当高昂，但我们从来没有不愿意付出这样的代价。

我们目前的困难是与政府机构因为不必要的过度膨胀而干预、侵扰我们的生活同步增加，这绝不是偶然的巧合。我们是一个泱泱大国，不能自囿于小小的梦想，现在正是认识到这一点的时候。我们并非注定走向衰落，尽管有些人想让我们相信这一点。我不相信，无论我们做些什么，我们都将命该如此；但我相信，如果我们什么也不做，我们将的确命该如此。

为此，让我们以掌握的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新拿出决心、勇气和力量，让我们重新建立起我们的信念和希望吧。

我们完全有权去做英雄梦。那些评论我们现在是一个没有英雄时代的人，他们只不过没有用心观察。看啊！每一天进出工厂大门的工人们，辛勤耕作为我们提供食物的农民们，站在柜台后的服务生们，尽心尽力为社会创造财富、提供就业机会的企业家们，交纳赋税以维持国家运作的公民们，所有支持慈善事业、教会、文化及教育的人们，他们的举动是无声的，但爱国心却是不言自明的。他们的价值造就了我们的国家。

我刚才用“他们”这个人称来形容这些英雄，其实我也可以用“你们”。在这个上帝眷顾的国家，你们的梦想，你们的希望，你们的追求就是这个国家存在的理由。

我们的天性包含了同情。倘若我们热爱这个国家，怎么会不热爱自己的同胞。当他们挫折时，扶他们一把；当他们生病时，给予关照。对于弱者给予体面的帮助，使其自立。

我们现在能否战胜摆在面前的问题？答案是明确和肯定的：“能！”借用温斯顿·丘吉尔的话：“我刚才宣誓并不是想要在我的领导下，使这个世界上最强大的经济瓦解。”

在今后的一段时间，我将提议消除使经济发展缓慢和生产力下降的障碍，采取旨在恢复各级政府之间保持平衡的步骤。进展也许是缓慢的，只能用英寸和英尺来衡量，而不是英里，但我们将一直前进。现在是唤醒工业巨人的时候了，我们首要的任务是减轻惩罚性的赋税负担，使政府能够重新量入为出，在这些原则上绝不会妥协。

在国家立国前夕，我们的建国先贤之一，马塞诸萨州州长约瑟夫·沃伦博士对他的同胞们说：“我们的国家正处在危险之中，但我们丝毫不绝望。美国的前途就在我们手中。这个关系到尚未出生的千百万人的幸福和自由的重要问题由你们来决定，你们的行为将无愧于你们自己。”

同胞们，我相信当代的美国人已做好无愧于我们自己人生的准备，做好为确保我们自己、我们的孩子和子孙后代的幸福和自由必须进行行动的准备。

我们庆祝重振美国的此时，全世界的人们都在关注着，我们依旧是那些尚未获得自由的人民心中的自由灯塔！

对于我们的邻居，自由世界的同盟们，我们将进一步加强联络，保证我们承担的义务。我们将以心换心，但我们决不会干涉你们的主权，希望你们也不会干涉我们。

对于自由世界的敌人，我们潜在的对手。我们要使其明白，和平是美国人最高的愿望。我们可以与你们谈判、妥协，但我们决不会屈服，永远不会。

请你们不要误会我们的忍耐，我们努力避免冲突但绝不代表我们屈服。当我们的国家安全受到威胁时，我们会采取行动。我们将保持拥有压倒性对手的武力，因为我们知道只有拥有足够的武力，才能确保我们不会使用武力。

首先，我们必须认识到世界上没有任何武器能比自由人民的道义和勇气更强大。这恰恰是我们美国人民所具备，而我们的对手没有的武器。这一点，所有支持恐怖主义和觊觎弱小国家者都要明白。

我听说今天各地举行了数以万计的祷告会，我衷心地感到欣慰。我们是上帝护佑的国度，上帝给了我们自由。如果以后每一届的就职日都能成为祷告日，那是很好的事情。

大家都知道，这是历史上第一次在白宫西走廊举行的就职典礼。在这里我们能看到整个首都的风貌，而这广场另一端就是我们先贤们的圣坛。

我的正前方是乔治·华盛顿纪念碑，我们伟大的国父。是他领导了独立革命战争的胜利，并创建了这个国家。在其旁边则是另一位伟大的先贤托马斯·杰弗逊，《独立宣言》的作者。而在水池的尽头是雄伟的林肯纪念堂。从林肯的一生你能体会出什么是美国的精神。

在这些古迹旁是缓缓流淌的波托马可河，而岸边斜斜的山坡正是阿灵顿公墓。这些小小的十字架，六芒星下的墓志铭，述说着我们赢取自由所付出的代价。

每一个墓志铭都是之前我所说的英雄事迹。这些英雄的生命倒在贝洛森林，阿尔贡丘陵，奥马哈海滩，萨勒诺，半个地球外的瓜岛，塔拉瓦岛，长津湖，以及遍地是稻田丛林的叫越南的地方。

在这些墓碑中，有一个叫马丁·特雷普托的年轻人，他在1917年辞掉了小镇理发店的工作，跟随著名的“彩虹师”去了法国，在西线他在为营长传递命令时，被重炮击中而牺牲。

后来，在他的遗体上发现了一本日记。在扉页处他写道：“我发誓美国必须赢得这场战争，所以，我会奋斗，我会拯救，我会牺牲，我会忍受，我会奋勇战斗，所有的苦难都将由我一个人来肩负。”

今天我们面临的危机并不要求我们像马丁·特雷普托那样作出如此巨大的牺牲。但我们也要竭尽全力，有所作为。拥有上帝的协助，我们必能度过危机。

我们有什么理由不相信呢？记住！我们是美国人。

上帝保佑你们，谢谢。

第三节  精彩语录

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.

几十年来，经济弊病一直袭击着我们，我们深受其害。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为作为现在的美国人，我们一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.

不论政府官员还是平民百姓，我们必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

This administration’s objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this“new beginning”and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play, which is the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.

本届政府的目标是必须建立一种健全的、生机勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担“新开端”的富有成效的工作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有了这些我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。

In this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.

在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。在这里个人所享有并得以确保的自由和尊严超过了世界上任何其他地方。为这种自由所付出的代价有时相当高昂，但我们从来没有不愿意付出这样的代价。

So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. In addition, let us renew; our faith and our hope.

为此，让我们以掌握的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新拿出决心、勇气和力量，让我们重新建立起我们的信念和希望吧。

Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don’t know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter—and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.

那些评论我们现在是一个没有英雄时代的人，他们只不过没有用心观察。看啊！每一天进出工厂大门的工人们，辛勤耕作为我们提供食物的农民们，站在柜台后的服务生们，尽心尽力为社会创造财富、提供就业机会的企业家们，交纳赋税以维持国家运作的公民们,所有支持慈善事业、教会、文化及教育的人们，他们的举动是无声的，但爱国心却是不言自明的。他们的价值造就了我们的国家。

I have used the words“they”and“their”in speaking of these heroes. I could say“you”and“your”because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak—you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.

我刚才用“他们”这个人称来形容这些英雄，其实我也可以用“你们”。在这个上帝眷顾的国家，你们的梦想，你们的希望，你们的追求就是这个国家存在的理由。

第二章  挣脱大地的束缚

第一节  背景介绍

“挑战者”号航天飞机名字来源于19世纪70年代航行于大西洋与太平洋上的美国海军的研究船“挑战者”号。

1983年4月4日“挑战者”号进行了首次正式发射。在建造之初，其目的是为了作测试用，完成测试任务之后，“挑战者”号被改装成正式的轨道器。在九次飞行行动中，“挑战者”号航天飞机将太空实验室，以及数颗军事和科学卫星送入轨道。1986年1月28日，“挑战者”号在执行第十次空间任务时，升空73秒后发生爆炸解体坠毁，机上七名宇航员全部遇难。

1986年1月28日，在离发射现场6.4公里的卡纳维拉尔角看台上，聚集了一千多名观众，其中有十九名中学生代表，他们既是来观看航天飞机发射的，又是来欢送他们的老师麦考利夫。1984年，航天局宣布将邀请一位教师参加航天飞行，计划在太空为全国中小学生讲授两节有关太空和飞行的科普课，学生们还可以通过专线向麦考利夫提问。麦考利夫是从一万多名教师中挑选出来的。

起初，“挑战者”号航天飞机顺利升空，一切正常。飞行50秒时，地面曾有人发现航天飞机右侧固体助推器侧部冒出一丝丝白烟，这个现象没有引起人们的注意。52秒时，地面指挥中心通知指令长斯科比将发动机恢复全速。59秒时，到达高空10,000米，主发动机全速工作，助推器已燃烧了近450吨固体燃料。此时，地面控制中心和航天飞机上的计算机显示的各种数据都未见任何异常。65秒时，斯科比向地面发出最后一句报告词。第72秒时，到达高空16,600米，航天飞机突然闪出一团亮光，外挂燃料箱凌空爆炸，航天飞机被炸得粉碎，与地面的通讯猝然中断，监控中心屏幕上的数据陡然消失。挑战者号变成了一团大火，两枚失去控制的固体助推火箭脱离火球，成V字形喷着火焰向前飞去，即将掉入人口稠密的陆地，航天中心负责安全的军官比林格在第100秒时，通过遥控装置将它们引爆。爆炸后的碎片在发射场东南方30公里处散落了1小时之久，价值12亿美元的航天飞机被炸成碎片坠入大西洋。导致爆炸的起因是助推器两个部件之间的接头破损，喷出的燃气烧穿了助推器的外壳，继而引燃外挂燃料箱。燃料箱裂开后，液氢在空气中剧烈燃烧爆炸。

“挑战者”号航天飞机上的七名宇航员分别是：机长：弗朗西斯·斯科比，四十六岁；驾驶员：迈克尔·史密斯，四十岁；宇航员：朱迪恩·雷斯尼克（女），三十六岁；罗纳德·麦克奈尔，三十五岁；埃利森·鬼冢，三十九岁；格里高利·杰维斯，四十一岁；教师：克里斯塔·麦考利夫（女），三十七岁。

机长弗朗西斯·斯科比曾是美国空军战斗机飞行员。驾驶员迈克尔·史密斯曾在美国海军服役，担任过战斗机飞行员，多次获得奖章，其中包括海军特级飞行十字勋章和国家敢于战斗银星十字勋章。克里斯塔·麦考利夫出生于美国波士顿，在新罕布什尔州康科德中学任教。

“挑战者”号航天飞机爆炸的消息像冲击波一样传遍了美国各地及全世界。在华盛顿的国会山，国会工作人员、参议员和众议员们聚集在电视机旁，默默地观看着这幕悲剧的发展。政治家们的情感是克制和理性的，因为他们清楚地知道，“挑战者”号的惨剧是航天史上迄今最大的惨祸，但不是第一次，也不会是最后一次。

“挑战者”号航天飞机爆炸后，里根立刻在他的椭圆形办公室发表了谈话，他神情忧郁，语调沉重地说：“原计划今晚我将对你们发表讲话，就国情咨文做报告，但是，今天早上发生的事件使我改变了计划。今天是哀悼和纪念之日。”他接着说，“南希和我对‘挑战者’号发生的悲剧深感哀痛。我一直十分信任和尊重我们的太空计划，今天所发生的事情决不会降低它的声誉。我们还要继续对太空进行探索。”他宣布说：“今后还要进行更多的航天飞行，要有更多的宇航员。太空里要有更多的志愿者，更多的平民，更多的教师。”

在回答记者关于航天飞机计划的前途问题时，斯皮克斯引用里根的话说：“这些人都献身于对太空的探索。我们纪念这些勇敢的人的最好办法莫过于继续执行这个计划。”

1月28日当天，联合国和许多国家的领导人纷纷发表讲话或致电里根总统，对“挑战者”号不幸失事表示同情和哀悼。联合国秘书长佩雷斯·德奎利亚尔向里根总统发出了言语切切的唁电：“全世界都将为这一开拓人类知识边疆中，悲剧性的牺牲而万分悲痛。”联合国安理会获悉这一消息时正在开会，会议从而中止。联大安理会主席李鹿野代表安理会发表讲话：“对美国航天探索中出现的这一机毁人亡事件感到十分悲痛。”

1月28日正午，华盛顿和美国各州下半旗致哀。街道比平时安静了许多，人们都默默赶路一言不发。入夜，灯火辉煌的纽约帝国大厦熄灭了灯火以示哀悼。这个“全美国的灾难”深深地震撼着人们的心灵。

美国原定1986年将进行十五次航天飞机的发射，是太空时代开始后最重要的一年，此时全部化为泡影。建造“挑战者”号航天飞机花费了美国纳税者12亿美元，轰然一声巨响使这笔巨资化为乌有。美国三大电视网，哥伦比亚广播公司、美国广播公司和全国广播公司，在1月28日当天用了五个多小时连续报道“挑战者”号爆炸事件，损失的广告费总额达900万美元。

1986年1月31日，1.5万名航天工作者冒着寒风，在休斯敦约翰逊航天中心，为失事的七名机组人员举行了追悼仪式。里根总统出席追悼仪式并慰问了遇难者家属。

“挑战者”号的事故对美国太空计划的影响难以估量。许多卫星和航天器的发射计划，以及准备在太空中进行的研究项目都将大大推迟，有些不得不取消。其中受影响最大的三个重要航天飞行计划是：原定3月15日由“挑战者”号为欧洲航天局发射的“尤利西斯”航天器，进行绕太阳的南北极飞行。以及定于3月20日和10月由“亚特兰蒂斯”号分别发射的“伽利略”航天器和“哈勃”太空望远镜。“伽利略”航天器计划飞往木星探测，价值12亿美元的“哈勃”太空望远镜则准备送入地球轨道，观测宇宙的“边缘”。由于航天器的发射需要等待行星之间合适的相对位置，错过了时机只能重新等待机会。当时的这种局面已不可避免。当年预期要发射的六颗商业通迅卫星，也因而取消了。

“挑战者”号的爆炸，使同航天飞机飞行计划有关的公司和依靠航天飞机部署卫星的公司遭遇财政困难，航天飞机的主要制造和维修公司洛克希德飞机公司和罗克韦尔国际公司的股票猛跌。

美国五角大楼在“挑战者”号失事事件中受到的打击最为沉重。如果美国航天局另外定购一架新的航天飞机，那么大约需要17亿美元的费用和五年的光阴。有些国际问题专家认为这次事故可能置“星球大战”计划于“险境”。五角大楼一直利用航天飞行进行战略防御计划的基础实验，苏联十分关心这次事故能否阻止美国实施这一计划。塔斯社说，这场悲剧表明美国的宇航技术是不可靠的。这一事件严重震撼了美国的军事和外交地位。

到此为止，这场惊心动魄的航天悲剧似乎要落幕了，不过正当美国总统调查委员会调查“挑战者”号爆炸的原因时，第一名进入太空的新闻记者已经开始挑选了。设在南卡罗来纳大学的太空记者办事处已经收到了1,703份申请书。由于“挑战者”号的爆炸使这一工作推迟了三周，但没有人因为航天飞机爆炸而撤回申请。

美国众多的宇航员中没有人表示要退出航天生涯，而是希望能在航天飞机恢复飞行后，参加第一次飞行。怀俄明州和纽约州的学生提出倡议，号召全国中小学生每人捐出一美元，用来建造一架新的“挑战者”号。他们的倡议获得了佛罗里达州和缅因州幼儿园儿童的响应。《美国新闻与世界报道》举行的一次民意测验中，大约有三分之二的美国人表示，他们认为航天事业应当继续，他们愿为探测太空事业付出代价。

苏联政府决定，以麦考利夫和另一位遇难的美国女宇航员雷斯尼克的名字，命名金星上的两座环形火山。

美国哈佛大学史密森天体物理研究所所属的哈佛大学小行星研究所决定，将用七名美国宇航员的名字为1980年以来发现的在火星和木星轨道之间绕太阳运行的七颗小行星命名。

“挑战者”号遇难的七名宇航员给人类探索太空奠定了基础。在这些罹难的人中有白人和黑人、男人和女人，甚至还有一位日裔美国人，所以在客观上起到了凝聚美国各民族的作用。“挑战者”号的失事使全人类更深刻地理解了征服太空的艰难历程，从而坚定了走出地球的决心。

第二节  里根于1986年悼念“挑战者”号宇航员的演讲

Ladies and Gentlemen, I’d planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.

Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. However, we’ve never lost an astronaut in flight. We’ve never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we’ve forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. However, they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobey, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together.

For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss, and we’re thinking about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, “Give me a challenge, and I’ll meet it with joy.”They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and they did. They served all of us.

We’ve grown used to wonders in this century. It’s hard to dazzle us. But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that. We’ve grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we’ve only just begun. We’re still pioneers. They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.

And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle’s take-off. I know it’s hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen. It’s all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It’s all part of taking a chance and expanding man’s horizons. The future doesn’t belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we’ll continue to follow them.

I’ve always had great faith in and respect for our space program. In addition, what happened today does nothing to diminish it. We do not hide our space program. We do not keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That is the way freedom is, and we wouldn’t change it for a minute.

We’ll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.

I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked on this mission and tell them: “Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades. And we know of your anguish. We share it.”

There’s a coincidence today. On this day 390 years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime, the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said,“He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it.”Well, today, we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake’s, complete.

The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives. We will never forget them, or the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey, waved goodbye, and“slipped the surly bonds of earth to touch the face of God.”

Thank you.

女士们、先生们：本来我打算今天晚上向你们宣读国情咨文，但今天早些时候发生的事件让我改变了计划。今天是哀悼和怀念的日子。南希和我为“挑战者号”航天飞机的悲剧感到至为痛心。我们知道全体国人人同此心。这真是国人的损失。

十九年前，几乎是同一天，在一次可怕的地面事故中，我们丧失了三名宇航员。然而，我们从未在飞行中丧失过宇航员，从未经历过这样的灾难。也许我们已经忘记航天飞机机组人员需要多么大的勇气，但是挑战者七壮士深知其中的危险，他们坚韧不拔，出色地履行了自己的职责。我们悼念七位英雄：迈克尔·史密斯、迪克·斯科比、朱迪恩·伦斯尼克、罗纳德·卖克奈尔、埃利森·奥尼祖卡、格雷戈里·贾维斯、克丽斯塔·麦考利夫。我们举国哀悼失去的英雄。

虽然我们不能像这七名宇航员的家人那样感受这场灾难的打击。但是我们感受到了损失，我们认为你们一定也是如此。你们的亲人勇敢无畏，他们卓越的魅力和人格精神告诉我们：“请给予我挑战，我要满怀喜悦的去迎接。”他们渴望探索宇宙，渴望揭开宇宙的奥秘。他们希望尽职，他们做到了。他们为我们所有的人尽了职。

这个世纪我们对奇迹已习以为常，很难有什么会使我们赞叹不已，但是美国航天计划二十五年来做的正是如此。我们对太空计划已经习以为常，也许已经忘了我们不过刚刚起步，我们仍然是开拓者。他们——挑战者号全体机组人员是开拓者。

我要对观看航天飞机发射直播的美国学童说几句话。我知道这件事情令你们难以理解，但有时像这样令人痛苦的事确实会发生。这些都是探索和发现过程的一部分，这些都是承担风险和拓展人类世界范围的一部分。未来不属于弱者，未来属于强者。挑战者号全体人员把我们推向未来，我们将继续追随他们。

我一直对我们的航天计划充满信心并怀抱敬意，今天发生的悲剧决不会削弱它。我们没有隐藏自己的航天计划，我们没有保密和隐瞒，我们堂堂正正地公开实施它。这正是自由的方式，我们一分钟也不会改变它。

我们将继续探索太空。我们将有更多次的航天飞行，有更多的宇航员，更多的志愿者，更多的平民，更多的教师进入太空。一切都不会到此为止。我们的希望和我们的旅程不会停步。

我还想说，但愿我能与每一位为国家航空航天局，或者为完成此次使命而工作的人谈话，告诉他们：“几十年来，你们的奉献和敬业精神令我们感动，让我们铭记在心。我们了解你们的痛苦。我们感同身受。”

今天是一个巧合。三百九十年前的今天，伟大的探险家佛朗西斯·德雷克勋爵在巴拿马附近海面的一条船上逝去。在他生活的时代，最大的疆界就是海洋。后来一位历史学家说：“他生在海边，死在海上，葬在海里。”今天对于“挑战者”号宇航员我们可以这样说：像德雷克一样，他们的奉献是毫无保留的。

“挑战者”号航天飞机宇航员的生命历程给我们带来荣耀，我们永远不会忘记他们，也不会忘记今天早上最后一次见到他们，那时他们正准备上路，挥手告别，“挣脱大地坚固的束缚，去触摸上帝的脸”。

谢谢各位。

第三节  精彩语录

We’ve grown used to wonders in this century. It’s hard to dazzle us. But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that. We’ve grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we’ve only just begun. We’re still pioneers.

这个世纪我们对奇迹已习以为常，很难有什么会使我们赞叹不已，但是美国航天计划二十五年来做的正是如此。我们对太空计划已经习以为常，也许已经忘了我们不过刚刚起步，我们仍然是开拓者。

It’s all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It’s all part of taking a chance and expanding man’s horizons. The future doesn’t belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future，and we’ll continue to follow them.

这些都是探索和发现过程的一部分，这些都是承担风险和拓展人类世界范围的一部分。未来不属于弱者，未来属于强者。挑战者号全体人员把我们推向未来，我们将继续追随他们。

We’ll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.

我们将继续探索太空。我们将有更多次的航天飞行，有更多的宇航员，更多的志愿者，更多的平民，更多的教师进入太空。一切都不会到此为止。我们的希望和我们的旅程不会停步。

第三章  为持久的友谊奠定基础

第一节  背景介绍

中美关系在近两个世纪渐渐成为了世界热点。历届美国政府对中国的态度也成为了研究的重点。罗纳德·威尔逊·里根是美国历史上最受民众欢迎的总统之一，对中国人而言，里根之名也非常耳熟。里根在任的八年里，中美关系虽然磕磕绊绊，但也得到了长足的发展，延续了两国的“蜜月期”。

里根总统宣誓就职时，中美正式建立正常外交关系才一年，但这位共和党出身的总统似乎对中华人民共和国并不友好，反而对台湾表现出很高的热情。例如，里根在竞选总统前一直以为台湾是中国的合法政府，甚至在竞选时提出了“倒联络处方案”，即参考1973年时，台湾当局在美国设立“大使馆”，中国在美国设联络处的方式。现在已倒过来，让中国在美国设立大使馆，而让台湾在美国设立联络处。

里根当选总统后，还邀请台湾的国民党秘书长蒋彦士出席他的就职典礼，打算允许台湾在美增设“北美事务协调委员会”分支机构。在对华政策上积极贯彻《对台湾关系法》，向台湾出售防御性武器等。当时，鉴于台湾问题的敏感性，里根的言行无意给脆弱的中美关系蒙上了厚厚的阴霾。

里根的对华态度，加上当时中美两国就美国对台湾销售武器进行的正式会谈以及非正式磋商都陷入僵局，这使中国政府感到非常不满。在此背景下，里根决定派遣他的竞选伙伴、副总统乔治·布什访华。

1982年5月5日至9日，布什访问中国，并与当时的中共中央副主席邓小平会面。邓小平警告说，美国向台湾卖武器问题是中美关系中的一个阴影，而且对今天来说是一个潜伏的危机。如果两国关系中的这个疙瘩能够解开，将对全球战略很有利。而布什也大放好话，称里根政府无意搞“两个中国”。

布什访华的成果是中美关系更进一步。同年8月17日，两国发表了旨在解决美国售台武器问题的《中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国联合公报》（又称《八·一七公报》）。这一公报连同《上海公报》和《中美建交公报》一起，即通常所称的中美三个联合公报，构成中美关系的基础。

但里根对《八·一七公报》并不满意，他认为该公报对美国来说不理想，所以他加了附带条款，即如果美国支持台湾，台湾会对大陆开放，而不会朝独立发展，这是他任内一再暗示的逻辑。

如果说尼克松打开了中美关系的大门，而卡特完成了这一历史进程的话，那么里根在推动中美关系上可谓迈出了一大步。继布什访华后，里根也于1984年4月26日至5月1日对中国进行了国事访问，成为中美建交后首位在任时来华访问的美国总统。对于里根的到访，中国方面自然不会怠慢，国家主席李先念和军委主席邓小平先后出面接见。

在访华期间，里根参观了西安兵马俑，并到复旦大学发表演讲，让更多的中国人了解了这位美国总统。但更重要的是，在此期间，中美双方签订了《避免双重征税》和《防止偷漏税》等四项协定和议定书，并草签了《中美和平利用核能合作协定》。

里根推动了中美之间的经贸投资关系，让两国共蒙其利。不仅如此，中美的军事交流、经济交流、科学交流和人员往来发展得都比较顺利。因此人们普遍认为，里根时期是中美关系的重要发展期。

第二节  里根于1984年在复旦大学的演讲

We have been in your country only 5 days, but already we have seen the wonders of a lifetime—the Great Wall of China, a structure so huge and marvelous that it can be seen from space; the ancient city of Xi’an; and the Tomb of the Great Emperor and the buried army that guards him still. These are the wonders of ages past.

But today I want to talk to you, the young people of a great university, about the future, about our future together and how we can transform human life on this planet if we bring as much wisdom and curiosity to each other as we bring to our scholarly pursuits.

I want to begin, though, with some greetings. I bring you greetings not only from my countrymen but from one of your countrymen. Some of you know Ye Yang, who was a student here. He graduated from Fudan and became a teacher of English at this university. Now he is at Harvard University in the United States, where he is studying for a doctorate in comparative literature.

My staff spoke to him before we left. Mr. Ye wants you to know he is doing fine. He is working hard on his spring term papers, and his thoughts turn to you often. He asked me to deliver a message to his former students, colleagues, friends, and family. He asked me to say for him, and I hope I can, “Wo xiang nian da jia”.

He wants you to know that he looks forward to returning to Fudan to teach. And President Xie, he said to tell you he misses your friendship and encouragement. And Mr. Ye says you are a very great woman and a great educator. You will be proud to know that he received straight as last term. And when we congratulated him, he said, “I have nothing to be proud of myself; I am so proud of my university.”

I’d like to say a few words about our China-U.S. educational exchange programs. It’s not entirely new, this exchanging of students. Your President Xie earned a degree from Smith College in the United States. Smith is also my wife Nancy’s alma mater. And President Xie also attended MIT, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, one of our greatest universities of science, engineering, and technology.

But in the past few years, our two countries have enjoyed an explosion in the number of student exchanges. Five years ago, you numbered your students studying abroad in the hundreds. Since then, 20,000 Chinese scholars have studied throughout the world, and more than half of them have come to American schools. More than 100 American colleges and universities now have educational exchanges with nearly as many Chinese institutions.

We have committed more resources to our Fulbright program in China than in any other country. Two of the American professors teaching here at Fudan are Fulbright professors. And there are 20 American students studying with you, and we’re very proud of them.

American students come to China to learn many things—how you monitor and predict earthquakes, how you’ve made such strides in researching the cause and treatment of cancer. We have much to learn from you in neurosurgery and in your use of herbs in medicine. And we welcome the chance to study your language, your history, and your society.

You, in turn, have shown that you’re eager to learn, to come to American schools and study electronics and computer sciences, math and engineering, physics, management, and the humanities. We have much to share in these fields, and we’re eager to benefit from your curiosity. Much of this sharing is recent, only 5 years old. But the areas of our mutual cooperation continue to expand. We’ve already agreed to cooperate more closely in trade, technology, investment, and exchanges of scientific and managerial expertise. And we have just concluded an important agreement to help advance our technological and economic development through the peaceful use of nuclear energy.

That term“peaceful use of nuclear energy”is a key. Our agreement rests upon important principles of nonproliferation. Neither of our countries will encourage nuclear proliferation nor assist any other country to acquire or develop any nuclear explosive device.

We live in a troubled world, and the United States and China, as two great nations, share a special responsibility to help reduce the risks of war. We both agree that there can be only one sane policy to preserve our precious civilization in this modern age: A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. And no matter how great the obstacles may seem, we must never stop our efforts to reduce the weapons of war. We must never stop at all until we see the day when nuclear arms have been banished from the face of this Earth.

With peaceful cooperation as our guide, the possibilities for future progress are great. For example, we look forward to exploring with China the possibilities of cooperating in the development of space on behalf of our fellow citizens.

Our astronauts have found that by working in the zero gravity environment of space, we will be able to manufacture life-saving medicines with far greater purity and efficiency, medicines that will treat diseases of heart attack and stroke that afflict millions of us. We will learn how to manufacture Factor 8, a rare and expensive medicine used to treat hemophiliacs. We can research the Beta Cell, which produces insulin, and which could provide mankind’s first permanent cure for diabetes.

New satellites can be launched for use in navigation, weather forecasting, broadcasting, and computer technology. We already have the technology to make the extraordinary commonplace. We hope to see the day when a Chinese scientist working out an engineering problem in Fudan will be able to hook into the help of a scientist at a computer at MIT. And the scientist in Boston will be able to call on the expertise of the scientist in Shanghai, and all of it in a matter of seconds.

My young friends, this is the way of the future. By pooling our talents and resources, we can make space a new frontier of peace.

Your government’s policy of forging closer ties in the free exchange of knowledge has not only enlivened your economy, it has opened the way to a new convergence of Chinese and American interests. You have opened the door, and let me assure you that ours is also open.

Now, all of this is particularly exciting in light of the recent history of our two countries. For many years, there was no closeness between us. The silence took its toll. A dozen years ago, it began to change. Together, we made it change. Now in the past 5 years, your policy of opening to the outside world has helped us begin to know each other better than we ever had before.

But that process has just begun. To many Americans, China is still a faraway place, unknown, unseen, and fascinating. And we are fascinated.

I wonder if you’re aware of the many ways China has touched American life. The signs of your influence and success abound. If I were spending this afternoon in Washington, I might look out the window and see a man and woman strolling along Pennsylvania Avenue wearing Chinese silk. They might be on their way to our National Portrait Gallery to see the Chinese art exhibit. And from there, perhaps they would stroll to our National Gallery to see the new building designed by the Chinese American architect, I.M. Pei. After that, they might end their day dining in a restaurant that serves Chinese cuisine.

We associate China with vitality, enormous vitality, and something that doesn’t always go along with that—subtlety, the subtlety of discerning and intelligent minds.

Premier Zhao saw something of the American attitude toward China when he visited us in January. He said after a few days in our country that he never expected such profound feelings of friendship among the American people for the Chinese people.

Well, let me say, I’m happy to return the compliment. I have found the people of China to be just as warm and friendly toward us, and it’s made us very glad.

But meeting you and talking to you has only made me want to know more. And I sense that you feel the same way about Americans. You, too, wish to know more.

I would like to tell you something about us, and also share something of my own values.

First of all, America is really many Americas. We call ourselves a nation of immigrants, and that’s truly, what we are. We have drawn people from every corner of the Earth. We’re composed of virtually every race and religion, and not in small numbers, but large. We have a statue in New York Harbor that speaks of this, a statue of a woman holding a torch of welcome to those who enter our country to become Americans. She has greeted millions upon millions of immigrants to our country. She welcomes them still. She represents our open door.

All of the immigrants who came to us brought their own music, literature, customs, and ideas. And the marvelous thing, a thing of which we’re proud, is they did not have to relinquish these things in order to fit in. In fact, what they brought to America became American. And this diversity has more than enriched us; it has literally shaped us.

This tradition—the tradition of new immigrants adding to the sum total of what we are—is not a thing of the past. New immigrants are still bringing their talents and improving the quality of American life. Let me name a few—I think you’ll know their names.

In America, Wang computers have become a fixture in offices throughout the country. They are the product of the energy and brilliance of Mr. a Wang, who himself is the product of a Shanghai university.

The faces of our cities shine with the gleaming buildings of Mr. I.M. Pei, who first became interested in architecture as a student here in Shanghai.

What we know of the universe and the fundamental nature of matter has been expanded by the Nobel Prize winning scientist, Dr. Lee Tsung-Dao, who was born in Shanghai.

We admire these men; we honor them; and we salute you for what you gave them that helped make them great.

Sometimes in America, some of our people may disagree with each other. We are often a highly disputatious nation. We rather like to argue. We are free to disagree among ourselves, and we do. But we always hold together as a society. We’ve held together for more than 200 years, because we’re united by certain things in which we all believe, things to which we’ve quietly pledged our deepest loyalties.

I draw your special attention to what I’m about to say, because it’s so important to an understanding of my country.We believe in the dignity of each man, woman, and child. Our entire system is founded on an appreciation of the special genius of each individual, and of his special right to make his own decisions and lead his own life.

We believe—and we believe it so deeply that Americans know these words by heart—we believe“that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among those are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” Take an American student or teacher aside later today and ask if he or she hasn’t committed those words to memory. They are from the document by which we created our nation, the Declaration of Independence.

We elect our government by the vote of the people. That is how we choose our Congress and our President. We say of our country, “Here the People Rule, ”and it is so.

Let me tell you something of the American character. You might think that with such a varied nation, there couldn’t be one character, but in many fundamental ways, there is.

We are a fair-minded people. We’re taught not to take what belongs to others. Many of us, as I said, are the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of immigrants, and from them we learned something of hard labor. As a nation we toiled up from poverty, and no people on Earth are more worthy to be trusted than those who have worked hard for what they have. None is less inclined to take what is not theirs.

We’re idealists. Americans love freedom, and we’ve fought and died to protect the freedom of others. When the armies of fascism swept Europe four decades ago, the American people fought at great cost to defend the countries under assault.

When the armies of fascism swept Asia, we fought with you to stop them. And some of you listening today remember those days, remember when our General Jimmy Doolittle and his squadron came halfway around the world to help. Some of those pilots landed in China. You remember those brave young men. You hid them and cared for them and bound up their wounds. You saved many of their lives.

When the Second World War was won, the United States voluntarily withdrew from the faraway places in which we had fought. We kept no permanent armies of occupation. We didn’t take an inch of territory, nor do we occupy one today. Our record of respect for the freedom and independence of others is clear.

We’re a compassionate people. When the war ended, we helped rebuild our allies—and our enemies as well. We did this because we wanted to help the innocent victims of bad governments and bad policies, and because, if they prospered, peace would be more secure.

We’re an optimistic people. Like you, we inherited a vast land of endless skies, tall mountains, rich fields, and open prairies. It made us see the possibilities in everything. It made us hopeful. And we devised an economic system that rewarded individual effort that gave us good reason for hope.

We love peace. We hate war. We think—and always have—that war is a great sin, a woeful waste. We wish to be at peace with our neighbors. We want to live in harmony with friends.

There is one other part of our national character I wish to speak of. Religion and faith are very important to us. We’re a nation of many religions. But most Americans derive their religious belief from the Bible of Moses, who delivered a people from slavery; the Bible of Jesus Christ, who told us to love thy neighbor as thyself, to do unto your neighbor as you would have him do unto you.

And this, too, has formed us. It’s why we wish well for others. It’s why it grieves us when we hear of people who cannot live up to their full potential and who cannot live in peace.

We invite you to know us. That is the beginning of friendship between people. And friendship between people is the basis for friendship between governments.

The silence between our governments has ended. In the past 12 years, our people have become reacquainted, and now our relationship is maturing. And we’re at the point where we can build the basis for a lasting friendship.

Now, you know, as I do, that there is much that naturally divides us: time and space, different languages and values, different cultures and histories, and political systems that are fundamentally different. It would be foolish not to acknowledge these differences. There’s no point in hiding the truth for the sake of a friendship, for a friendship based on fiction will not long withstand the rigors of this world.

But let us, for a moment, put aside the words that name our differences and think what we have in common. We are two great and huge nations on opposite sides of the globe. We are both countries of great vitality and strength. You are the most populous country on Earth; we are the most technologically developed. Each of us holds a special weight in our respective sides of the world.

There exists between us a kind of equipoise. Those of you who are engineering students will perhaps appreciate that term. It speaks of a fine and special balance.

Already there are some political concerns that align us, and there are some important questions on which we both agree. Both the United States and China oppose the brutal and illegal occupation of Kampuchea. Both the United States and China have stood together in condemning the evil and unlawful invasion of Afghanistan. Both the United States and China now share a stake in preserving peace on the Korean Peninsula, and we share a stake in preserving peace in this area of the world.

Neither of us is an expansionist power. We do not desire your land, nor you ours. We do not challenge your borders. We do not provoke your anxieties. In fact, both the United States and China are forced to arm themselves against those who do.

The United States is now undertaking a major strengthening of our defenses. It’s an expensive effort, but we make it to protect the peace, knowing that a strong America is a safeguard for the independence and peace of others.

Both the United States and China are rich in human resources and human talent. What wonders lie before us if we practice the advice, Tong Li He Zuo—Connect strength, and work together?

Over the past 12 years, American and Chinese leaders have met frequently to discuss a host of issues. Often we have found agreement, but even when we have not, we’ve gained insight into each other, and we’ve learned to appreciate the other’s perspectives on the world.

This process will continue, and it will flourish if we remember certain things. We must neither ignore our problems nor overstate them. We must never exaggerate our difficulties or send alarms for small reasons. We must remember that it is a delicate thing to oppose the wishes of a friend, and when we’re forced to do so, we must understand with each other.

I hope that when history looks back upon this new chapter in our relationship, these will be remembered as days when America and China accepted the challenge to strengthen the ties that bind us, to cooperate for greater prosperity among our people, and to strive for a more secure and just peace in the world.

You, the students at Fudan University, and the scholars at all the universities in China and America have a great role to play in both our countries’ futures. From your ranks will come the understanding and skill the world will require in decades to come. Today’s leaders can pave the way of the future. That is our responsibility. But it is always the younger generation who will make the future. It is you who will decide if a continuing, personal friendship can span the generations and the differences that divide us. In such friendship lies the hope of the world.

When he was a very young man, Zhou Enlai wrote a poem for a schoolmate who was leaving to study abroad. Zhou appreciated the responsibilities that separated them, but he also remembered fondly the qualities that made them friends. And his poem ends:

Promise, I pray, that someday

When task done, we go back farming,

We’ll surely rent a plot of ground

And as pairing neighbors, let’s live.

Well, let us, as pairing neighbors, live.

I’ve been happy to speak to you here, to meet you in this city that is so rich in significance for both our countries. Shanghai is a city of scholarship, a city of learning. Shanghai has been a window to the West. It is a city in which my country and yours issued the communique that began our modern friendship. It is the city where the Yangtze meets the East China Sea, which, itself, becomes the Pacific, which touches our shores.

My young friends, history is a river that may take us as it will. But we have the power to navigate, to choose direction, and make our passage together. The wind is up, the current is swift, and opportunity for a long and fruitful journey awaits us.

Generations hence will honor us for having begun the voyage, for moving on together and escaping the fate of the buried armies of Xi’an, the buried warriors who stood for centuries frozen in time, frozen in an unknowing enmity.

We have made our choice. Our new journey will continue. And may it always continue in peace and in friendship.

Thank you very much.

我们到达中国访问虽然仅有五天，所看到的名胜古迹却使我们终生难忘。这当中有从太空都能看到的巍峨壮观的万里长城，还有古城西安、秦始皇墓和出土的兵马俑。这些都是历史上的奇迹。

但是，我今天想和你们这所著名学府的年轻人谈谈未来，谈谈我们共同的未来，谈谈我们怎样才能发挥治学的才智和探索精神来了解彼此的情况，改变人类的生活。

首先，我代表我的国民对来听我演讲的诸位表示由衷的问候。此外，我还带来一位你们的同胞的问候，也就是曾经在复旦就读的叶扬。他从复旦毕业，并在此担任英语教师。现在在美国哈佛大学攻读比较文学博士学位。

离开前，我的工作人员曾与他谈话。叶扬希望他的同胞知道他一切顺利。他正努力地写第二学期的论文，他非常想念你们。他请我向他的学生、同事、朋友和家人带个口信，他说：“我想念大家。”能帮他这个忙，我非常高兴。

他想告诉你们，他期待回到复旦教学。谢校长，叶扬还想告诉您，他非常感谢您的鼓励，也珍惜您的友谊。他还说您是一位非常伟大的女性，也是一位很好的教师。听到他上学期拿了年级最优，相信您会感到非常自豪的。我们祝贺他的时候，他说：“我自己没什么可自豪的，但是我为我的大学感到自豪。”

我想略微谈谈中美之间的教育交流计划。两国交换留学生，实际上并不是什么新事物，你们的谢校长曾在美国史密斯学院获得学位。史密斯学院也是我的夫人南希的母校。谢校长还在麻省理工学院学习过，这是美国最大的一所理工学院。

然而，最近几年以来，两国交换的留学生人数急剧增加。五年前中国去国外的留学生还只不过几百名，而现在中国在全世界的学者和学生已达两万多名，其中一半以上到美国学习。现在有一百多家美国大专院校和几乎同样多的中国大专院校建立了教育上的交流关系。

美国的“富布赖特奖学金计划”拨给中国的奖学金，比拨给任何其他国家的都多。在复旦任教的美国教授当中就有两位是“富布赖特教授”。还有二十位美国学生也在这里和大家一起学习，我们很为他们自豪。

美国学生在中国学习有广阔的天地。他们向中国学习如何监测和预报地震，学习中国在研究癌症的病因和治疗方面是如何取得这么多成就的。中国在神经外科、用草药治病等方面，有许多东西可供我们学习。我们也非常高兴有机会研究中国的语言、历史和现代社会。

你们也表示很愿意向我们学习，来美国学校学习电子和计算机科学、数学和工程学、物理学、管理学以及人文学科。在这些领域里，我们可以相互学习的地方很多。我们殷切希望从你们的探索精神中获益。两国之间相互学习是最近才有的事，很多这类活动只有五年的历史。但是我们彼此合作的领域还在不断增加。我们已经商定在贸易、技术、投资以及科学与管理专业知识的交流等方面进行更密切地合作。此外，我们刚刚还达成了一项重要的协议，通过和平利用核能来促进我们的技术和经济发展。

“核能的和平利用”条款是一个关键。我们的协议是建立在重要的防扩散原则基础之上的。不论是中国还是美国都不支持核扩散，也不会帮助任何其他国家得到或开发出任何核爆装置。

我们生活在一个动荡的世界中，美中两国都是伟大的国家，对减少战争危险都负有特别的责任。我们双方一致认为，为了使人类宝贵的文明能够在当代不毁于一旦，只有一种政策是合理的，那就是永远不打那种谁也打不赢的核战争。不管障碍看来有多大，我们永远不应放松削减战争武器的努力。我们丝毫也不能放松，直到把核武器从地球上彻底销毁。

只要我们奉行和平合作的方针，就有可能在将来取得巨大的进步。例如，我们期望与中国一起探讨是否有可能合作开发太空，这是符合世界人民的利益的。

我们的宇航员发现，在失重的宇宙环境中，将能够生产纯度更高、更加有效的药物，来治疗千百万人的心脏病和中风病。我们将能在轨道上试验制作“第八因子”，这是一种非常珍贵的稀有药物，可以治疗血友病。我们可以研究β细胞，用它来生产胰岛素，用它也许能够根治人类的糖尿病。

我们可以合作发射各种新型卫星，包括用于导航、气象预报、广播、电子计算机技术等方面的卫星。我们已经拥有化神奇为现实的技术。我们希望有一天，在复旦研究工程学问题的一个中国科学家，将能够同美国麻省理工学院一台计算机旁的科学家沟通联系，请他给予协助。同样，在美国波士顿的一位科学家，也将能够向上海的一位科学家寻求提供专业知识。而这种联系只需要几秒钟的时间就可以连接。

青年朋友们，这就是未来发展的方向。如果我们把才能和资源汇合起来，就能把太空这个尚未开拓的疆域变成一个新的和平疆域。

在自由交流知识方面，中国政府奉行加强对外联系的政策，这不仅活跃了中国的经济，而且为促进中美两国的共同利益开辟了新的渠道。你们已经打开了门户，我向你们保证，我们的门户也是敞开着的。

这些新发展同过去两国的关系相对照，令人感到特别兴奋。两国关系曾经疏远了许多年，两国为此付出了代价。十二年前情况开始变化，那是在我们共同努力之下促成的变化。在最近五年里，中国实行的对外开放政策，使我们开始比以往更加了解对方。

然而这一过程仅仅是个开端。时至今日，仍然有许多美国人觉得中国远在天涯海角，鲜为人知，令人心驰神往。

我们对中国确实心驰神往。各位可知道，中国已经在许多方面对美国的生活发生了影响。中国的影响，中国的成就，在美国到处可见。如果今天下午我是在华盛顿，只要望向窗外，便可以看到一男一女，身穿中国丝绸服装，在白宫门前的宾夕法尼亚大道上散步。他们可能正在前往国立人像馆去看中国艺术展览，看完展览以后，他们也许会漫步到国家美术馆，去看美籍华裔建筑师贝聿铭为该馆设计的新楼。然后他们可能会去一家中国餐馆吃晚饭，以此来结束一天的活动。

我们提到中国就会想起朝气，蓬勃向上的朝气。我们还想起并不总是与朝气并存的敏锐，洞察事物的敏锐和睿智头脑的敏锐。

赵总理在今年一月访问美国期间，看到了美国对待中国的态度。他在访问了几天以后说：“从来没有料到，美国人民对中国人民怀着这样深厚的友情。”

我高兴地说，我也可以用同样的赞扬来回赠中国人民。我发现中国人民对美国人民怀有同样热烈和深厚的友情，这使我们感到非常高兴。

但是，在今天与大家见面和谈话以后，我感到我需要更多地了解中国人民。想来你们也有同感，也想更多地了解美国人民。

我想告诉你们一些关于我们的情况，也想同你们分享一些我自己的价值观念。

首先，美国占了半个美洲。我们常把美国称为“移民之国”，情况确实如此，美国人来自世界上的每一个角落。美国有世界上的每一个种族，每一种宗教，而且各种族、各宗教的人数不是少数，而是多数。纽约港的自由女神像说明了这一点。自由女神高擎着火炬欢迎所有来到我们国家成为我国公民的人。她已经迎来了数以百万的移民来到我们的国家，她还将继续下去。她，就是美国敞开的大门。

所有来到我们国家的移民带来他们自己的音乐、文学、风俗和思想。最了不起、最令我们自豪的是他们不必放弃他们原有的一切来适应这片土地。事实上，正是他们所带来的一切才成就了美国。这种多样性不仅充实了美国，也塑造了美国。

新来的移民不断给美国带来新事物，这是一种传统，一直延续至今。今天，外国移民仍然不断前来美国，不断把他们的才智带到美国来，不断提高着美国人民的生活水平。下面让我介绍其中的几位，大家一定会知道他们的名字。

王安公司的电子计算机，现在已成为美国各地办公室里的必备之物。这些计算机是王安先生的天才和心血培育出来的，而王安先生本人是上海一所大学培养出来的。

贝聿铭先生设计的建筑，为美国的城市面貌增添了光彩。贝聿铭先生对建筑艺术的兴趣，是他在上海读书时就产生的。

荣获诺贝尔奖金的科学家李政道博士，丰富了我们对宇宙、对物质的基本特性的认识。他是在上海出生的。

我们赞赏这些人，尊敬这些人。你们为使他们成材做出了贡献，我们也要向你们致敬。

在美国，有时候我们会相互争执，美国是一个爱争论的民族，我们喜欢辩论。尽管我们彼此之间相互争执，但我们团结一致，组成一个整体。我们一起走过了两百多年，坚定不移的信念让我们团结在一起，我们默默地笃信忠贞不渝的信念。

我提请诸位注意我接下来要说的话，因为它对了解我的国家至关重要。我们信仰每一位男士、女士和孩子的尊严。我们的整个体制是建立在对每一个人的天分欣赏之上，是建立在每个人有做自己的决定，过自己的生活的特权之上。

我们深信“人人生而平等，他们享有造物者赋予的若干不可剥夺的权利——生命的权利、自由的权利和追求幸福的权利。”这就是我们的信念，每一个美国人都能背诵这句名言。散会以后，你们可以把这里的任何一位美国学生或教员拉到一旁，问问他能不能背诵这句出自美国建国文献《独立宣言》的名言。

我们通过国民的投票选举我们的政府，选择我们的国会和总统。我们称美国是“人民统治”，事实确实如此。

我来讲讲我们的国民品质。你们可能认为如此复杂的民族不可能有一种共同的品质，但是在许多基本方面我们是一致的。

我们是公正的人。我们从小受到的教育让我们不拿任何属于别人的一丝一毫。正如我前面所述，我们当中的大多数都是移民的孩子、孙子和曾孙，我们从前辈那里学到了要艰苦劳动。我们的民族靠着辛勤劳作白手起家，世界上再没有人比我们这些为自己奋斗的人更值得信任。而且，所有的人都在觊觎那些不属于自己的东西。

美国人民热爱自由，也愿意为维护别人的自由而战斗，而献身。四十年前，法西斯军队席卷欧洲大陆，美国人民挺身而出，投放战斗，为保卫受侵略的国家作出了重大牺牲。

法西斯军队席卷亚洲的时候，我们和你们并肩抗敌。在座的有些人会记得那时的情况，会记得美国的杜立德将军率领轰炸机队，飞越半个地球前来助战的事迹。有些飞行员在中国上空机毁人伤，你们还记得那些勇敢的小伙子吧?你们把它们藏起来，照料他们，给他们包扎伤口，你们救了他们很多人的命。

二战胜利之后，美国自动从曾经战斗的地区退出，没有留下永久的占领军。我们当时没有拿走别国的一寸土地，现在也不会。我们记录在案的对他人自由和独立的崇尚是显而易见的。

美国人民是富有同情心的人民。当战争结束，美国人帮助重建同盟国，也包括我们的敌国。我们如此做，是希望帮助不良政府、不良政策下无辜的受害者们。因为只有他们繁荣昌盛，世界才会更加稳定。

美国人民是乐观的人民。像中国一样，美国继承了幅员辽阔的国土，有一望无际的崇山峻岭，沃土良田和无边草原。辽阔的国土使我们能用积极的眼光去看待一切事物，使我们充满希望。

美国人民热爱和平，厌恶战争。我们始终认为战争罪大恶极，是无谓的浪费。我们希望和我们的邻居、朋友和平相处，

美利坚民族还有另外一种特质，宗教信仰和信念对我们来说至关重要。我们的民族有诸多信仰，但是大多数美国人的信仰都源自《圣经》中的摩西，他让一个人从奴隶制中解脱出来；还有耶稣基督，他告诉我们要像爱自己一样爱自己的邻居，想让邻居怎样对待自己就要先那样对待邻居。

这一点也铸造了美利坚民族。我们期待别人好正是基于此。这也是为什么当听说有人不能靠自己的能力生存，时刻处在动荡之中时，我们感到悲痛的原因。

我们欢迎你们多多了解我们，人民之间的友谊就是这样开始的。而人民之间的友谊，是政府之间友谊的基础。

美中两国政府之间的沉默状态已告结束。过去的十二年里，两国人民重新相识。现在我们的关系日益成熟，正是为持久友谊奠定基础的时候。

我们大家都很清楚，有许多因素自然而然地使我们之间产生距离。例如时间和空间、不同的语言和价值观念、不同的文化和历史、截然不同的政治制度。不承认这些差别是愚蠢的，为了友谊而掩盖真相也毫无意义，因为向壁虚构的友谊经受不住这个世界的严峻考验。

但是我们暂时可以把那些描写我们差别的字眼撇在一旁，想一想我们之间的共同点。我们是两个伟大的国家，分处在地球的两边。两国都是朝气蓬勃、力量强大的国家。你们是世界上人口最多的国家，我们是世界上技术最发达的国家。两国都在地球上自己的一边发挥着特殊的作用。

中美两国之间存在着一种均势平衡。你们当中的理科生可能会欣赏这个词。它代表了一种和谐、特殊的平衡。

早先有一些共同的政治关注将中美联系在一起，并在一些重大问题上双方达成一致。中美两国都反对非法残忍占领柬埔寨，共同谴责非法入侵阿富汗，共同出资保持朝鲜半岛的稳定，保证世界这一地区的和平。

中美两国都不是领土扩张主义者。我们对中国乃至世界各国的土地都没有扩张的欲望。我们也没有挑战你们的国界，没有引起你们的担忧。事实上，中美两国都尽力武装自己来抵御任何一个有扩张欲望的国家。

美国现在正承担着加大防御力量的重大责任。这是一项耗资的尝试，但是我们会以此来保证和平，要知道强大的美国是自身独立和他国安全的保证。

美中两国都拥有大量的人力资源和人才。只要我们通力合作，什么样的奇迹都能创造出来!

十二年来，美中两国领导曾就一系列问题举行过多次会谈。我们常常达成一致意见，即使不能达成一致意见，我们也能加深对彼此的认识，理解对方对世界事务的看法。

这种进程会继续下去，假使我们铭记历史，必将蓬勃发展。我们既不要忽视双方之间的问题，也不要夸大这些问题；既不要夸大困难，也无需小题大做。我们必须记得，回避朋友的好意是很微妙的事，当我们不得不这样做的时候，我们必须相互理解。

我希望当人们回顾历史上两国关系这一新篇章时，将不会忘记今天的情景。美国和中国为加强我们之间的纽带，为两国人民享有更高度的繁荣而合作，为争取世界更可靠和公正的和平，曾接受过时代的挑战。

复旦大学的学生，中国和美国所有大学的学者，肩负着两国未来的重任。今后几十年里，世界将需要你们这些人相互谅解，发挥才能。今天的领袖可以为未来铺平道路，这是我们的责任。但是未来终归要由年青的一代来创造。至于个人之间的持久友谊能不能弥合上下辈之间、国与国之间的分歧，就取决于你们了。世界的希望就寄托在这种友谊之上。

周恩来年轻的时候曾为一位准备出洋留学的同窗写过一首送别诗。他很钦佩他的同学争挑重任，负笈远行。他也十分珍惜他们之间的崇高友情。诗的结尾写道：

“险夷不变应尝胆，

道义争担敢息肩。

待得归农功满日，

它年预卜买邻钱。”

让我们像近邻一样生活在一起吧。

有机会在这里向大家讲话，在这个对两国都具有重要意义的城市同大家见面，我感到十分高兴。上海是一个学术之城，一个知识之城。上海历来是你们通向西方之窗，也是我们两国发表公报，始建新友谊的地方。长江是世界的大河之一，它波浪滚滚经上海流入东海，东海同太平洋汇合，太平洋的波涛汹涌，直达美国西海岸。

青年朋友们，历史是一条长河，它用波浪裹挟着我们。但是我们可以驾船航行，选择方向，同舟共济。风高潮急，一次富有成果的远行正在等待着我们。

我们的子孙后代会感谢我们开始的这段旅程，感谢我们推动了彼此的进步，避免了秦皇陵墓中被埋葬的军队那样的命运，那些矗立了几个世纪的将士凝固在时光里，凝结着无名的仇恨。

我们已经作出了选择。我们将继续我们新的旅程，但愿我们一路顺风，永远生活在友谊与和平之中。

谢谢你们！

第三节  精彩语录

We live in a troubled world, and the United States and China, as two great nations, share a special responsibility to help reduce the risks of war. We both agree that there can be only one sane policy to preserve our precious civilization in this modern age: A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. And no matter how great the obstacles may seem, we must never stop our efforts to reduce the weapons of war. We must never stop at all until we see the day when nuclear arms have been banished from the face of this Earth.

我们生活在一个动荡的世界中，美中两国都是伟大的国家，对减少战争危险都负有特别的责任。我们双方一致认为，为了使人类宝贵的文明能够在当代不毁于一旦，只有一种政策是合理的，那就是永远不打那种谁也打不赢的核战争。不管障碍看来有多大，我们永远不应放松削减战争武器的努力。我们丝毫也不能放松，直到把核武器从地球上彻底销毁。

Your government’s policy of forging closer ties in the free exchange of knowledge has not only enlivened your economy, it has opened the way to a new convergence of Chinese and American interests. You have opened the door, and let me assure you that ours is also open.

在自由交流知识方面，中国政府奉行加强对外联系的政策，这不仅活跃了中国的经济，而且为促进中美两国的共同利益开辟了新的渠道。你们已经打开了门户，我向你们保证，我们的门户也是敞开着的。

We associate China with vitality, enormous vitality, and something that does not always go along with that—subtlety, the subtlety of discerning and intelligent minds.

我们提到中国就会想起朝气，蓬勃向上的朝气。我们还想起并不总是与朝气并存的敏锐，洞察事物的敏锐和睿智头脑的敏锐。

We believe—and we believe it so deeply that Americans know these words by heart—we believe“that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among those are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”

我们深信这句名言：“人人生而平等，他们享有造物者赋予的若干不可剥夺的权利——生命的权利、自由的权利和追求幸福的权利。”这就是我们的信念，每一个美国人都能背诵这句名言。

Now, you know, as I do, that there’s much that naturally divides us: time and space, different languages and values, different cultures and histories, and political systems that are fundamentally different. It would be foolish not to acknowledge these differences. There’s no point in hiding the truth for the sake of a friendship, for a friendship based on fiction will not long withstand the rigors of this world.

我们大家都很清楚，有许多因素自然而然地使我们之间产生距离。例如时间和空间、不同的语言和价值观念、不同的文化和历史、截然不同的政治制度。不承认这些差别是愚蠢的，为了友谊而掩盖真相也毫无意义，因为向壁虚构的友谊经受不住这个世界的严峻考验。

My young friends, history is a river that may take us, as it will. But we have the power to navigate, to choose direction, and make our passage together. The wind is up, the current is swift, and opportunity for a long and fruitful journey awaits us.

青年朋友们，历史是一条长河，它用波浪裹挟着我们。但是我们可以驾船航行，选择方向，同舟共济。风高潮急，一次富有成果的远行正在等待着我们。

第四章  美国的精神觉醒

第一节  背景介绍

大国间的利益取舍往往能够决定一段时间内世界的局势发展。苏联从20世纪70年代中期加快了扩张的步伐，而苏联的发展使美国感到了极大的危机，美国认为苏联的扩张危及了他的根本利益。在这种情况下，苏美的矛盾和冲突加剧，两国关系逐步恶化。里根上台后对苏联奉行强硬方针。他大力扩充军备，想用不凡的实力求得和平。苏联则仍坚持扩张，继续致力于加强军事实力，紧逼美国，同美进行争夺。世界格局走上了两级分化。里根执政期间，苏美的矛盾和斗争较前几任总统时期更尖锐、复杂，它们的关系总的来说是紧张的。

如果说20世纪70年代前半期苏美关系比较缓和，1975年欧安会的召开标志着缓和达到高潮，那么到20世纪70年代后半期，爆发了安哥拉事件，使这种缓和的关系逐渐转为激烈抗争，1979年底阿富汗事件的爆发，则使缓和基本破裂。当时正在进行的限制战略武器谈判陷入困境，成为一张废纸。而美苏之间的各项裁军谈判也都陷入了僵局停滞不前。美苏之前展开了新的一轮大规模的军备竞赛。美国对苏入侵阿富汗采取了诸如抵制奥运会、粮食部分禁运、禁售尖端技术等一系列重大制裁措施，两国的外交关系降到最低水平。

20世纪70年代初，美国侵越陷入困境，苏联乘美国实力急剧下降，迅速扩充实力，使苏美军事、经济力量对比发生有利于苏的变化，形成了苏攻美守的新态势。20世纪70年代末80年代初随着苏联连续发动扩张攻势，两个超级大国的矛盾日益加深，争夺不断加剧，苏美之间出现了僵冷和紧张的必然结果。

在20世纪80年代中期之前，由于美国同苏联军力对比不利于美国的趋势难以根本改变，苏美争夺中苏攻美守态势仍将维持不变，而决心以实力遏制苏联的里根政府不会改变其强硬的对苏方针，这就决定了今后两国的抗争还要继续下去，它们之间的紧张关系也不会改变。里根上台后为改变军事上的颓势，采取空前规模的扩军方针，苏联为了争夺军事优势，决心采取相应措施对付。20世纪80年代苏美两霸将不可避免地展开新一轮规模更大的军备竞赛，双方围绕这个问题上的争斗必将更加尖锐，这势必给它们的关系带来严重影响。两国关系中存在的限制战略武器谈判、欧洲战区核谈判、阿富汗、波兰等一系列重大问题，都是事关双方切身利益，对两国影响甚大的棘手问题，也是阻碍两国关系发展的重要因素。

前总统卡特为应付苏联的挑战，改变了对苏政策的指导思想，由过去强调缓和、裁军、合作转变为强调竞争、争夺和对抗。为了保护自己的切身利益，美国对苏战略作了重要调整。在军事上决定大幅度增加军费，力图扭转军力对比不利于美的发展趋势，改变在军事战略上的被动态势。同时改变了越战后对区域性冲突避免军事卷入的态度，针对苏联的南下战略，提出用武力保卫波斯湾地区的卡特主义，并在印度洋作了一系列相应军事部署，防范苏联继续南进。美国从过去同苏搞缓和转为敦促盟国增加军备，协调抗苏。里根上台后把以实力遏制苏联扩张的政策定为本届政府的既定方针，对苏采取更加强硬的态度，苏美关系更趋紧张。一个要坚持谋求扩大势力范围，另一个决心遏制对方扩张地盘，这就必然导致双方利益发生尖锐的矛盾冲突。

进入20世纪80年代，苏美两国都认为，它们的关系降到了十多年来的最低点，进入了一个紧张阶段。里根就在这时走上了政坛。上台后他强调以实力求和平，把遏制苏联在全球扩张作为其对外政策的根本任务，对苏采取强硬政策。

里根采取了多种行动和措施大规模加强军事力量，增强实力地位。里根扩充军备的规模超过卡特。他提出了美国历史上最庞大的军事预算，1981年度军费为1,780亿美元(比卡特多68亿)，1982年度高达2,263亿，并计划在今后五年里，军费总额将为15,000亿，每年实增7%。

美国采取了较广泛的措施在全球范围加强战略部署，遏制苏联扩张。最突出的是加强美国在中东、海湾和印度洋的军事力量。如宣布在印度洋长期保持两个航母编队；在五年内用150亿美元建设快速部署部队；利用埃及、索马里等国提供的基地设施，加强美国在该地区的军事存在；通过军事和经济援助加强受到苏联扩张威胁的沙特、巴基斯坦等国的抗苏能力，派遣特使调停以叙冲突，力阻苏在中东扩大影响等。对阿富汗、波兰等问题，里根仍持强硬态度，声称苏联只有从阿撤军，才能指望根本上同美国改善关系，如对波兰入侵，必将对苏美关系产生严重后果。

同时里根重修同欧日盟国的关系，协调抗苏。里根执政后十分重视密切与盟国关系，协调对苏政策。里根利用频繁的外交来往和各种会议，同西欧盟国主要就增加军费、部署战区核武器、改进美欧战略分工、西班牙加入北约以及协调对波兰问题的对策等一系列重大问题进行磋商，作出一定的妥协和让步，使西欧国家坚持部署新型战区核武器，执行增加军费的计划，同意为在波斯湾抗苏出力，并在波兰问题上采取同美一致的政策，基本顶住了苏联的新和平攻势。对日本，里根政府则继续促其增加军费，加强防务，在亚太地区承担更多义务。

虽然里根做了诸多的措施遏制苏联，但他既受国力不足的限制，又受国内外多种因素的制约。这就决定了其对苏政策与其前任一样不可避免地具有妥协的一面。由于国内和欧洲盟国的压力，里根取消了对苏粮食禁运，同意同苏举行欧洲战区核谈判，并表示不排除到一定阶段同苏进行其他问题的会谈，反映了他对苏的强硬政策是有一定限度的。

里根在宣布生产中子弹后即写信给勃列日涅夫，建议在今后某个时候举行首脑会晤，还表示美国愿同苏建立比较广泛的互利关系。这些都表明里根政府对苏政策的两重性。当然里根对苏政策的妥协和摆动与卡特时期有所不同，虽然在某个时候和某些方面他可能作出妥协，但从总的方面看，强硬是其对苏政策的主导方面。

两国总的关系在保持紧张状态的前提下，有可能出现局部妥协。由于美国国力衰弱，国内既面临严重的经济衰退，又有诸多方面的掣肘，与盟国特别是西欧在利益和政策上存在各种分歧，使它在对苏推行强硬方针时受到内外各种因素的牵制和影响。而苏联则由于经济增长率不断下降，经济拮据，实力不足，对美国与其进行巨大规模的军备竞赛使其经济受到严重影响深感不安。其侵阿后一直未能摆脱孤立困境，由于波兰问题又面临东欧后院的动荡，古巴、越南、阿富汗的包袱沉重，内外困难重重，使它推行扩张政策也受到很大的制约。

因此，两国在进行激烈抗争的同时，出于各自的内外困难和需要，都在谋求必要的妥协。如有些谈判明知难于达成协议，但为了追求表面价值，也可能陆续开谈，甚至实现最高级会晤。美国迫于内外压力，主动对苏联降调，强硬的态度有所缓和，并决定在之后三年中将军事开支削减130亿美元。苏联虽然表面气壮如牛，在宣传上对美国严厉攻击，摆出不妥协的样子，而实际上生怕“缓和”被葬送。在一些重大问题上，如波兰问题上不得不克制行事。这都说明美苏在激烈争夺中都不想搞到剑拔弩张的地步，都有妥协的需要。但是苏美的基本矛盾难以克服，它们的根本利益冲突无法调和，它们之间的谈判也只能是旷日持久的聋子对话。因此它们的妥协也只能是有限的、表面的，苏美两国要恢复到20世纪70年代前期的缓和时代是再无可能了。

第二节  里根在美国全国福音派联会年会上的演讲

Thank you. Thank you very much.

And, Reverend Clergy all, Senator Hawkins, distinguished members of the Florida congressional delegation, and all of you: I can’t tell you how you have warmed my heart with your welcome. I’m delighted to be here today.

Those of you in the National Association of Evangelicals are known for your spiritual and humanitarian work. And I would be especially remiss if I didn’t discharge right now one personal debt of gratitude. Thank you for your prayers. Nancy and I have felt their presence many times in many ways. And believe me, for us they’ve made all the difference.

The other day in the East Room of the White House at a meeting there, someone asked me whether I was aware of all the people out there who were praying for the President. And I had to say,“Yes, I am. I’ve felt it. I believe in intercessionary prayer.”But I couldn’t help but say to that questioner after he’d asked the question that—or at least say to them that if sometimes when he was praying he got a busy signal, it was just me in there ahead of him. I think I understand how Abraham Lincoln felt when he said,“I have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go.”From the joy and the good feeling of this conference, I go to a political reception. Now, I do not know why, but that bit of scheduling reminds me of a story which I will share with you.

An evangelical minister and a politician arrived at Heaven’s gate one day together. And St. Peter, after doing all the necessary formalities, took them in hand to show them where their quarters would be. And he took them to a small, single room with a bed, a chair, and a table and said this was for the clergyman. And the politician was a little worried about what might be in store for him. And he couldn’t believe it then when St. Peter stopped in front of a beautiful mansion with lovely grounds, many servants, and told him that these would be his quarters.

And he couldn’t help but ask, he said,“But wait, how—there’s something wrong—how do I get this mansion while that good and holy man only gets a single room?”And St. Peter said,“You have to understand how things are up here. We’ve got thousands and thousands of clergy. You’re the first politician who ever made it.”

But I don’t want to contribute to a stereotype. So I tell you there are a great many God-fearing, dedicated, noble men and women in public life, present company included. And yes, we need your help to keep us ever-mindful of the ideas and the principles that brought us into the public arena in the first place. The basis of those ideals and principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself is grounded in the much deeper realization that freedom prospers only where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted.

The American experiment in democracy rests on this insight. Its discovery was the great triumph of our Founding Fathers, voiced by William Penn when he said: “If we will not be governed by God, we must be governed by tyrants.”Explaining the inalienable rights of men, Jefferson said,“The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time.”And it was George Washington who said“of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.”

And finally, that shrewdest of all observers of American democracy, Alexis de Tocqueville, put it eloquently after he had gone on a search for the secret of America’s greatness and genius—and he said:“Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness did I understand the greatness and the genius of America. America is good. And if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great.”

Well, I’m pleased to be here today with you who are keeping America great by keeping her good. Only through your work, prayers, and those of millions of others can we hope to survive this perilous century and keep alive this experiment in liberty, this last, best hope of man.

I want you to know that this administration is motivated by a political philosophy that sees the greatness of America in you, her people, and in your families, churches, neighborhoods, communities: the institutions that foster and nourish values like concern for others and respect for the rule of law under God.

Now, I don’t have to tell you that this puts us in opposition to, or at least out of step with, a—a prevailing attitude of many who have turned to a modern-day secularism, discarding the tried and time-tested values upon which our very civilization is based. No matter how well intentioned, their value system is radically different from that of most Americans. And while they proclaim that they’re freeing us from superstitions of the past, they’ve taken upon themselves the job of superintending us by government rule and regulation. Sometimes their voices are louder than ours, but they are not yet a majority.

An example of that vocal superiority is evident in a controversy now going on in Washington. And since I’m involved, I’ve been waiting to hear from the parents of young America. How far are they willing to go in giving to government their prerogatives as parents?

Let me state the case as briefly and simply as I can. An organization of citizens, sincerely motivated, deeply concerned about the increase in illegitimate births and abortions involving girls well below the age of consent, some time ago established a nationwide network of clinics to offer help to these girls and, hopefully, alleviate this situation. Now, again, let me say, I do not fault their intent. However, in their well-intentioned effort, these clinics decided to provide advice and birth control drugs and devices to underage girls without the knowledge of their parents.

For some years now, the federal government has helped with funds to subsidize these clinics. In providing for this, the Congress decreed that every effort would be made to maximize parental participation. Nevertheless, the drugs and devices are prescribed without getting parental consent or giving notification after they’ve done so. Girls termed“sexually active”—and that has replaced the word“promiscuous”—are given this help in order to prevent illegitimate birth or abortion.

Well, we have ordered clinics receiving federal funds to notify the parents such help has been given. One of the nation’s leading newspapers has created the term“squeal rule”in editorializing against us for doing this, and we’re being criticized for violating the privacy of young people. A judge has recently granted an injunction against an enforcement of our rule. I have watched TV panel shows discuss this issue, seen columnists pontificating on our error, but no one seems to mention morality as playing a part in the subject of sex.

Is all of Judeo-Christian tradition wrong? Are we to believe that something so sacred can be looked upon as a purely physical thing with no potential for emotional and psychological harm? And isn’t it the parents’ right to give counsel and advice to keep their children from making mistakes that may affect their entire lives?

Many of us in government would like to know what parents think about this intrusion in their family by government. We’re going to fight in the courts. The right of parents and the rights of family take precedence over those of Washington-based bureaucrats and social engineers.

But the fight against parental notification is really only one example of many attempts to water down traditional values and even abrogate the original terms of American democracy. Freedom prospers when religion is vibrant and the rule of law under God is acknowledged. When our Founding Fathers passed the First Amendment, they sought to protect churches from government interference. They never intended to construct a wall of hostility between government and the concept of religious belief itself.

The evidence of this permeates our history and our government. The Declaration of Independence mentions the Supreme Being no less than four times.“In God We Trust”is engraved on our coinage. The Supreme Court opens its proceedings with a religious invocation. And the members of Congress open their sessions with a prayer. I just happen to believe the schoolchildren of the United States are entitled to the same privileges as Supreme Court justices and congressmen.

Last year, I sent the Congress a constitutional amendment to restore prayer to public schools. Already this session, there is growing bipartisan support for the amendment, and I am calling on the Congress to act speedily to pass it and to let our children pray.

Perhaps some of you read recently about the Lubbock school case, where a judge actually ruled that it was unconstitutional for a school district to give equal treatment to religious and nonreligious student groups, even when the group meetings were being held during the students’ own time. The First Amendment never intended to require government to discriminate against religious speech.

Senators Denton and Hatfield have proposed legislation in the Congress on the whole question of prohibiting discrimination against religious forms of student speech. Such legislation could go far to restore freedom of religious speech for public school students. And I hope the Congress considers these bills quickly. And with your help, I think it’s possible we could also get the constitutional amendment through the Congress this year.

More than a decade ago, a Supreme Court decision literally wiped off the books of fifty states statutes protecting the rights of unborn children. Abortion on demand now takes the lives of up to one and a half million unborn children a year. Human life legislation ending this tragedy will someday pass the Congress, and you and I must never rest until it does. Unless and until it can be proven that the unborn child is not a living entity, then its right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness must be protected.

You may remember that when abortion on demand began, many, and indeed, I am sure many of you, warned that the practice would lead to a decline in respect for human life, that the philosophical premises used to justify abortion on demand would ultimately be used to justify other attacks on the sacredness of human life—infanticide or mercy killing. Tragically enough, those warnings proved all too true. Only last year a court permitted the death by starvation of a handicapped infant.

I have directed the Health and Human Services Department to make clear to every health care facility in the United States that the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 protects all handicapped persons against discrimination based on handicaps, including infants. And we have taken the further step of requiring that each and every recipient of federal funds who provides health care services to infants must post and keep posted in a conspicuous place a notice stating “discriminatory failure to feed and care for handicapped infants in this facility is prohibited by federal law.”It also lists a twenty-four-hour; toll-free number so that nurses and others may report violations in time to save the infant’s life.

In addition, recent legislation introduced by—in the Congress by Representative Henry Hyde of Illinois not only increases restrictions on publicly financed abortions, it also addresses this whole problem of infanticide. I urge the Congress to begin hearings and to adopt legislation that will protect the right of life to all children, including the disabled or handicapped.

Now, I’m sure that you must get discouraged at times, but there you’ve done better than you know, perhaps. There’s a great spiritual awakening in America, a renewal of the traditional values that have been the bedrock of America’s goodness and greatness.

One recent survey by a Washington-based research council concluded that Americans were far more religious than the people of other nations were; 95 percent of those surveyed expressed a belief in God and a huge majority believed the Ten Commandments had real meaning in their lives. And another study has found that an overwhelming majority of Americans disapprove of adultery, teenage sex, pornography, abortion, and hard drugs. And this same study showed a deep reverence for the importance of family ties and religious belief.

I think the items that we’ve discussed here today must be a key part of the nation’s political agenda. For the first time the Congress is openly and seriously debating and dealing with the prayer and abortion issues and that’s enormous progress right there. I repeat: America is in the midst of a spiritual awakening and a moral renewal. And with your biblical keynote, I say today,“Yes, let justice roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream.”

Now, obviously, much of this new political and social consensus I’ve talked about is based on a positive view of American history, one that takes pride in our country’s accomplishments and record. But we must never forget that no government schemes are going to perfect man.

We know that living in this world means dealing with what philosophers would call the phenomenology of evil or, as theologians would put it, the doctrine of sin.There is sin and evil in the world, and we’re enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might. Our nation, too, has a legacy of evil with which it must deal. The glory of this land has been its capacity for transcending the moral evils of our past. For example, the long struggle of minority citizens for equal rights, once a source of disunity and civil war is now a point of pride for all Americans. We must never go back. There is no room for racism, anti-Semitism, or other forms of ethnic and racial hatred in this country.

I know that you’ve been horrified, as have I, by the resurgence of some hate groups preaching bigotry and prejudice. Use the mighty voice of your pulpits and the powerful standing of your churches to denounce and isolate these hate groups in our midst. The commandment given us is clear and simple:“Thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself.”

But whatever sad episodes exist in our past, any objective observer must hold a positive view of American history, a history that has been the story of hopes fulfilled and dreams made into reality. Especially in this century, America has kept alight the torch of freedom, but not just for ourselves but for millions of others around the world.

And this brings me to my final point today. During my first press conference as president, in answer to a direct question, I pointed out that, as good Marxist-Leninists, the Soviet leaders have openly and publicly declared that the only morality they recognize is that which will further their cause, which is world revolution. I think I should point out I was only quoting Lenin, their guiding spirit, who said in 1920 that they repudiate all morality that proceeds from supernatural ideas—that’s their name for religion—or ideas that are outside class conceptions. Morality is entirely subordinate to the interests of class war. And everything is moral that is necessary for the annihilation of the old, exploiting social order and for uniting the proletariat.

Well, I think the refusal of many influential people to accept this elementary fact of Soviet doctrine illustrates a historical reluctance to see totalitarian powers for what they are. We saw this phenomenon in the 1930s. We see it too often today.

This doesn’t mean we should isolate ourselves and refuse to seek an understanding with them. I intend to do everything I can to persuade them of our peaceful intent, to remind them that it was the West that refused to use its nuclear monopoly in the forties and fifties for territorial gain and which now proposes 50 percent cut in strategic ballistic missiles and the elimination of an entire class of land-based, intermediate-range nuclear missiles.

At the same time, however, they must be made to understand we will never compromise our principles and standards. We will never give away our freedom. We will never abandon our belief in God. And we will never stop searching for a genuine peace. But we can assure none of these things America stands for through the so-called nuclear freeze solutions proposed by some.

The truth is that a freeze now would be a very dangerous fraud, for that is merely the illusion of peace. The reality is that we must find peace through strength.

I would agree to a freeze if only we could freeze the Soviets’ global desires. A freeze at current levels of weapons would remove any incentive for the Soviets to negotiate seriously in Geneva and virtually end our chances to achieve the major arms reductions, which we have proposed. Instead, they would achieve their objectives through the freeze.

A freeze would reward the Soviet Union for its enormous and unparalleled military buildup. It would prevent the essential and long overdue modernization of United States and allied defenses and would leave our aging forces increasingly vulnerable. And an honest freeze would require extensive prior negotiations on the systems and numbers to be limited and on the measures to ensure effective verification and compliance. And the kind of a freeze that has been suggested would be virtually impossible to verify. Such a major effort would divert us completely from our current negotiations on achieving substantial reductions.

A number of years ago, I heard a young father, a very prominent young man in the entertainment world, addressing a tremendous gathering in California. It was during the time of the cold war, and communism and our own way of life were very much on people’s minds. And he was speaking to that subject. And suddenly, though, I heard him saying,“I love my little girls more than anything.”And I said to myself,“Oh, no, don’t. You can’t—don’t say that.”But I had underestimated him. He went on: “I would rather see my little girls die now; still believing in God, than have them grow up under communism and one day die no longer believing in God.”

There were thousands of young people in that audience. They came to their feet with shouts of joy. They had instantly recognized the profound truth in what he had said, with regard to the physical and the soul and what was truly important.

Yes, let us pray for the salvation of all of those who live in that totalitarian darkness. Pray they will discover the joy of knowing God. But until they do, let us be aware that while they preach the supremacy of the State, declare its omnipotence over individual man, and predict its eventual domination of all peoples on the earth, they are the focus of evil in the modern world.

It was C.S. Lewis who, in his unforgettable Screw Tape Letters, wrote:“The greatest evil is not done now in those sordid‘dens of crime’that Dickens loved to paint. It is not even done in concentration camps and labor camps. In those, we see its result. But it is conceived and ordered; moved, seconded, carried and minuted in clear, carpeted, warmed, and well-lighted offices, by quiet men with white collars and cut fingernails and smooth-shaven cheeks who do not need to raise their voice.”

Well, because these quiet men do not raise their voices, because they sometimes speak in soothing tones of brotherhood and peace, because, like other dictators before them, they are always making “their final territorial demand,”some would have us accept them at their word and accommodate ourselves to their aggressive impulses. But if history teaches anything, it teaches that simpleminded appeasement or wishful thinking about our adversaries is folly. It means the betrayal of our past, the squandering of our freedom.

So, I urge you to speak out against those who would place the United States in a position of military and moral inferiority. You know, I’ve always believed that old Screw Tape reserved his best efforts for those of you in the Church. So, in your discussions of the nuclear freeze proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride—the temptation of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil.

I ask you to resist the attempts of those who would have you withhold your support for our efforts, this administration’s efforts, to keep America strong and free, while we negotiate real and verifiable reductions in the world’s nuclear arsenals and one day, with God’s help, their total elimination.

While America’s military strength is important, let me add here that I’ve always maintained that the struggle now going on for the world will never be decided by bombs or rockets, by armies or military might. The real crisis we face today is a spiritual one; at root, it is a test of moral will and faith.

Whittaker Chambers, the man whose own religious conversion made him a witness to one of the terrible traumas of our time, the Hiss-Chambers case, wrote that the crisis of the Western world exists to the degree in which the West is indifferent to God, the degree to which it collaborates in communism’s attempt to make man stand alone without God. Then he said, for Marxism-Leninism is actually the second-oldest faith, first proclaimed in the Garden of Eden with the words of temptation,“Ye shall be as gods.”

The Western world can answer this challenge, he wrote,“But only provided that its faith in God and the freedom He enjoins is as great as communism’s faith in man.”

I believe we shall rise to the challenge. I believe that communism is another sad, bizarre chapter in human history whose last—last pages even now are being written. I believe this because the source of our strength in the quest for human freedom is not material, but spiritual. And because it knows no limitation, it must terrify and ultimately triumph over those who would enslave their fellow man. For in the words of Isaiah:“He giveth power to the faint; and to them that have no might He increased strength. But they that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run, and not be weary.”

Yes, change your world. One of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Paine, said,“We have it within our power to begin the world over again.”We can do it, doing together what no one church could do by itself.

God bless you and thank you very much.

谢谢大家！非常感谢。

尊敬的宗教领袖们、霍金斯参议员、尊贵的弗罗里达国会代表团的成员、先生们：你们的欢迎让我感受到无法言表的温暖。今天在这里我感到非常愉快。

全国福音派联会的人士们所拥有的人道主义精神名闻遐迩。如果我不先向你们表达我的感激之情，我就太过傲慢无礼了。感谢你们的祈祷。南希和我经常能感受到你们就在身边的温暖。相信我，对我们来说，你们非常重要。

有一天，在白宫的东厅举行会议时，有人问我，是否注意到那些在外面一直为总统祈祷的人群。我说：“是的，我注意到了。我能感受到这一点。我相信代祷的作用。”但我又情不自禁地要告诉他——实际上也是对在场的所有人说，“如果有时候他在祈祷时得不到响应，那是因为我当时已经在上帝面前了。”亚伯拉罕·林肯说：“当我深信自己走投无路时，我总是要向上帝跪下呼求。”我想我理解林肯说这话时的感受。怀着对这次聚会的愉快心情和美好感受，我要转入政治话题。我不知道为什么，但那个日程安排让我想起一个故事。

有一天，一位福音派牧师和一个政客来到天堂的大门前。圣彼得办完了所有必要的手续后，领着他们来到各自的住处。他先领着他们来到一个小单间，里面只有一张床、一把椅子和一张桌子，说这是为牧师准备的。看到这个情形，政客有点惴惴不安，不知道等待他的将会是什么。

当圣彼得领着他来到一所富丽堂皇、仆佣成群的大宅子时，他简直不相信自己的眼睛。他禁不住问彼得：“等等，有没有搞错？我怎么会有这样的寓所，而那个虔诚圣洁的人只得到一个单间？”彼得回答道：“你要明白，这里是物以稀为贵。我们已经有了数不清的牧师，而你是来这里的第一位政客。”

我说这个故事并不是要为这些陈词滥调助兴。而是要告诉你们，包括本人所在的部门，许许多多担任公职的人都是敬畏上帝、甘于奉献、品格高贵的人。我们需要你们的帮助，以使我们得以铭记那些将我们第一次带入政治舞台的理念与原则。这些理念与原则的基础是对自由和个人权利的信守，而这种信守本身又是建立在深刻的体察上。即只有在热切探求和谦卑地领受上帝祝福的地方，自由才会繁荣兴旺。

美国人对于民主的试验是基于对上帝虔诚基础之上的。它的发现是国父们的伟大胜利，威廉·佩恩说：“如果我们不愿受治于上帝，我们必受治于暴君。”在诠释不可剥夺的人权时，杰弗逊说：“上天在赐予我们生命的同时也赐予了我们自由。”华盛顿说：“在导致政治昌盛的各种意向和习惯中，宗教和道德是必不可少的支柱。”

最后，当探究美国何以如此伟大和富有创造力的秘密时，托克维尔这位对于美国民主最为敏锐的观察家雄辩地指出：“当我走进美国的教堂，听到闪耀着公义之火的布道时，我才真正明白美国何以如此伟大和天赋非凡。美国人是虔信上帝的。而一旦美国不再虔诚，也将不再伟大。”

今天能与你们这些通过保持美国人的虔诚而使美国继续伟大的人士相聚，我感到非常愉快。只有通过你们和其他成千上万人的工作和祈祷，才能使我们在这个危机四伏的世纪有望幸存下来，并使自由这一人类最美好的希望生机勃勃。

我希望你们知道，我们的行政部门是由一种政治哲学推动的，这一政治哲学在你们、你们的家庭、教会、邻里和社区中间发现了美国的伟大：即各种制度均致力于鼓励和培植诸如关心他人和尊重上帝之下法治之类的价值观。

现在，你们想必与我一样清楚，正是这些价值观使我们与流行于当下许多人中间的态度大相径庭，或与他们格格不入。他们奉行一种现代化的世俗主义，将我们的文明赖以立基的价值观视如粪土，尽管这些价值观坚实可靠并经过时间的检验。不管他们出于何种善意，他们的价值体系与大多数美国人所持的立场截然不同。虽然他们宣称，他们正使我们从对过去的迷信中解放出来，但他们从事的工作却是借助政府的统治和威权来监控我们。有时候他们的嗓门似乎比我们大，但他们从未赢得多数。

那种调门拔高的例子，在最近华盛顿的一场争论中显而易见。自从我卷入这场争论以来，我就期待着能听到美国年轻人父母们的想法。他们究竟愿意向政府移交多少他们作为人之父母的特权？

让我尽可能简明扼要地说一下这个事例。一个动机纯正、对于日益增加的少年非法生育和堕胎现象深感关切的公民团体，不久前成立了一个全国性的医疗诊所网络，向那些不到法定年龄的女孩子们提供帮助，并希望能减轻她们所面临的困境。我要说，我并不对他们的意图吹毛求疵。然而，在这项意愿良好的努力中，这些诊所居然决定在未征求她们父母意见的情况下，向这些女孩子提供节育建议、药物和方法。

几年来，联邦政府一直向这些诊所提供资助。在提供资助时，国会要求采取一切措施以使父母的参与最大化。然而，医生在开药或教授方法时，事先并没有征得父母的同意，事后也没有向他们说明。他们就是这样帮助那些被称为“性活跃”而不是“乱交”的女孩子们防止非法生育或堕胎的。

是的，我们已经责令那些接受联邦拨款的诊所必须要向父母们通报他们所提供的帮助。而一份全国性的大报却在编者按中杜撰了一个“告密规则”来对我们进行指控，批评我们侵犯了年轻人的“隐私权”。一位法官最近发布了一项禁令，阻止我们实施这项措施。我看过有关这个话题的电视讨论，专栏作家们在里面一本正经地谴责我们的“错误”，但似乎没人提及在性问题上的道德成分。

难道犹太基督教传统全都错了吗？难道我们必须相信那些如此神圣的东西只与肉体相关而不会造成感情和心理上的伤害吗？父母们难道没有权利向他们的子女提出忠告和建议，以避免他们犯下有可能贻恨终生的大错吗？

我们政府中的许多人都想知道父母们在家里是如何思考这一由政府造成的局面的。我们会在法庭抗争下去。父母的权利以及家庭的权利优先于那些以华盛顿为基地的官僚们和社会工程师们的权利。

但是，反对告知父母仅是企图淡化传统价值观，甚至废除美国民主根本原则的众多事例中的一例而已。自由的繁荣有赖于宗教的兴旺以及人们对上帝之下法治的尊重。当国父们通过第一修正案时，他们是在谋求使教会免于政府的干预。他们从未打算在政府和宗教信仰之间树起一道敌视之墙。

我们的历史和政府中处处都有关于此一事实的证据。独立宣言中提到上帝的次数不少于四次。“我们信仰上帝”这句话就镌刻在我们的钱币上。最高法院以宗教祈祷来启动它的司法程序，国会议员们以祈祷来揭开会议的序幕，而我也碰巧相信美国的学童们享有与最高法院大法官和国会议员们同样的特权。

去年，我向国会递交了一个宪法修正案，要求恢复公立学校的祈祷活动。而在这届国会开会期间，两党中有越来越多的人支持这项修正案，我呼吁国会尽快通过该案，以使我们的孩子们能够祈祷。

也许你们中的一些人看过最近发生的卢伯克学校案，在此案中，一个法官宣布，学校给予有宗教信仰的学生和无宗教信仰的学生同等待遇其实是不合宪的，即使聚会是在学生课余时间进行也是如此。第一修正案从未打算要求政府歧视宗教演讲。

丹顿和哈特菲尔德参议员已经在国会提交了一项法案，禁止对宗教性的学生演讲形式予以歧视。这项立法将足以恢复公立学校学生在宗教方面的言论自由。我希望国会能够迅速地考虑这些议案。靠着你们的帮助，我想我们很有可能在今年就获得这一宪法修正案。

十年前，最高法院的一项决定逐一抹去了五十个州关于保护胎儿权利的法规条款。有求必应式的堕胎每年至少要夺去150万胎儿的生命。终结这一悲剧的人类生命法案迟早有一天要在国会通过，不达目的我们决不罢休。除非有证据证明胎儿不是一个生命体，否则它的生命权、它的自由和它追求幸福的权利就必须得到保护。

你们可能还记得，当有求必应的堕胎刚开始时，许多人（这其中也包括你们中的许多人）都警告说，这一措施会使人们不再尊重生命，而被用于使堕胎合法化的哲学前提最终也会被用来为诸如杀婴或安乐死等其他蔑视生命神圣的行为做辩护。不幸的是，这些警告一一验证了。去年就有一家法院允许饿死一名残疾儿童。

我已经指示卫生及公共事务部向每一家美国卫生保健机构讲清楚，1973年通过的康复法案保护所有的残疾人，反对任何基于残疾而产生的歧视，包括儿童。我们还采取了进一步的措施，要求每一个接受联邦拨款的婴幼儿保健机构必须在显眼位置始终张贴布告：“基于歧视原因未对残疾婴幼儿进行喂食和照顾的行为均为联邦法律所禁止。”机构还必须列出一个二十四小时的免费电话号码，使护士及其他人能及时报告侵害事件，以拯救婴儿的生命。

另外，最近由伊利诺斯州的众议员亨利·海德提交的立法，不仅增加了对堕胎公款报销的限制，而且还关注杀婴问题。我敦促国会举行听证会并通过该法案，以保护所有孩子们的生命权，包括那些残疾儿童的生命权。

现在，我肯定你们有时会感到灰心丧气，但也许你们所做的比你们所知的还要好。美国正经历一次精神上的觉醒，那为美国的虔诚和伟大奠基的传统价值观正在复兴。

一个设在华盛顿的研究理事会最近做了一个调查，得出的结果是美国人要比其他国家的人民虔诚得多。95％的被调查者表示信仰上帝，绝大多数人相信十诫在他们的生活中具有现实意义。另一个研究发现，压倒性多数的美国人不赞成通奸、少年性交、色情描写、堕胎和毒品。这些如出一辙的研究表明，人们深切尊重家庭纽带和宗教信仰的重要性。

我想我们今天讨论的课题一定会在国家的政治日程中发挥关键作用。这是国会首次就祈祷和堕胎问题进行公开而认真的辩论，这本身就是一项巨大的进步。我重申美国正处在精神觉醒和道德复兴之中。今天我要用《圣经》中的话说：“唯愿公平如江河滔滔，使公义如溪水潺潺。”

很明显我所谈及的这种崭新的政治和社会共识中的大部分，立基于对美国历史的正面评价上，它以我们国家的历史成就为荣。但我们必须永远不要忘记，没有哪个政府计划会导致人的完美。

我们知道生活在这世界上就意味着要与哲学家所谓的邪恶或神学家所称的罪恶做斗争。世界上存在着罪恶与邪恶，而圣经和主耶稣呼召我们用一己之力去与之抗争。我们国家同样也拥有一份必须予以抵制的邪恶流毒。这片土地的荣耀之处就在于它有能力超越我们曾有过的道德罪恶。例如，少数族裔的公民为着争取平等权利而展开的长期抗争一度引发了分裂与内战，而现在却成为全体美国人为之自豪的一个亮点。我们决不会回到过去。在这个国家我们不会容忍种族主义、反犹太主义或其他各种形式的民族及种族仇恨。

我知道你们一直和我一样，对于一些散布固执偏见的讨厌团伙的复活而忧心忡忡。请用你们洪亮的布道和坚定的立场抨击我们中间这些令人憎恶的团伙。上帝赐予我们的诫命清晰而直率：“要爱邻人如己。”

无论我们曾经有过什么样的不幸插曲，任何客观的观察家都会对美国的历史持积极的看法。我们的历史就是希望得以实现，梦想得以成真的动人故事。特别是在本世纪，美国使自由的火炬经久不息，不仅是为了我们自己，还为了全世界成千上万的人民。

由此我将谈及今天的最后一个话题。在我作为总统举行的第一次记者招待会上，在回答一个直率的问题时，我曾指出，苏联领导人是不错的马列主义者，他们开诚布公地宣称，他们所承认的唯一道德就是推动他们的事业，就是世界革命。我想我应该指出，这里我只引用了他们的精神导师列宁的话，他在1920年曾说，他们摒弃一切源于超自然观念的道德——那是他们给宗教下的定义——或与阶级学说无关的观念。道德完全服务于阶级斗争的需要。一种东西是否道德，取决于它是否为消灭旧的、剥削性的社会秩序和统一无产阶级的事业所必需。

我想许多有影响的人士拒绝接受苏联教条的这一基本观点，体现了对于极权主义本质的历史性抗拒。我们在20世纪30年代就目睹了这种抗拒。今天我们依然到处可见这种抗拒。

但这不意味着我们应该自我孤立并且拒绝寻求与他们的谅解。我打算尽一切努力去使他们相信我们的和平意愿，我要提醒他们，是西方在20世纪40年代和50年代拒绝利用其在核技术方面的垄断地位以扩张领土，同样是西方在今天提议削减50％的战略弹道导弹，以及销毁全部的陆基中程核导弹。

但是同时，他们也必须明白，我们永远不会拿我们的原则和准则讨价还价。我们永远不会出让我们的自由。我们永远不会背弃对上帝的信仰。我们也永远不会停止谋求一种真正的和平。但我们不能保证美国所支持的这些东西能够通过某些人士提出的所谓核冻结方案得到维护。

真实情况却是，现在的冻结将会成为一种非常危险的欺诈，因为它仅仅是和平的幻象。实际上我们必须通过实力来寻求和平。

只有当我们能够冻结苏联的全球野心时，我才会同意某种冻结。在当前水准下的武器冻结将使苏联在日内瓦与我们进行认真谈判的动机不复存在，事实上它会断送我们提出的削减主要军备的机会，更有甚者他们会通过冻结来达成他们的目的。

一次冻结给予苏联的奖赏就是庞大而且无与伦比的军事积累。而美国及盟国的国防现代化却会受到阻止，从而使我们日趋老化的军事力量弱不禁风。一种诚实的冻结会就限制的系统和数量、确保有效性核查和执行的措施等问题进行广泛的先行谈判。而现在提出的冻结实际上不可能进行核查。这样一种努力会使我们完全偏离目前正在进行的，达成实质性削减的谈判。

几年前，我在加利福尼亚州一个人数众多的集会上听到一位年轻人的演讲。他是位年轻的父亲并且在娱乐圈名声大噪。在冷战期间，共产主义和我们自己的生活方式成为许多人萦绕心头的一个问题。当时他所谈的就是这个题目。突然，我听到他说：“我爱我的女儿们胜过一切。”我自言自语道：“哦，别那么说。你不能那么说，别说那个。”但是我低估了他。他接着说道：“但我宁可看到我的孩子们现在怀着对上帝的信念阖然长逝，也不愿她们在共产主义的阴影下成长，并且有朝一日带着对上帝无所信仰的心态死去。”

听众当中有上千名年轻人，他们站起身来欢呼雀跃。他们立即就明白了那位父亲的话中所包含的深刻真理，即物质与精神何者是真正重要的。

让我们为所有那些生活于极权主义黑幕中的人祈祷。祝愿他们发现认识上帝的喜乐。但是在他们认识上帝之前，我们必须警觉，只要他们继续鼓吹国家的至高无上，宣扬国家对于个体的万能，并预言它将最终统治全人类，他们就是现代世界的邪恶中心。

刘易斯在他令人难忘的《地狱来鸿》中写道：“当今最大的邪恶，并非是在狄更斯所热衷描绘的肮脏的罪恶之窟中炮制出来的，它甚至不是在集中营和劳改营犯下的，那些地方只是邪恶发作的最终结果。当今最大的邪恶是在整洁豪华、温暖明亮的办公室里构思和安排的；是由那些衣着光鲜、言谈斯文的人鼓动、支持、散布和记录的。

结果，由于这些人言谈斯文，由于他们有时流利自如地畅谈手足之情与和平，由于他们能像某些以前的独裁者一样总是在“最后才提出领土要求”，一些人就会要求我们相信他们的表白并且顺从他们的非份之想。但是，如果历史教会了我们，对对手一味妥协或一厢情愿实属愚不可及。它意味着背叛我们的过去，虚掷我们的自由。

因此，我敦促你们大声反对那些将美国置于军事和道德劣等地位的人士。我一直相信你们这些教会人士才是鲁益师书中那个老魔鬼的眼中钉。因此，在你们讨论核冻结提议时，我要提醒你们谨防傲慢的诱惑，那是一种洋洋自得地宣称自己凌驾于一切之上，并对双方各打五十大板的诱惑。它无视一个邪恶帝国的历史和勃勃野心，径自宣布军备竞赛不过是一场巨大的误会，由此而使自己游离于对与错、善与恶之外。

本届政府在尽力使美国保持强大和自由。当我们正在为真正和切实地削减核武库，并在上帝的帮助下最终彻底消灭核武器而进行谈判时，有些人会使你们撤回对我们努力的支持，我请求你们抵制这种诱惑。

虽然美国的军事实力是重要的，但我在这里要补充一点：我始终确信，当前为世界而进行的抗争从来不取决于炸弹或火箭，也不取决于军队或军事力量。我们今天所面临的真正危机是精神上的，从根本上说，是对道德意志和信仰的检验。

惠特克·钱伯斯，这位希斯·钱伯斯间谍案中的主角，以其自身的变节，见证了我们时代可怕创伤的人曾写道：“某种程度上，西方世界的危机在于人们对上帝的漠视，从而配合了共产主义将人与神疏离开来的尝试。”他又说道：“马列主义实际上是人类第二种最为古老的信仰，第一种信仰则是伊甸园中的诱惑之音：‘你们会像神一样。’”

西方世界能够回应这种挑战，他写道：“但这只有假定西方对上帝及天赋自由的信念与共产主义对人的信念一样伟大才行。”

我相信我们能够迎接这种挑战。我相信共产主义是人类历史上一个悲惨而诡异的篇章，即使这一章已经临近终结。我相信这是因为我们探求自由的力量源泉不是物质上的，而是精神上的。而且由于它是无尽的，所以必然对那些奴役同类的人形成威慑，并最终战胜他们。因为以赛亚书中写道：“疲乏的，他赐予气力；无力的，他给予力量。但那些仰望主的人，必重新获得力量；他们必像鹰一样展翅上腾；他们奔跑，决不疲倦。”

改变你们的世界。我们的国父之一潘恩曾说：“我们拥有重塑世界的内在力量。”我们能做到这一点，让我们同心协力来完成这项仅凭一己之力无法完成的事业。

愿上帝保佑你们，谢谢大家。

第三节  精彩语录

There are a great many God-fearing, dedicated, noble men and women in public life, present company included. And yes, we need your help to keep us ever-mindful of the ideas and the principles that brought us into the public arena in the first place. The basis of those ideals and principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself is grounded in the much deeper realization that freedom prospers only where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted.

许许多多担任公职的人都是敬畏上帝、甘于奉献、品格高贵的人。我们需要你们的帮助，以使我们得以铭记那些将我们第一次带入政治舞台的理念与原则。这些理念与原则的基础是对自由和个人权利的信守，而这种信守本身又是建立在深刻的体察上。即只有在热切探求和谦卑地领受上帝祝福的地方，自由才会繁荣兴旺。

I’m pleased to be here today with you who are keeping America great by keeping her good. Only through your work and prayers and those of millions of others can we hope to survive this perilous century and keep alive this experiment in liberty, this last, best hope of man.

今天能与你们这些通过保持美国人的虔诚而使美国继续伟大的人士相聚，我感到非常愉快。只有通过你们和其他成千上万人的工作和祈祷，才能使我们在这个危机四伏的世纪有望幸存下来，并使自由这一人类最美好的希望生机勃勃。

Change your world. One of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Paine, said,“We have it within our power to begin the world over again.”We can do it, doing together what no one church could do by itself.

改变你们的世界。我们的国父之一潘恩曾说：“我们拥有重塑世界的内在力量。”我们能做到这一点，让我们同心协力来完成这项仅凭一己之力无法完成的事业。

第五章  推倒这堵墙

第一节  背景介绍

二战时期，德国纳粹疯狂挑起战争，不断扩张给欧洲甚至全球造成了巨大的灾难。随着二战反法西斯联盟的胜利，作为二战的战败国德国接受了国际联盟的惩罚。战胜国美英法苏把德国分成四个占领区，首都柏林由四个战胜国共管，苏联管辖东柏林。

1949年在德国和柏林西部的美英法占领区建立了实行民主的德意志联邦共和国，简称西德。10月7日在苏联占领区内也相应地成立了德意志民主共和国，即由共产党统治实行社会主义的东德。西柏林成为共产主义体制包围之中的自由之岛。

进入20世纪50年代后，由美英法占领的西德创造了战后的“经济奇迹”，发展突飞猛进，经济实力迅猛增长。而东德却由于背负着巨额的苏联战争赔款，以及强制实行计划经济，国民经济日渐衰退。东德与西德之间的经济实力差距越来越大。

1953年6月17日东柏林百姓走上街头，要求自由选举，却遭到了苏联官方的反对。面对游行的群众，苏联派出坦克血腥镇压了这次民主运动。当时的政治强压与专制，使东德人民向往西德的自由世界。从此人们纷纷逃离东德。苏联和东德政府想方设法围堵逃亡的潮流，并为了这一目的修建了震惊世界的“柏林墙”。

1961年8月13日清晨，当柏林市民一觉醒来时，突然发现西柏林四周筑起了一道高达3.6米到4米的屏障，全长约170公里，随后东德政府又进一步封闭了通往西德的边境。政府禁止任何人逾越柏林墙。

在长达几十年的隔离中，众多民众想尽办法越过这堵墙，有的是为了更自由的生活，有的则是为了与亲人团聚。在东德的强烈镇压下，成功的人寥寥无几。

德国的象征勃兰登堡门位于国会大厦300米开外。女武神在城门上傲视柏林城，与菩提树下大街另一端的亚历山大广场电视塔沉默地对峙。造访柏林的政治家都会来勃兰登堡门，冷战时代更是如此，因为这里正是东西德裂痕中最炽烈的伤口。

1987年6月12日清晨，美国总统里根抵达柏林，此时这座城市正在庆贺其750岁诞辰。在将东西柏林割裂数年的分界线勃兰登堡门的柏林墙前，里根发表了著名的演讲。演讲稿由秘书起的草，听者主要是正意欲与美国缔结友好关系的苏联领导人米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫，还有届时在场的两万名听众。因为担心会有恐怖袭击，里根身后放置了两块巨大的防弹玻璃。

在这次著名的演讲中，里根呼吁戈尔巴乔夫拆掉柏林墙，这一言辞遭到美国国务院和国家安全委员会的强烈反对，他们担心克里姆林宫的强硬派会以此向戈氏提出质疑。

里根总统在演讲中说出了震撼世界的话：“戈尔巴乔夫总书记，如果你要寻求和平，如果你要为苏联和东欧寻求繁荣，如果你要寻求自由，就来到这扇门前吧！戈尔巴乔夫先生，打开这扇门！戈尔巴乔夫先生，拆掉这堵墙！”

第二节  里根于1987年在柏林墙下的演讲

Thank you very much.

Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it’s our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer Paul Lincke understood something about American presidents. You see, like so many presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. I still have a suitcase in Berlin.

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same—still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

President von Weizsacker has said,“The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.”Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State—as you’ve been told—George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said:“Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.”

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply:“The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.”A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium—virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the  Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty—that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany—busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city’s culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there is abundance—food, clothing, and automobiles—the wonderful goods of the Kudamm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn’t count on—Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, jaund Berliner Schnauzer.

In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted:“We will bury you.”But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health; even want of the most basic kind—too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.

Now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.

Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.

There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent—and I pledge to you my country’s efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days—days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city—and the Soviets later walked away from the table.

But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then—I invite those who protest today—to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.

As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.

While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative—research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means, we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place—a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.

In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safe, freer world. Surely, there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.

Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.

And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.

To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation.

There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I’m certain, will do the same. And it’s my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.

One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea—South Korea—has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West?

In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You’ve done so in spite of threats—the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly, there is a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there’s something deeper, something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and way of life—not mere sentiment.

No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.

In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love—love both profound and abiding. Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.

Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower’s one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere—that sphere that towers over all Berlin—the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.

As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner:“This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.”Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I’ve been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.

And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they’re doing again.

Thank you and God bless you all.

非常感谢。

科尔总理、迪普根市长、女士们、先生们：二十四年前约翰·F.肯尼迪总统访问了柏林，在市政厅向本市和全世界的人民发表了讲话。从那以后另两位总统也访问了柏林，而今天我自己也开始了我的第二次访问。

我们这些美国总统来到柏林，是因为我们有责任到这里为自由呼吁。但是我也必须承认，我们之所以来到这里，还有其他的原因。这个城市历史悠久，比我的国家还要古老五百年；格鲁内瓦尔德和蒂尔加滕优美瑰丽，引人入胜；而最主要的原因是，我被你们的勇气和决心所打动。作曲家保罗·林克也许同我们这些美国总统有着共鸣。你们瞧，就像我之前的许多总统一样，我今天来到这里是因为我无论走到哪里，无论我干什么：Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin（我还有个箱子在柏林）。

今天，我们的集会正被整个西欧和北美现场直播，我也知道在东方也能被看见被听到。对于那些正在聆听的东欧人民，我有一句特别的话要说：虽然我不能和你们在一起，但是我对你们讲的话就和对那些站在我面前的人民所讲的一样，我同你们以及你们西方的同胞一样，都有一个坚定的、不可变更的信念：只有一个柏林！

在我的身后，有一个包围着本市的所谓自由之墙，它是一个将全欧洲分割的巨大邪恶系统的一部分。一堵从波罗的海绵延到南方的无形之墙，这个壁垒横裂德国，处处扎满铁丝网，浇筑混凝土，军犬和全副武装的军人巡逻不休，警戒塔密布。或许在更远的南方，我们可能不会看见一堵明显的墙，但是那里仍然有着武装的警卫和关卡！在墙的那边，一个极权国家仍然在残酷地控制着他的人民，没有旅行，不能出国，言论不自由。然而，没有哪个地方比柏林更能感受到这种区别了。正是在这里，新闻图片和电视屏幕都在全世界人民的心上烙刻着这道横贯你们的城市，分裂整个大陆的伤痕。每一个站在勃兰登堡门前的人都是德国人，被迫同自己的骨肉同胞分离。每一个人都是柏林人，被迫俯视那道伤痕。

冯·魏茨泽克总统曾经说过：“只要勃兰登堡门还关闭着，德国的问题就将存在。”今天我要说：“只要这道门还关闭着，只要这堵墙的伤痕仍然允许存在，那么长存的就不仅仅只是德国人自己的问题，还有整个人类的自由问题。我来这里绝不是为了哀悼，因为我在柏林找到了一个希望，即使在这堵墙的阴影之下，仍然有着胜利的消息。

在1945年春季，当柏林人民步出空袭避难所时，他们发现的是一片狼藉，数千英里之外的美国人民伸出了援助之手。在1947年，正如你们知道的那样，美国国务卿乔治·马歇尔宣布了被称之为“马歇尔计划”的援助方案。四十年前的今天，他说：“我们的政策不针对任何国家、任何主义，我们针对的是饥饿、贫穷、绝望和混乱。”

稍早的时候，在德国国会大厦，我参观了一个纪念马歇尔计划四十周年的展览。在一个曾被熔毁正在重建的建筑物上，我看到了一条标语，这条标语深深地打动了我。我知道，我这一代的柏林人都还记得，在西柏林曾经遍布着这样的标语。这个标语是：“为加强自由世界，马歇尔计划在这里伸出援手。”在西方，一个强大自由的世界，一个伟大的自由梦想正在成真。日本从废墟中崛起成为一个经济巨人，意大利、法兰西、比利时，几乎每一个西欧国家都见证了政治上和经济上的复兴，欧共体也得以诞生。

在西德，在柏林发生了经济奇迹，the Wirtschaftswunder（德国奇迹）。阿登纳、埃哈德、路透等领导人深知自由在实践上的重要意义；只有当新闻记者被赋予言论自由之时，真相才会浮现；只有农民和商人能够享受到经济自由的时候，繁荣才会到来。德国领导人削减关税，扩大自由贸易，降低税率。仅仅在1950年到1960年十年间，西德和西柏林的生活水准就成倍翻升。

在西柏林，四十年前还是一片废墟的地方，现在是德国产出最大的工业区，到处是繁忙的办公区、优良的住宅和公寓、热闹的大街和不断蔓延的公园草坪。在当年似乎是文化荒漠的地方，现在有两所最好的大学、乐团和一家歌剧院，无数的剧场和博物馆。过去物资极度匮乏，现在有丰富的食品、服装和汽车，在库达姆大街上应有尽有。在废墟上，从毁灭处，你们这些柏林人在自由中重建了地球上最伟大的城市之一。苏联人或许有其他的计划，但是我的朋友们，有些东西却是苏联人永远没有的，那就是柏林人的心灵、柏林人的幽默和柏林人的雪纳瑞。

在20世纪50年代，赫鲁晓夫曾预言：“我们将埋葬你们”。但是在今天的西方，我们看到的是一片前所未有的繁荣和安宁。而在共产主义世界，我们看见了失败，看见了技术上的落后，看见了健康的倒退，看见了即使连最起码的东西——食品都极度匮乏的情形！即使到了今天，苏联人仍然不能喂饱自己。在四十年之后的今天，在整个世界面前，耸立着一个伟大和必然的结论：自由导致繁荣，自由用礼让和宽容代替了各国之间古老的仇恨。自由是胜利者！

现在苏联人自己可能在某种程度上，也明白了自由的重要性。我们经常从莫斯科听到一些消息，一项改革和开放的新政策已经出台，一些政治犯已经得到释放，某些外国新闻广播不再被屏蔽，一些经济企业已经被允许拥有更多的自主权。

这些举动是苏联发生巨大转变的开始吗？或者他们仅仅是做出姿态，想要在西方掀起错误的希望，又或者仅仅是企图在不更改苏联体制的前提下修修补补？我们欢迎变化和开放，因为我们相信自由和安全相伴，人类自由的进步只会加强世界的和平。

这里有一件事是苏联人可以做出来而不至于遭到误解的，这件事将里程碑式的促进人类自由和和平的事业。戈尔巴乔夫总书记，如果你真的在寻求和平，如果你真的在寻求苏联和东欧的繁荣昌盛，如果你真的在寻求自由，那么，来到这扇门前吧。戈尔巴乔夫先生，打开这扇门吧！戈尔巴乔夫先生，推倒这堵墙吧！

我理解战争的恐惧、分离的痛苦折磨着这片大陆，我向你们保证，我的国家会帮助克服这些障碍。为了万无一失，我们自由世界必须抵抗苏联的扩张，因此我们必须保持牢不可破的防御力量。然而我们也在寻求和平，因此我们也必须做出努力来削减双方的军备。

从十年之前开始，苏联人带来了一种新的致命威胁挑战着西方联盟，他们部署了数百枚更新式、更致命的SS-20核导弹，这些导弹足以摧毁欧洲的每一个都市。西方联盟则以相应的部署以牙还牙，除非苏联人同意进行谈判，找到一个更好的解决方式，也就是双方共同消除这样的武器，否则局面只能这么僵持下去。这么多月以来，那些苏联人一直拒绝进行诚实的谈判，作为联盟我们一方准备进行相应部署。那些困难的日子让我想起，我在1982年访问这座城市时，许多人举行抗议，并且苏联人稍后离开了谈判桌。

但尽管有这些困难，我们的联盟仍然坚持住了。我邀请那时抗议的那些人，我邀请今天抗议的这些人来注意这样一个事实，那就是因为我们的强硬，苏联人最后又回到了谈判桌上；因为我们的强硬，今天我们能做到的，不仅仅只是期望限制军备的增长，而且还包括这样一种可能，那就是将核武器彻底地从地球上废除掉。

当我讲话时，北约的部长们正在冰岛会晤，对这一建议的进展状况进行讨论。在日内瓦会谈中，我们也提出了要对战略进攻性武器进行大的削减。西方联盟已经提出了许多内容深广的提议来减少发生常规战争的危险，以及彻底禁绝化学武器。

当我们裁减这些军备的时候，我也向你们保证，我们将保持能力，以阻止苏联在任何层次上发动侵略。我们正在同许多盟友合作，对“战略防御构想”计划进行研究，不是将威慑构建于威胁报复之上，而是着眼于真正的防御。简而言之，这套防御体系将不瞄准平民，而是保护他们。通过这种方式，欧洲和全世界的安全将得以增强。但是我们必须牢记一个至关重要的事实：东方和西方不敢轻举妄动，是因为我们势均力敌；而我们势均力敌，又是因为我们彼此猜疑。使东西方意见不同的不是武器本身，而是对自由的不同理解。肯尼迪总统二十四年前在市政厅演讲时，自由被包围，柏林在围困之中。然而今天，尽管敌人对这个城市施加了那么多压力，柏林仍然安全的沐立在自由之光下，自由本身也在改变着整个世界。

在菲律宾、在南美和中美洲，民主已经获得重生。在整个太平洋地区，自由市场正在制造一个又一个经济增长的奇迹。在工业化国家，一次技术革命正在发生，这次技术革命的标志是计算机和电信方面的迅速发展。

在欧洲，只有一个国家和它控制的那些卫星国拒绝加入自由阵营，然而在这个经济成倍增长的时代中，在这个信息与革新的时代中，苏联面临着一个选择：它必须进行根本的改变，否则它将变得过时。

因此，今天就代表着希望。我们西方准备好与东方进行合作，促进真正的开放，打破分离人们的藩篱，建立一个安全和自由的世界。我想没有哪个地方比柏林，这个连接东西方人民的地方，更适合作为一个起点。

柏林的自由人民们，美国今天会像过去一样，坚定地捍卫人类的自由和尊严，无论前面的道路有多么凶险，无论极权者有多么的虚伪。让我们借这个机会，本市的750周年纪念日，迎接一个新的时代，建设一个更加充实、更加富裕的柏林。让我们维护并发展联邦德国与西柏林之间的联系，这是1971年协议所允许的。

并且我将邀请戈尔巴乔夫先生：让我们一起为东西柏林的人民做点事情吧，使他们靠得更紧一点，使整个柏林的居民都能享受到生活在这个世界上最伟大的都市之一所带来的乐趣。

要进一步向整个欧洲、东方和西方开放柏林，我们就要扩展进入这个城市的重要空中通道，使通向柏林的商业航空服务更便利、更舒适，也更经济。我们期待着有一天西柏林可以成为整个中欧地区的主要航空枢纽之一。

同我们的法国和英国同伴一起，美国准备在柏林召开各种国际会议。对柏林这个城市来说，召开联合国会议或者有关人权、军备控制等，需要国际合作议题的国际会议，是再合适不过的。

要为将来带来希望，没有比点亮青年人心灵更好的方法。我们将极为荣幸地赞助（东西柏林的）夏季青年交流、各类文化活动，以及为东柏林青年举办的其他活动。我敢肯定我们法国和英国的朋友也将这样做。我也希望东柏林当局能够赞助西柏林青年的访问活动。

我心中最后一个建议是，运动是快乐与高贵之源。大家可能会注意到，南韩已经允许1988年夏季奥运会的某些赛事在北方举行。各种国际体育比赛也可以在这个城市的两个部分举行。假如在将来的某一年，奥林匹克运动会能够在柏林——东柏林与西柏林举行，那么还有什么更好的方式，比这更能向世界展示柏林这个城市的开放呢？

在这四十年中，正如我所说，你们柏林人建立了一个伟大的城市。尽管存在着许多威胁——苏联所强加的关口和封锁，你们还是做到了。尽管有这堵墙所隐喻着的挑战，这个城市仍然蓬勃发展。是什么使你们坚持下来？当然有许多原因，比如，你们的毅力，你们抵抗的勇气。但是我相信有些原因更加深邃，涉及的是柏林整体的精神面貌、感受和生活方式，而不仅仅只是情操。

长期生活在柏林没有人还能心存幻想，他们看到了柏林生活的困难，但选择接受之。尽管被囚禁着人类活力和希望的极权主义制度所包围，他们仍然继续建设着这个美好、令人自豪的城市。那是一种强有力的声音，这种声音对这座城市，对未来，对自由大声说：“是。”

简而言之，我会把这种东西称之为“爱”——深刻而持久的爱。也许这就是问题的根源，这就是东西方之间最根本的区别。极权主义的世界生产落后，因为它侵犯这种精神，阻碍了人类去创造、去享受、去感悟的冲动。极权主义的世界，甚至觉得爱和宗教的符号是一种侮辱。

几年前，当东德开始重建自己的教堂之前，他们建设了一个世俗的建筑物：亚历山大广场电视塔。自那以后，东德当局一直在努力纠正（在他们眼中）该塔的一个重大缺陷，往其顶部的玻璃球上倾倒各种涂料和化学物品。然而直到今天，每当阳光照射到这些玻璃上，还是能照射出十字架的摸样。在这里，在柏林，爱的符号，礼拜的符号不会受到压制。

当我之前从国会大厦，这个德国统一的化身往外望的时候，我看到柏林墙上一段喷漆的话，这可能是一个年轻的柏林人写下来的：“这堵墙终将倒下，梦想终将成为现实。”在整个欧洲，这堵墙终将倒下，因为它经不起良知的考验，经不起真理的追问，经不起自由的期望！

在我结束演讲之前，我还要多说几句。自从我来到这里就已经知道，也被人问起过，关于某些团体抗拒我到来的事情。

我想对那些示威者说，我不知道他们是否想过，如果他们确实建立了他们所希望的那种政府，就不会有人能够做他们现在正在做的这些事情了。

谢谢大家，上帝会保佑你们的。

第三节  精彩语录

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same—still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

在我的身后，有一个包围着本市的所谓自由之墙，它是一个将全欧洲分割的巨大邪恶系统的一部分。一堵从波罗的海绵延到南方的无形之墙，这个壁垒横裂德国，处处扎满铁丝网，浇筑混凝土，军犬和全副武装的军人巡逻不休，警戒塔密布。或许在更远的南方，我们可能不会看见一堵明显的墙，但是那里仍然有着武装的警卫和关卡！在墙的那边，一个极权国家仍然在残酷地控制着他的人民，没有旅行，不能出国，言论不自由，然而，没有哪个地方比我们柏林更能感受到这种区别了，正是在这里，新闻图片和电视屏幕在全世界人民的心上烙刻着这道横贯你们的城市，分裂整个大陆的伤痕。每一个站在勃兰登堡门前的人都是德国人，被迫同自己的骨肉同胞分离。每个人是一名柏林人，被迫俯视那惨痛的伤痕。

Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty—that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom.

阿登纳、埃哈德、路透等领导人深知自由在实践上的重要意义：只有当新闻记者被赋予言论自由之时，真相才会浮现；只有农民和商人能够享受到经济自由的时候，繁荣才会到来。

After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.

在四十年之后的今天，在整个世界面前，耸立着一个伟大和必然的结论：自由导致繁荣，自由用礼让和宽容代替了各国之间古老的仇恨。自由是胜利者！

Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safe, freer world. Surely, there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.

因此，今天就代表着希望。我们西方准备好与东方进行合作，促进真正的开放，打破分离人们的藩篱，建立一个安全和自由的世界。我想没有哪个地方比柏林，这个连接东西方人民的地方，更适合作为一个起点。

“This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality. ”Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

“这堵墙终将倒下，梦想终将成为现实。”在整个欧洲，这堵墙终将倒下，因为它经不起良知的考验，经不起真理的追问，经不起自由的期望！

第六章  抉择的时刻

第一节  背景介绍

1964年，里根作了一场题为《抉择的时刻》的演讲，以帮助共和党总统候选人、参议员巴里·戈德华特竞选成功。他在讲话中说：“我们必须捍卫自由，否则自由将离我们而去。”这句话成为当年风靡美国的名言。

这番精彩的电视讲话成为他人生中的一个转折点，使他从此开始了政治上的辉煌生涯。里根于1966年当选为加州州长，并于1970年连任。随着“水门”丑闻的曝光，里根的政治声望更是与日俱增。1976年，他在挑战尼克松“钦定”继承人杰拉尔德·R.福特时，仅以60票的微弱劣势惜败给对手，结果福特当选第三十八任美国总统。

虽然那次演讲十分成功，可巴里最终还是输给了对手，1965年入主白宫的是民主党人约翰逊总统。

巴里·戈德华特获得总统提名的道路并不平坦。在巴里·戈德华特角逐共和党提名总统选举之时，共和党分裂为保守派（来自西部和中西部）与自由派（来自东北部）。巴里·戈德华特毫不妥协的财政保守主义以及强硬的反共主义，使一些较温和的共和党人对他抱持疑虑。他被传统的共和党人视为太过于右派的政治光谱，并且认为他不能吸引主流的选民以赢得大选。因此自由派的共和党人抬出了一系列的候选人以对抗巴里·戈德华特，包括纽约州的州长纳尔逊·洛克菲勒等人。巴里·戈德华特在加利福尼亚州的初选中成功击败洛克菲勒，接着赢得了共和党提名。他同时也受到南部共和党人的坚定支持。

在1964年共和党全国代表大会上发表接受总统选举提名的演讲中，巴里·戈德华特大胆的宣誓道：“捍卫自由时的极端并不是罪恶，追求正义时的温和并不是美德。”这一段来自西塞罗的演讲词是由哈利·雅法所提议的，演讲稿则是由卡尔·海丝所撰写。由于总统林登·约翰逊的高昂人气，巴里·戈德华特在选战中避免直接地攻击约翰逊，他在代表大会上甚至没有直接提到过约翰逊。

性格决定命运，巴里·戈德华特的保守与强硬让他在选战中备受挑剔。选战中巴里·戈德华特在过去的失言也都被挖了出来，他曾经称艾森豪威尔总统是新政的廉价版本，艾森豪威尔也一直对此耿耿于怀。不过艾森豪威尔还是与巴里·戈德华特一起拍了一段电视的竞选广告，在11月艾森豪威尔表示他会在大选中投票给共和党，间接地表示了他对于巴里·戈德华特的最终肯定。在1961年12月巴里·戈德华特曾在记者会上宣称道：“有时候我真觉得，如果我们可以把整个西海岸割开，让它们飘到海里，这个国家会变得更好。”这段发言后来被约翰逊阵营挖出，以此猛烈攻击巴里·戈德华特。巴里·戈德华特主张将社会福利自愿化以及将田纳西河谷管理局（一个大型的新政机构）拍卖掉的发言也都引起类似的争议。

里根为了替巴里·戈德华特阵营造势，发表了一段知名的全国电视演讲《抉择的时刻》，以支持巴里·戈德华特。演说取得了不错的效果，这段演讲的成功，促使里根在1966年投入竞选加利福尼亚州州长，并且开启了他之后的政治生涯。约翰逊阵营的文宣将巴里·戈德华特描绘为一个危险的极端份子。约翰逊在1964年民主党全国代表大会的演讲中，也没有直接提及巴里·戈德华特的名字。

在竞选的过程中，每个竞选者都极力避免犯错，而每个错误都极有可能影响自己的政治前途。巴里·戈德华特主张的强硬反共外交政策，被约翰逊及其竞选阵营用作攻击他的把柄，宣称巴里·戈德华特的好战性格会导致灾难性的结果甚至是核战争。在越战议题上巴里·戈德华特批评约翰逊的政策完全缺乏目标、方向或决心，并且导致在丛林中的大量死亡和自由的逐步毁灭。巴里·戈德华特在核战争议题上的言论，则被许多人视为是毫不妥协，这种印象又被巴里·戈德华特的一些失言所加深。例如，他曾说：“我们应该扔一颗（核弹）到克里姆林宫的厕所里去。”

巴里·戈德华特尽力抵挡约翰逊阵营的攻击，批评约翰逊政府在一些道德议题上的缺失，并且在一则竞选广告中宣称：“……我们身为一个国家，已经离那种可以导致国破家亡的道德腐败境界不远了……现在正是将良心重新竖回政府的时候，以此为榜样，使其重现美国生活的每个角落……”

在1964年选举期间，以揭发丑闻为主的杂志Fact出版了一期特别刊号，标题为《一个保守派的无良心：揭露巴里·戈德华特的心理状态》。文章里宣称巴里·戈德华特的精神状况不适合担任总统，并举出一则对精神病医师进行民调的结果为证据：Fact杂志邮寄测验给12,356位精神病医师，并且公布其中2,417名医师回复的抽样结果，其中1,189人认为巴里·戈德华特不适合担任总统。在选举过后，巴里·戈德华特控告杂志的发行者、杂志编辑以及杂志社毁谤罪，虽然最初陪审团只判给巴里·戈德华特1美元的名誉赔偿费，但是后来的上诉则使巴里·戈德华特从杂志社获得50,000美元的赔偿。

在共和党全国代表大会上，来自全国各地的候选人和大量的新闻记者、州代表团、州党部代表以及各式各样的人物充斥会场，使1964年的全国代表大会弥漫着一股紧张而又充满敌意的气氛。

选举的结果，巴里·戈德华特只获得了38.4%的选票，在选举人团上只赢得六个州，获得了52张选举人团票，而约翰逊则一面倒地赢得了486张。巴里·戈德华特在选后还曾坦率地说：“这场选举即使是亚伯拉罕·林肯回来替我们竞选，我们也是输定了。”

巴里·戈德华特的惨败，加上当时大多数选民都有总统票同国会票（亦即死忠支持与他们总统选票候选人相同政党的国会候选人）的习惯，当年的国会选举中共和党也遭受大败，许多在位已久的老牌国会议员都在此年选举中被击败。

晚年时巴里·戈德华特曾宣称，如果不是因为当年全国都还沉浸在总统约翰·肯尼迪被刺杀后的悲伤气氛里，使选民对于连续两年便更换三位总统有所顾虑，他的确有机会赢得选举。许多人也常举出巴里·戈德华特在当年选举里赢下了许多南方的州，在那之前美国南部一向都是民主党的地盘。1964年的这次选举也预见了在未来几十年里，美国政治光谱的转变，美国南部从那时开始便逐渐向共和党倾斜，从总统选举开始，到最后国会和州的地方选举都成了共和党称霸的局面。

虽然巴里·戈德华特对于美国保守主义的影响，还不及1965年以后的罗纳德·里根，从1950年末到1964年之间，是巴里·戈德华特一手定义，并且开拓了美国后几十年的保守主义运动。亚利桑那州的参议员约翰·麦凯恩谈到巴里·戈德华特时说道：“他将共和党从原本一个由东部菁英组织主导的组织，转变为后来可以让里根一路走向总统选举的环境。”政治评论家乔治·威尔在谈到1980年的美国总统选举时也说：“1964年的选举花了整整十六年时间才开完票，而巴里·戈德华特最后赢了。”

第二节  里根于1964年为总统候选人助选的演讲

Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn’t been provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.

I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line has been used,“We’ve never had it so good.”

But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn’t something on which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income.Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector’s share, and yet our government continues to spend 17 million dollars a day more than the government takes in. We haven’t balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years. We’ve raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations of the world. We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury; we don’t own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims are 27.3 billion dollars. And we’ve just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value.

As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace? There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us.

We’re at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars, and it’s been said if we lose that war, and in so doing lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening. Well I think it’s time we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.

Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said,“We don’t know how lucky we are.”And the Cuban stopped and said, “How lucky you are? I had someplace to escape to.”And in that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here, there’s no place to escape to. This is the last stand on earth.

And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except the sovereign people, is still the newest and the most unique idea in all the long history of man’s relation to man.

This is the issue of this election: whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capitol can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.

You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right. Well I’d like to suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There’s only an up or down: man’s old—old-aged dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism. And regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course.

In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the“Great Society,”or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people. But they’ve been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves; and all of the things I now will quote have appeared in print.

These are not Republican accusations. For example, they have voices that say,“The cold war will end through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism.”Another voice says,“The profit motive has become outmoded. It must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state.”Or,“Our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century.”

Senator Fulbright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to the President as“our moral teacher and our leader,”and he says he is“hobbled in his task by the restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document.”He must“be freed,”so that he“can do for us”, what he knows“is best.”

And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as“meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government.”

Well, I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free men and women of this country, as“the masses.”This is a term we haven’t applied to ourselves in America.

But beyond that,“the full power of centralized government”—this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. They knew that governments don’t control things. A government cannot control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out to do that; it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy.

Now, we have no better example of this than government’s involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Three-fourths of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce. You see, that one-fourth of farming—that’s regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the last three years, we’ve spent 43 dollars in the feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we do not grow.

Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater, as President, would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he’ll find out that we’ve had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. He will also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress extension of the farm program to include those three-fourths that is now free. He’ll find that they’ve also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn’t keep books as prescribed by the federal government.

The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil.

At the same time, there’s been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees. There’s now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can’t tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore.

Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy, but how—who are farmers to know what’s best for them? The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up; the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.

Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on. Private property rights so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government planners decide it should be. In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a“more compatible use of the land.”The President tells us he’s now going to start building public housing units in the thousands, where heretofore we’ve only built them in the hundreds.

But FHA （Federal Housing Authority）and the Veterans Administration tell us they have 120,000 housing units they’ve taken back through mortgage foreclosure. For three decades, we’ve sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency.

They’ve just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over 30 million dollars on deposit in personal savings in their banks. And when the government tells you you’re depressed, lie down and be depressed.

We have so many people who can’t see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So they’re going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer—and they’ve had almost 30 years of it—shouldn’t we expect government to read the score to us once in a while? Shouldn’t they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public housing?

But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater; the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night. Well that was probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we’re told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year. Welfare spending 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression.

We’re spending 45 billion dollars on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you’ll find that if we divided the 45 billion dollars up equally among those 9 million poor families, we’d be able to give each family 4,600 dollars a year. And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty. Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running only about 600 dollars per family. It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead.

Now—so now we declare“war on poverty,”or“You, too, can be a Bobby Baker.”Now do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add 1 billion dollars to the 45 billion we’re spending, one more program to the 30-odd we have—and remember, this new program doesn’t replace any, it just duplicates existing programs—do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic? Well, in all fairness I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn’t duplicated. This is the youth feature.

We’re now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps, and we’re going to put our young people in these camps. But again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we’re going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help 4,700 dollars a year. We can send them to Harvard for 2,700! Course, don’t get me wrong. I’m not suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.

But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help? Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who’d come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month. She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise. She’s eligible for 330 dollars a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who’d already done that very thing.

Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we’re denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we’re always“against”things—we’re never“for”anything.

Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they’re ignorant; it’s just that they know so much that isn’t so.

Now—we’re for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we’ve accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.

But we’re against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood.

They’ve called it“insurance”to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program. They only use the term“insurance”to sell it to the people. And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax.

There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole. But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble. And they’re doing just that.

A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary—his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65. The government promises 127. He could live it up until he’s 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security.

Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can’t put this program on a sound basis, so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they’re due—that the cupboard isn’t bare?

Barry Goldwater thinks we can.

At the same time, can’t we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provision for the non-earning years?

Should we not allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband? Shouldn’t you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do?

I think we’re for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we’re against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt. They have come to the end of the road.

In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar’s worth, and not 45 cents worth?

I think we’re for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we’re against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world’s population.

I think we’re against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations.

I think we’re for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we’re against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. We set out to help 19 countries. We are helping 107.

We’ve spent 146 billion dollars. With that money, we bought a 2 million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya government officials. We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity.

In the last six years, 52 nations have bought 7 billion dollars worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country.

No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. Therefore, governments’ programs, once launched, never disappear. Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we’ll ever see on this earth.

Federal employees—federal employees number two and a half million; and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation’s work force employed by government. These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man’s property without a warrant? They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury? And they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine.

In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier over-planted his rice allotment. The government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment. And a U.S. marshal sold his 960-acre farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work.

Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-times candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said,“If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States.”I think that’s exactly what he will do.

But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn’t the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died—because to this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England.

Now it does not require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people. What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the—or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property? And such machinery already exists.

The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment.

Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men—that we’re to choose just between two personalities.

Well what of this man that they would destroy—and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear? Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is? Well I’ve been privileged to know him“when.”I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I have never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.

This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn’t work. He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.

An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he said that there were a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, “Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such,”and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he’d load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load.

During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, “There aren’t many left who care what happens to her. I’d like her to know I care.”

This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son,“There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start.”

This is not a man who could carelessly send other people’s sons to war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I’ve discussed academic, unless we realize we’re in a war that must be won.

Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They call their policy“accommodation”. And they say if we’ll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he’ll forget his evil ways and learn to love us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers.

They say we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple answer—not an easy answer—but simple: If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right.

We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain,“Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we’re willing to make a deal with your slave masters.”Alexander Hamilton said,“A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one.”Now let us set the record straight.

There is no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there’s only one guaranteed way you can have peace—and you can have it in the next second—surrender.

Admittedly, there’s a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face—that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender.

If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand—the ultimatum. And what then—when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be? He has told them that we’re retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that time we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically. He believes this because from our side he’s heard voices pleading for“peace at any price”or“better Red than dead,”or as one commentator put it, he’d rather“live on his knees than die on his feet.”And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don’t speak for the rest of us.

You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin—just in the face of this enemy?

Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs? Should Christ have refused the cross? Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the world? The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn’t die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace? Well it’s a simple answer after all.

You and I have the courage to say to our enemies,“There is a price we will not pay.”“There is a point beyond which they must not advance.”And this—this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater’s“peace through strength.”Winston Churchill said,“The destiny of man is not measured by material computations. When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we’re spirits—not animals.”And he said,“There’s something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty.”

You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.

We’ll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we’ll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.

We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.

Thank you very much.

谢谢，非常感谢。晚上好。主办单位找到了。但不同于大多数的电视节目，这里不给演员提供台词。因此，我可以用自己的话来说说，我怎样来看待数周后的选举。

我这辈子大部分时间都是民主党。最近，我才感到我比较适合另一套路子。我认为我们面临的问题是跨党派的。如今，一边的阵营在告诉我们，本轮选举的议题是维护和平与繁荣。这话说的，“我们没法再好了。”

但是我觉得不妥。这个“繁荣”不是我们所希望的未来。历史上没有任何国家，在税负高到国民所得的三分之一，还可以活着的。如今，每赚1美元就有37美分要上交国库作为税收。而我们的政府每天超支1,700万美元。过去三十四年，有二十八年预算没有平衡过。在过去的一年时间里，我们已经把债务上限提高了3倍。如今，我们国家的债务是全世界国家债务总和的1.5倍。我们的国库只有150亿元的黄金，但1盎司都不属于我们，外国货币占去了273亿。而我们刚刚说，现在1美元的购买力只相当于1939年的45美分。

说到我们要和平，我想知道，我们中间有没有人去了解那些妻子和母亲们，他们的丈夫和孩子在南越牺牲了。你问问他们，这是否是该无条件维护的和平。他们意味着和平吗？还是意味着我们只想要在“和平”中度日而已？如果还有一位美国人在世界某处为我们大家牺牲，就不可能有真正的和平。

我们遭遇的是人类有史以来最险恶的敌人。据说如果我们输掉战争，我们的自由也将如此失去。历史将会有这样震惊的记载，那些人之所以一败涂地，因为他们连最起码的阻挡也没有做过。我想该是我们扪心自问的时候了，我们是否依然知悉建国先贤为我们开创的自由道路。

不久前，我的两位朋友和一个古巴难民聊天，他是从卡斯特罗那里逃出来的生意人。当古巴人述说他的遭遇时，其中一个朋友对另一个说：“我们不知道我们有多幸运。”古巴人停了下来说：“你们有多幸运？我只要有个地方可以躲就行了。”他的这句话说明了一切。如果我们这里也失去了自由，那全世界都无处可逃了。这是地球上最后的自由之地。

政府理应为人民服务，因为权力是至高的人民所授予的，除此之外，没有其他的来源。在人与人关系的历史长河中，这种理念仍然是最新、最独特的。

本轮选举的主题是：我们要相信自我管理的能力，还是摒弃美国革命的理念，承认偏远的国会里有一小撮精英可以为我们的生活作计划，而且计划得比我们更好。

越来越多的人像你我一样，要求我们选左派或右派。我想提议的是，别管什么左派右派。这里只有向上派或向下派：向上，是人类古老的梦想，是个体自由的目标，它与法律和秩序是一致的。所谓向下，就是像蚁群一样，甘愿自己被极权主义压在底层，不管真心诚意也好，或是出于人道主义也罢，他们都会以安全为由，出卖我们的自由，走上这条向下沉沦的道路。

在这个争夺选票的时刻，他们说“伟大社会”这番话，要不就像前几天总统和我们讲，我们必须接受“政府进一步对于民事的干预”。而过去他们还含糊其辞，模棱两可。我说的所有这一切，你们都能在报纸上看见。

这些不是共和党的指控。比如，他们说：“如果我们接受不民主的社会主义，冷战就结束了。”还有人说：“争夺利润的激励制度已经过时了。应该由福利国家的激励机制来取代。”或者，“我们个人自由的传统体制无法解决20世纪的复杂问题”。

参议员富布赖特在斯坦福大学说，宪法已经过时了。他说，总统是“我们的道德导师，是我们的领袖。他说，他的工作被这篇限制权力的‘古文’束缚了。应该给他‘自由’，让他尽心为我们做他认为最好的事情。”

还有一位发言人，宾夕法尼亚州参议员克拉克，他直截了当把“自由主义”定义为：“通过集权政府的所有权力来满足民众的物质需求。”

作为民众之一，我不喜欢这样的说法。因为议员说的所谓“民众”，是指你、我以及我们国家所有自由的男人和女人。在美国，“民众”这样的词，我们自己已不适用了。

除此之外，“集权政府的所有权力”是建国先贤极力避免的。他们知道，政府无法控制事情。一个政府要控制经济，必然要压制人民。他们知道如果政府要这样做，必须通过暴力和强制的手段来实现。那些建国先贤，他们当然知道，政府除立法职能之外，在经济上的作为，完全不如私有经济领域。

我们用过去三十年政府干预农业的例子来说明问题是再好不过了。从1955年以来，这项计划的成本增加了将近一倍。美国85%的农产品过剩是由四分之一的农业（政府干预的那部分）造成的，除此之外，依靠自由市场的四分之三的农业，其农产品人均消费量增长了21%。你看，这四分之一的农业——是由联邦政府来规范和控制的。在过去的三年，我们的饲料粮计划，用43美元产不出1美元的玉米量。

参议员汉弗莱上周指控巴里·戈德华特是企图消灭农民的总统。他如果多做点功课的话就会发现，政府这些计划让我们的农业人口减少了500万。他也会发现，民主党政府在寻求国会支持将农场计划扩张到自由市场里四分之三的农业。他会发现，他们还要申请特权来关押那些不按照联邦政府规定来记账的农民。

农业部部长还要申请接管农场特权，通过没收农场并转售给其他人的手段。如果把这个条款放到同一个计划里，等于允许联邦政府把200万农民从土地上赶走。

与此同时，农业部却在增加雇员。如今，美国每三十个农民就有一个公务员来管，这些公务员无法向我们交代，去奥地利的六十六艘满载稻米的船怎么会消失得无影无踪？比利·索尔·埃斯蒂斯都没有出过海。

凡是负责任的农民和农场组织都一再要求过政府放弃对农业的管制，但是，除了农民自己，还有谁知道什么对他们有利呢？麦农投票反对麦子计划。政府照样通过该计划。现在，面包价格上涨，农民的小麦价格下跌。

与此同时，在城市里，所谓“重建市区”在侵害民众的自由。私有财产权被蚕食，所谓高于一切的“公共利益”，却由几位政府规划者说了算。政府的计划夺走贫困者的财产，送予贪心者享用。俄亥俄州克利夫兰就发生了这样不幸的事。三年前花了150万盖好的房子，因为政府要“让土地使用更具有兼容性”，就强制拆除。我们的总统说，那里要盖数千栋公共住宅，目前只有几百栋。

FHA（联邦房屋管理局）和退伍军人管理局说，他们已经收回了止赎的12万套住房。为了解决失业问题，政府搞了三十多年的计划，但是计划失败得越多，计划就越多。最新的是“地区再开发局”。

他们刚刚说堪萨斯州赖斯县是一个贫困地区。而堪萨斯州赖斯县有200口油井，14,000人，他们在银行的个人存款超过3,000万。如果政府说你穷，那就你认了吧，穷就穷吧。

不是有人断言，胖子之所以肥是因为胖子揩了瘦子的油，我们很多人是看不到瘦子的边上还站着个胖子的。于是，他们打算通过政府和政府计划来解决人类所有的贫穷问题。如果政府的计划和福利真的是解药，那么他们搞了将近三十年福利，他们的成绩不该给我们看看吗？难道他们不该对我们说，需要帮助的人逐年在减少吗？需要住公共住宅的人也在下降吗？

但事实恰恰相反。每年穷人都在增加，而政府计划增长也越大。四年前，我们听政府说，每晚有1,700万人饿着肚子上床睡觉。说不定确有此事，他们都在节食。但是，现在我们又听说，我国有930万户年收入低于3,000美元的家庭，他们穷困潦倒。如今，福利开支是极度黑暗的大萧条时期的10倍。

我们的福利开支有450亿美元。你现在算算就会发现，如果我们把450亿元均分给900万户贫困家庭，每年每户家庭就能拿到4,600元。加上他们目前的收入，他们应该不穷了。但直接给到穷人手里的援助，每户家庭只有600元左右。这似乎意味着在别的什么地方开销用过了头。

现在，我们宣布“向贫困开战”，或者“你也可以是鲍比·贝克（国策顾问）”。他们真的要我们相信在450亿的开支上再加10亿，或者三十多个计划上再加一个计划，我们就能……记住，新计划不会改变什么，它只是复制现有的计划。说心里话，应该说在这个新计划中有一部分是不重复的。那是有关年轻人的部分。

我们现在又要搞老套的“公共资源保护队”计划，新政时期让青年铺路，植树，建公园，让年轻人入团来解决辍学问题和青少年犯罪问题。但是我们稍微计算一下就会发现，单单花在年轻人的吃住上，每年每人就要用掉4,700美元。花2,700元我们就可以把他们送进哈佛！当然，不要误解，我并不是说要哈佛来解决青少年犯罪的问题。

但是说真的，我们对那些需要帮助的人都做了些什么？不久前，洛杉矶的一个法官打电话给我，他说，有名年轻妇女到他那里要离婚。她生了六个孩子，肚子里还怀着第七个。在他的再三追问下才知道，她丈夫是名劳工，月收入250美元。她要离婚是想再得到80美元收入。因为按照援助抚养子女计划，她有资格每月享受330美元的补贴。她这么做是受到她两个邻居的启发，他们也都是这样做的。

然而，每当我们质疑这些良心人士的计划时，我们就被批评说我们反对的是人道主义的目标。他们说，我们总是“反对”一切，从来不会“支持”。

我们的左派朋友的问题不是他们太无知，而是他们知道得太多，且并非如此。

现在，我们支持这样的一个条款，所谓年老失业不应该是贫穷的借口，因此我们认为可将社会保障作为解决问题的第一步。

但是，我们反对那些计划受惠者钻财政的漏洞作弊骗钱，我们反对一听到批评政府计划，就指责其用心是让政府停止补助那些靠补贴才能度日的人。

在大量的文献中，他们称之为“保险”。而在最高法院，他们的呈词说这是一种“福利”计划。他们以“保险”的名义推销给老百姓。他们说“社保”费用是政府为了公共用途才征的税，而且政府已经用过了这些税。

政府的社保帐户上并没有钱。在国会委员会上，精算师罗伯特·拜尔斯承认，当时社保有2,980亿美元的缺口。但他说不要担心，只要政府还有权力征税，无论他们要什么，总能从老百姓那儿征收上来，问题便可迎刃而解了。目前，他们就是这么做的。

一个二十一岁的年轻人，如果他的工资达到平均水平，那么他缴的社会保障金，在公开市场上足够买到一份保险计划，保证他在六十五岁时每月领到220元。但政府只承诺将来给他127元。于是，他会等到三十一岁时，选择办一份比“社保”补偿更好的保险计划。

这样看来，我们政府是不是很没有商业头脑呢，这个计划根本靠不住。一旦到了社保兑现期，大家向政府要钱时，就会发现“这个橱柜不是空掉了吗？”

巴里·戈德华特认为我们能做到。

与此同时，我们可不可以推出一些自愿的条款，允许自己能做得更好的公民不加入政府计划，只要他能证明自己为退休时候做好了准备。

不准有小孩的寡妇上班，否则不给她抚恤金，我们这样做，对吗？按理她已故的丈夫也交过税？在这个计划中，你和我难道都没有权力决定自己的受益人是谁？我们不能做什么？

我认为我们不该因为缺钱而剥夺老年人享受医疗保险。但是，我们反对那种不管民众需不需要，都强制他们加入政府的计划。尤其我们还有前车之鉴。就在上周，法国宣布医保计划破产。这条路已经走到了尽头。

再者，巴里·戈德华特不负责任了吗？他建议我国政府停止搞那种精心策划的人为的通货膨胀。这样将来你得到的养老金，1美元还值1美元，而不是只值45美分？

我认为我们要支持一个让世界各国能够寻求和平的国际组织。但我们要反对凌驾于美国利益之上的组织，即便是获得了联合国大会三分之二的支持票。因为这个组织的结构不健全，它代表的人口还不到世界总人口的十分之一。

我认为我们要反对那种虚伪。一边抨击我们盟国，因为他们这儿或那儿还坚持着一个殖民地，一边却暗地里搞阴谋诡计，对苏联的殖民地，苏联卫星国中受奴役的千百万人三缄其口。

我认为我们要支持那些与我们志同道合的盟国，与他们分享我们的物资。而不是在各国政府之间乱捐钞票，这些国家不是搞社会主义就是在搞官僚主义。我们的目标是要帮助19个国家，但如今我们帮助了107个。

我们花费了1,460亿美元。这些钱我们让海尔·塞拉西买了200万的游艇，让希腊的殡仪官穿了礼服，让肯尼亚政府官员有了情妇，我们买了1,000台电视机，结果却送到一个连电都没有的地方。

过去的六年里，共有52个国家购买了我国的黄金，价值70亿美元。而这些国家全部都接受过我国的援助。

没有政府会主动缩减自身的规模。因此，政府的计划一经推出永不消失。其实，政府官僚机制是我们在地球上看到的最不容易灭绝的东西。

联邦雇员拥有250万之众，而本国六分之一的劳动力受雇于联邦、州与地方政府。这些官僚机构猛增，成千上万条的管制侵蚀了我们的宪政保障。究竟有多少人意识到，如今连逮捕证都不带的联邦特工就能私闯民宅？他们可以不经过正式听证而执行罚款，更不用说陪审团的判决机制了？他们可以通过查封和拍卖别人的财产来强制执行罚款。

在阿肯色州奇科县，詹姆斯·威尔种植水稻的用地超标了。于是，政府获得了17,000元的判罚。法院执行官把他960英亩的农场拍卖掉了。政府还说这非常必要，可以警告其他的人，让这个机制起作用。

去年二月在明尼苏达大学，诺曼·托马斯这位获得社会党六次提名的总统候选人说：“如果巴里·戈德华特成为总统，他会停止美国走向极权的道路。”我想正是如此。

作为一个前民主党人，我告诉你们，不只是诺曼·托马斯把现政府比作社会主义。早在1936年，民主党人阿尔·史密斯，这个伟大的美国人，就曾在美国民众面前指控他的党领袖背离了杰斐逊、杰克逊和克利夫兰的路线，而跑到了反方的麾下。他退党了，直到死也没有回头。因为直到那一天，该党的领袖还在带领着这个光荣的党，沿着英格兰的劳工社会党的路线走下去。

现在都不用霸占或没收私有财产和企业，或对老百姓强制推行极权。什么意思呢？如果政府掌握了企业和财产的生杀大权，即使你拥有房契或者在自己公司做官，又有什么用呢？这种机制已经存在了。

政府随随便便就能找到一些罪名来控告你。凡是生意人都有过被骚扰的经历。有些地方莫名其妙的事也会发生。我们天赋的不可剥夺的权利，如今被认为是政府的一种特许，自由从未如此脆弱，几乎此刻就要从我们手中滑落。

我们民主党的对手似乎不愿意讨论这些问题。他们想要让你和我都相信这是两个男人在竞争，我们只需要根据两人的人品做出选择而已。

那么，他们要在哪一点上击垮他（巴里·戈德华特）呢？击垮他所代表的理念，那是你和我都珍惜的理念。他是所谓的轻浮和浅薄，喜欢满嘴放炮的人吗？我有幸能够认识他，在他还没有参选之前，我早就认识他了。就我个人而言，我可以告诉你，我可以打保票他是最不会去做那种不诚实或不光彩的事的人。

在进入政坛之前，他有自己的公司。他制定了一项让员工分享利润的计划，这点他比工会想到得还要早。他为公司里的所有员工购买了健康和医疗保险。他把税前利润的50%用来为所有员工设立一项退休计划。他每月都送一位患病，无法上班的员工去检查身体。他给在店面工作的母亲提供儿童保育费。墨西哥的兰德河发洪水的时候，他驾驶自己的飞机为灾民送去药品和物资。

一名前海外军人告诉我，他见过巴里·戈德华特。那是在战争时期，某个圣诞节的前一周，他在洛杉矶亚利桑那州机场要搭飞机回家过圣诞节。他说，当时军人很多，飞机上已经没有多余的座位。这时，喇叭里传来了一个声音说：“凡是想搭机去亚利桑那州的各位军人请去跑道。”于是，他们就下去了，有一个叫巴里·戈德华特的人在飞机里等他们。在圣诞节前几周，巴里·戈德华特每天都会过来，从早到晚地运送客人，送他们去亚利桑那州，送他们回家，然后飞回来，再运一次。

即使在这个分秒必争的选战时刻，他也会抽出时间去陪一位罹患癌症即将离世的老朋友。他的竞选经纪人很不理解，但是他（巴里·戈德华特）说：“没有多少左派会在乎她。我想让她知道我在乎她。”

他曾对自己十九岁的儿子说：“没有什么根基胜过诚实和公平这样的磐石，你要把你的人生建在这块磐石之上，用你对上帝的信仰来加固，这才是你人生的真正起点。”

他并不是那种不停地怂恿别人孩子去打仗的人。选战的这个议题使我之前讨论过的问题显得不切实际，除非我们意识到这场战争我们一定要取得胜利。

那些人为了要福利国家的“流动厨房”而出卖我们的自由。他们对我们说，他们有乌托邦式的和平解决方案，用不着获得战争的胜利。他们称他们的政策为“和解”。他们说，如果我们能避免与敌人正面交锋，敌人就会放弃自己的罪恶活动，并且会逐渐喜欢我们。凡是反对他们方案的人都被他们指控为战争贩子。

他们说，我们为复杂的问题提供了简单的答案。也许有一个简单的答案，但是不容易做到，除非你和我鼓足勇气告诉当选的官员，我们希望国家政策在道义上是正确的，能对得起我们的良心。

我们不能为了自己的安全和自由不受炸弹的威胁，而出卖良心地对铁幕下饱受奴役的10亿人说：“放弃你们的自由梦想吧，因为我们要明哲保身，我们要和你们的主子做交易。”亚历山大·汉密尔顿说：“如果一个国家宁受屈辱也不愿意铤而走险，那么它在邀请一个主子，活该被它奴役。”

现在，我们要以正视听。所谓要和平还是要战争都是空谈，想要那种打保票的和平，只有一个办法，而且立刻就能实现，那就是“投降”。

的确，除投降之外，我们任何的做法都有风险，但所有的历史教训都告诉我们，绥靖政策的风险更大。他们的和解政策就是绥靖政策，我们好心的自由派朋友们却回避了魔咒。和平与战争没得选，要么战斗，要么投降。

如果我们坚持和解，继续退让和撤退，最终我们不得不面对最后的命令，最后通牒。接着，赫鲁晓夫会告诉他的人，他知道我们会怎样反应？他会说我们因为迫于冷战的压力而撤兵了。某天到了下最后通牒的时候，我们会主动地投降，因为到那时我们在精神上、道义上、经济上都被削弱了。他如此确信，因为从我们这里他听到了恳求的声音“为了求和，不惜任何代价”或“宁可被共产，也不要死于核战”，或正如一位评论家所说的那样，他宁愿“跪着生，也不要死在他的脚下。”通往战争的道路就在那一点上，因为这些话不代表我们的声音。

你和我都知道，我们不相信“生命如此宝贵，和平如此甜美，以至于不惜以枷锁和奴役为代价去换取它们”。（出自帕特里克·亨利）难道生命中没有什么值得牺牲的，什么时候才开始这样，是因为面前有这样的敌人吗？

摩西应该告诉为奴的以色列人听命于法老吗？基督曾拒绝背负十字架吗？爱国的勇士们应该在康科德桥就把枪扔掉，不该打响惊动世界的那一枪吗？历史上的烈士不是笨蛋，我们这些光荣的逝者用他们的生命阻止了纳粹的扩张，他们没有白死。通往和平的道路在哪里？答案非常简单。

你和我鼓起勇气告诉我们的敌人：“我们不买这个账。”“有一点更为重要，就是他们必须停止扩张。”这就意味着，巴里·戈德华特的那句话：“和平要靠实力。”温斯顿·丘吉尔说过：“人的命运不是以物质积累来衡量的，当世界上伟大的军队在前进的时候，我们意识到我们是灵魂的人，而非动物。”他说：“有件事正在时空或超时空中发生着，不管我们喜欢还是不喜欢，那叫做责任。”

命运让你和我走到一起。

为了我们的孩子，我们一定要保守住人类最后的憧憬，否则我们将会让他们跌入千年的黑暗。

我们要铭记，巴里·戈德华特有颗忠于我们的心。他相信，你和我都有能力，有尊严，有权利自己做决定，决定自己的命运。

非常感谢。

第三节  精彩语录

As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace? There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us.

说到我们要和平，我想知道，我们中间有没有人去了解那些妻子和母亲们，他们的丈夫和孩子在南越牺牲了。你问问他们，这是否是该无条件维护的和平。他们意味着和平吗？还是意味着我们只想要在“和平”中度日而已？如果还有一位美国人在世界某处为我们大家牺牲，就不可能有真正的和平。

And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except the sovereign people, is still the newest and the most unique idea in all the long history of man’s relation to man.

政府理应为人民服务，因为权力是至高的人民所授予的，除此之外，没有其他的来源。在人与人关系的历史长河中，这种理念仍然是最新、最独特的。

This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son,“There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start.”

他曾对自己十九岁的儿子说“没有什么根基胜过诚实和公平这样的磐石，你要把你的人生建在这块磐石之上，用你对上帝的信仰来加固，这才是你人生的真正起点。”

We’ll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we’ll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.

为了我们的孩子，我们一定要保守住人类最后的憧憬，否则我们将会让他们跌入千年的黑暗。

We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.

我们要铭记，巴里·戈德华特有颗忠于我们的心。他相信，你和我都有能力，有尊严，有权利自己做决定，决定自己的命运。

第七章  离去如此甜蜜而感伤

第一节  背景介绍

里根受任于美国的危难之秋，却带给了美国一个灿烂的春天。20世纪70年代初，美国爆发了1933年大萧条以来最大的经济危机，因数次中东战争导致的石油危机触发了严重的经济衰退，其明显病症是经济停滞不前，但通货膨胀使物价高企，失业率居高不下，社会矛盾激增。而从20世纪60年代初延至70年代久战不胜的越战，以及与前苏联持续胶着的冷战，也不断消蚀着人们对美国价值的认同感，重振经济雄风和重建美国精神成为亟待解决的问题。1981年1月，年已七十的罗纳德·威尔逊·里根就任美国第四十任总统。在美国政坛，里根创造了多个之最，他是唯一一位演员出身的总统，也是当选年龄最大且最长寿的总统，他还是第一位主张极权将会垮台的国家元首。他没有学过经济专业，却在最危难的时候带领美国走出滞胀泥潭，“里根经济学”成为世界经济史上一个响当当的学说。

20世纪三四十年代大萧条以来，凯恩斯经济学曾风行资本主义世界，其主张国家采用扩张性的经济政策，通过增加需求促进经济增长。到20世纪70年代，凯恩斯主张的增加政府开支实行赤字预算，增发公债、货币，降低利率等措施让滞胀程度有增无减，加剧了经济危机。当凯恩斯主义的神话难继时，里根决定反其道行之，凯恩斯主义向来强调供需中的“需求”，而里根经济学以“供应学派”为基础，强调“供应创造自身的需求”，目的就是减少税收，刺激经济，创造就业。为此，里根政府采取了一系列措施。

削减财政开支（不包括军费），尤其是“随意性”的社会福利开支。自罗斯福新政至二战后，美国建立了优越的社会保障制度，联邦政府机构也因此膨胀，据统计在1965年至1980年期间，联邦赤字增加了53倍，各种在联邦名义计划之下的救济款项增加了4倍，达到一年近3,000亿美元，联邦预算增加了约5倍，许多资金在行政管理中浪费掉。随着滞胀的到来，需要救济的人越来越多，问题也越来越严重。里根就职时说：“政府并不是解决问题的方法，政府本身才是问题所在。”上台后，他大刀阔斧地进行了社会福利的改革。主要措施是：改变联邦政府过重的社会福利负担；大幅度削减社会福利保障支出，尤其是随意性开支；由州和地方政府更多地负担社会福利保障的责任。1983年4月，里根签署了国会通过的一揽子社会福利改革计划，削减了一些社会保障项目，尤其是随意性的社会福利开支。在1982~1985财政年度，未成年儿童家庭补助和食品券开支比1981年减少13%，医疗补助减少了5%，儿童营养补助减少了4.4%。由于紧缩了财政开支，联邦预算赤字从1983年的1950亿美元下降到1984年的1,750亿美元。

1981年美国国会通过了里根政府提出的税法，要求从1981年10月起的三年内，分三次降低个人所得税，共减少个人所得税23%，边际税率从14%~70%降为11%~50%。1981~1984年间联邦政府税收减少了3.152亿美元。1986年10月23日，里根又签署了美国众、参两院分别批准的修正税法，即1986年税制改革法案。这是战后最大规模的一次减税行动，根据这一法案，降低了个人所得税的最高税率，不同阶层的税率都有所下降，全国人均免税额减少了6.4%，七年内每个家庭每年可支配收入约增加600~900美元。

放松政府对企业规章制度的限制，减少国家对企业的干预。20世纪六七十年代，美政府对企业的管制活动达到了一个高峰。从一系列数据中可见：“联邦登记册”中联邦管制条例从1936年的2,599页增加到1977年的65,603页，条例数量在20世纪70年代增加了300％。在管制机构的从业人数从1970年的2.8万人增加到1979年的8.1万人。人们估计在1980年，单是执行当时美国已有的规章制度，每年就需要耗费12亿小时的工作量。如果每小时工作量的工资成本折合20美元，那么总开支超过360亿美元！同时，过多的政府干预妨碍了市场的自由发展，压制了企业的自主权和灵活性，扼杀了企业的创新力。里根上台不久就为管制改革制定了10项指导方针，这一系列措施对恢复市场经济活力起了很大的作用。

严格控制货币供应量的增长，实行稳定的货币政策。1979年美国通用率高达13.3%，而20世纪60年代初期的通用率还不到2%，通货膨胀达到惊人地步。里根就任总统后在电视演说中亦承认，1960年的1美元到1981年只值36美分，他上台后实行了严格紧缩货币政策，严控货币发行量，实行高利率。严控的效果十分明显，1980年通货膨胀率为18%，到1987年降到3%。物价由1980年的12.4%下降到1982年的3.9%。而高利率政策使1985~1986年每年有近1,000亿美元资金流入美国，刺激了美国经济的回升。

里根的一系列经济政策在1982年底开始初显成效，到1983年二、三季度效果变得显著，1983年8月，美国工业生产指数连续上升了九个月，已十分接近危机前的高点。当年GDP增长4.5%，其中几个季度经济增长水平高达8%。1983年全年共增加350万个就业岗位，这一趋势延续到1984年美国总统大选年。当1984年里根谋求竞选连任时问选民：“你们是不是比四年以前生活得更好？”美国人民回馈他的是四十八个州的压倒性胜利和高达60%的支持率。在他第二任期里美国经济进一步复苏，经济发展的强势令人瞩目，财政赤字减少了将近一半。

《福布斯》杂志曾评选出美国最会搞经济的总统是比尔·克林顿，因为克林顿时期联邦政府财政终于由赤字转为盈余，在其卸任时联邦政府预算盈余高达近2,110亿美元。但军功章上少不了里根的功劳，因为克林顿1993年接手的是冷战结束后通货膨胀率低，由技术推动发展的经济。里根政府使深陷滞胀泥潭的美国经济得以复苏，经济的调整，赤字的缩减，科技的大力发展以及唯一超级大国地位的确立和对世界市场的开拓，都为克林顿时期的经济辉煌打下了坚实、良好的基础。20世纪90年代的辉煌离不开20世纪80年代的耕耘。

2005年一档收集了美国历史上有较大影响力人物的电视节目热播，并最终由数百万名观众提名票选出他们心中“最伟大的美国人”，前十名的榜单上有林肯、马丁·路德·金、乔治·华盛顿、克林顿、富兰克林·罗斯福等影响美国深远的政界名人，而名列“最伟大的美国人”榜首的却是罗纳德·里根！盖洛普公司2011年民调时向受访者提问：“你认为谁是美国最伟大的总统？”里根亦获得了最高票数。大器晚成的里根七十八岁离任时仍有着高达63%的支持率，里根曾这样自我评价：“我们取得了两项胜利，两件让我感到自豪的事情，一是经济实现了复苏，美国人民创造了1,900万个新的工作机会。另一个是美国人的道德精神得到了恢复。”他获得的赞誉不仅来自国内，亦是世界性的。20世纪80年代，在撒切尔夫人和里根的领导下，一个老牌帝国，一个新晋超级大国，都成功地进行了经济变革。不管是撒切尔夫人医治“英国病”的“回春术”，还是里根经济学，都开拓了新的资本主义经济发展模式，这在资本主义国家乃至世界都有着广泛而积极的影响。

里根挽救了20世纪80年代美国经济的颓势，而他对世界的影响也是巨大的。他对世界最大的贡献是协助并加速了冷战的结束。在里根执政期间，美苏的军备竞赛达到了高峰，里根政府更不惜心血打造“星球大战计划”，但在他执政后期，与前苏联政府开始了“非常重要同时也是异常艰难的对话”，最终与戈尔巴乔夫达成共识，终止了军备竞赛，着手消除核武器，继而结束冷战。波兰团结工会的领导人列赫·瓦文萨说：“我们所得到的自由是他给予的。”西德的总理赫尔穆特·科尔则说：“他的出现是这个世界的幸运。在里根呼吁戈尔巴乔夫推倒柏林墙后的两年，柏林墙就真的倒了，而十一个月后德国便统一了。”后来成为捷克斯洛伐克总统的瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔说道：“他是个抱持着坚定原则的人，毫无疑问是他促使了极权的垮台。”甚至曾身处敌对阵营的戈尔巴乔夫也评价道：“他是个热爱生命的鹰派，他是个尊重常规价值的人。”

2004年6月里根逝世后，他的忠实盟友兼好友英国前首相撒切尔夫人在悼词中总结了里根的功绩：“其他人预言西方将走向衰落；他则激励美国及其盟国，继承实现自由使命的信念。……其他人惴惴不安地期待与苏联共存的最好结果；他却赢得了这场冷战——不仅一弹未发，而且邀请他的对手走出堡垒，化敌为友。”

里根最有效地演绎了美国的自由与民主精神，里根的经济学重新定位了国家与市场的关系，重组了美国的经济结构，而他最大的遗产是重拾了美国精神，恢复了大国的荣耀和信心，获得“完全的自由、尊严和机会”，他成为了美国人的榜样，也赢得了世界的喝彩。

第二节  里根于1989年在白宫发表告别演说

My fellow Americans:

This is the 34th time I’ll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last. We’ve been together 8 years now, and soon it will be time for me to go. But before I do, I wanted to share some thoughts, some of which I have been saving for a long time.

It’s been the honor of my life to be your President. So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks, but I could say as much to you. Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.

One of the things about the Presidency is that you’re always somewhat apart. You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving, and seeing the people through tinted glass—the parents holding up a child, and the wave you saw too late and could not return. And so many times, I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass, and connect. Well, maybe I can do a little of that tonight.

People ask how I feel about leaving. And the fact is,“parting is such sweet sorrow.”The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom. The sorrow—the goodbyes, of course, and leaving this beautiful place.

You know, down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live. There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning. The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument, and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial. But on mornings when the humidity is low, you can see past the Jefferson to the river, the Potomac, and the Virginia shore. Someone said that’s the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run. Well I see more prosaic things: the grass on the banks, the morning traffic as people make their way to work, now and then a sailboat on the river.

I’ve been thinking a bit at that window. I’ve been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean. And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one—a small story about a big ship, and a refugee, and a sailor.

It was back in the early eighties, at the height of the boat people. And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway, which was patrolling the South China Sea. The sailor, like most American servicemen, was young, smart, and fiercely observant. The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat. And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America. The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety. As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas, one spied the sailor on deck, and stood up, and called out to him. He yelled,“Hello, American sailor. Hello, freedom man.”

A small moment with a big meaning, a moment the sailor, who wrote it in a letter, couldn’t get out of his mind. And, when I saw it, neither could I.

Because that’s what it has to, it was to be an American in the 1980’s. We stood, again, for freedom. I know we always have, but in the past few years the world again—and in a way, we ourselves—rediscovered it.

It’s been quite a journey this decade, and we held together through some stormy seas. And at the end, together, we’re reaching our destination.

The fact is, from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits, from the recession of '81 to '82, to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day, we’ve made a difference.

The way I see it, there were two great triumphs, two things that I’m proudest of. One is the economic recovery, in which the people of America created—and filled—19 million new jobs. The other is the recovery of our morale. America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.

Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this. It was back in 1981, and I was attending my first big economic summit, which was held that year in Canada. The meeting place rotates among the member countries. The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations. Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened, and it was all Francois this and Helmut that. They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis. Well, at one point I sort of leaned in and said,“My name’s Ron.”

Well, in that same year, we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback—cut taxes and regulation, started to cut spending. And soon the recovery began.

Two years later, another economic summit with pretty much the same cast. At the big opening meeting we all got together, and all of a sudden, just for a moment, I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me. And then one of them broke the silence.“Tell us about the American miracle,”he said.

Well, back in 1980, when I was running for President, it was all so different. Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe. Our views on foreign affairs would cause war. Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse. I even remember one highly respected economist saying, back in 1982, that“The engines of economic growth have shut down here, and they’re likely to stay that way for years to come.”

Well, he and the other opinion leaders were wrong. The fact is what they call“radical”was really“right”. What they called “dangerous”was just“desperately needed”.

And in all of that time I won a nickname,“The Great Communicator.”But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference: it was the content. I wasn’t a great communicator, but I communicated great things, and they didn’t spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the heart of a great nation—from our experience, our wisdom, and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.

They called it the“Reagan Revolution.”Well, I’ll accept that, but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery, a rediscovery of our values and our common sense.

Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something, the people would produce less of it. So, we cut the people’s tax rates, and the people produced more than ever before. The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger. Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history: real family income up, the poverty rate down, entrepreneurship booming, and an explosion in research and new technology. We’re exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive. And at the same time, we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home.

Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace, we’d have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion. So, we rebuilt our defenses, and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe. Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons—and hope for even more progress is bright—but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease. The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone. The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan. The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia, and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50,000 Cuban troops home from Angola.

The lesson of all this was, of course, that because we’re a great nation, our challenges seem complex. It will always be this way. But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves, the future will always be ours. And something else we learned: Once you begin a great movement, there’s no telling where it’ll end. We meant to change a nation, and instead, we changed a world.

Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from the ideologies of the past. For them, the great rediscovery of the 1980’s has been that, lo and behold, the moral way of government is the practical way of government: Democracy, the profoundly good, is also the profoundly productive.

When you’ve got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday, you can sit back sometimes, review your life, and see it flowing before you. For me there was a fork in the river, and it was right in the middle of my life.

I never meant to go into politics. It wasn’t my intention when I was young. But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you. I was happy with my career in the entertainment world, but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.

Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government, and with three little words: “We the People.”“We the People”tell the government what to do; it doesn’t tell us.“We the People”are the driver; the government is the car, and we decide where it should go, and by what route, and how fast. Almost all the world’s constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are. Our Constitution is a document in which“We the People”tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People”are free. This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I’ve tried to do these past 8 years.

But back in the 1960’s, when I began, it seemed to me that we’d begun reversing the order of things—that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes, the government was taking more of our money, more of our options, and more of our freedom. I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say,“Stop.”I was a citizen politician, and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.

I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping. And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited. There is a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics:“As government expands, liberty contracts.”

Nothing is less free than pure communism—and yet we have, the past few years, forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union. I’ve been asked if this isn’t a gamble, and my answer is no because we’re basing our actions not on words but deeds.

The detente of this 1970’s was based not on actions but promises. They’d promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better. But the gulag was still the gulag, and the state was still expansionist, and they still waged proxy wars in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Well, this time, so far, it’s different. President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan. He has also freed prisoners whose names I’ve given him every time we’ve met.

But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents. Once, during the heady days of the Moscow summit, Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Rabat Street—that’s a little street just off Moscow’s main shopping area. Even though our visit was a surprise, every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands. We were just about swept away by the warmth. You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy. But within seconds, a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd. It was an interesting moment. It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace, the government is Communist. And those who run it are Communists, and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.

We must keep up our guard, but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.

My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders. I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them. We wish him well. And we’ll continue to work to make sure that the Soviet Union that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one. What it all boils down to is this: I want the new closeness to continue. And it will, as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner. If and when they don’t, at first pull your punches. If they persist, pull the plug.

It is still trust but verify.

It is still play, but cut the cards.

It’s still watch closely. And don’t be afraid to see what you see.

I’ve been asked if I have any regrets. Well, I do. The deficit is one. I’ve been talking a great deal about that lately, but tonight isn’t for arguments, and I’m going to hold my tongue.

But an observation: I’ve had my share of victories in the Congress, but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn’t win for me. They never saw my troops; they never saw Reagan’s regiments, the American people. You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.

Well, action is still needed. If we’re to finish the job, Reagan’s regiments will have to become the Bush brigades. Soon he’ll be the Chief, and he’ll need you every bit as much as I did.

Finally, there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells, and I’ve got one that’s been on my mind for some time.

But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I’m proudest of in the past 8 years: the resurgence of national pride that I called,“The New Patriotism.”This national feeling is good, but it won’t count for much, and it won’t last unless it’s grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.

An informed patriotism is what we want. And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world?

Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a different America. We were taught, very directly, what it means to be an American. And we absorbed, almost in the air, a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions. If you didn’t get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood, from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio. Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school. And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture. The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was special. TV was like that, too, through the mid-sixties.

But now, we’re about to enter the nineties, and some things have changed. Younger parents aren’t sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children. And as for those who create the popular culture, well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.

Our spirit is back, but we haven’t reinstitutionalized it. We’ve got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom—freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of enterprise. And freedom is special and rare. It’s fragile; it needs production.

So, we’ve got to teach history based not on what’s in fashion but what’s important—why the Pilgrims came here, who Jimmy Doolittle was, and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant. You know, 4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day, I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father, who had fought on Omaha Beach. Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn, and she said,“we will always remember, we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.”Well, let us help her keep her word. If we forget what we did, we won’t know who we are. I’m warning of an eradication of that—of the American memory that could result, ultimately, in an erosion of the American spirit. Let us start with some basics: more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.

And let me offer lesson number one about America: All great change in America begins at the dinner table. So, tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins. And children, if your parents haven’t been teaching you what it means to be an American, let’s know and nail on it. That would be a very American thing to do.

And that’s about all I have to say tonight, except for one thing.

The past few days when I’ve been at that window upstairs, I’ve thought a bit of the shining city upon a hill. The phrase comes from John Winthrop, who wrote it to describe the America he imagined. What he imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim, an early freedom man. He journeyed here on what today we’d call a little wooden boat; and like the other Pilgrims, he was looking for a home that would be free.

I’ve spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don’t know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it was a tall, proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, windswept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace; a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity. And if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That’s how I saw it, and see it still.

And how stands the city on this winter night? More prosperous, more secure, and happier than it was 8 years ago. But more than that: After 200 years, two centuries, she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge, and her glow has held steady no matter what storm. And she’s still a beacon, still a magnet for all who must have freedom, for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness, toward home.

We’ve done our part. And as I walk off into the city streets, a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution, the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.

My friends: We did it. We weren’t just marking time. We made a difference. We made the city stronger; we made the city freer; and we left her in good hands.

All in all, not bad—not bad at all.

And so, goodbye, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

同胞们：

这是我第三十四次，也是最后一次在椭圆形办公室向你们讲话。我们在一起共事至今已有八年，而此时我卸任的时刻即将到来。但是，在此之前，我愿与你们共享我的心得，其中一些我已深思许久了。

成为你们的总统是我终身的光荣。过去几周，许多人来信表示谢意，但是，我更要向你们说声谢谢。南希和我感谢你们给了我们为美国效力的机会。

作为一名总统，一个特殊之处就在于我总是多少有点与世隔绝之感。我花费许多宝贵的时间乘坐在一辆由别人驾驶的轿车里，透过染色玻璃注视着人们——抱着孩子的父母，以及窗外一晃而过的人流。多少次我想让司机停车，从车窗后面伸出手来与人们打招呼并作一番交流，或许今晚我能够实现这一心愿。

有人问我离去的感受，离去当然是“如此甜蜜而又令人伤感”。甜蜜是因为就要回到加利福尼亚，在牧场上漫步，享受自由的时光。那么何谓伤感呢？当然是离别，是离开这美丽的地方。

如你们所知，走下大厅，再从这间办公室走上楼梯，就是白宫中供总统及其家人居住的地方。楼上有几扇精美的窗子。我喜欢在黎明时分伫立着眺望窗外的景色。从这里眺望过去，是华盛顿纪念碑，然后是林荫大道，杰斐逊纪念堂。在晴朗的早晨，越过杰斐逊纪念堂，你能够看到一条河流——波托马克河和弗吉尼亚海滨。人们传说，这就是当年林肯在注视从布尔伦河战场上腾起的烟雾时所见到的景色。我见到的景色更为平淡：河岸上的草地，早晨上班途中的车辆和行人，以及河面上偶尔飘过的一叶帆船。

我时常在那扇窗户旁苦苦思考。我时常反思过去的八年和现在究竟意味着什么。进入脑海的是一幅被一再描绘的画面——一个关于一艘船、一个难民和一位水兵的故事。

回顾20世纪80年代初，当时，从印度支那乘船出逃的难民正达到高潮，而在南中国海巡航的中途岛号航母上，这名水兵正在勤劳地干着活。这名水兵像大多数美国军人一样，年轻、聪明、敏锐。水兵们发现，在遥远的地平线上有一艘小船正在波涛中沉浮——船上挤满了渴望去美国的印支难民。于是，中途岛号派出一艘小型汽艇去接应他们。难民们在波涛汹涌的大海中挣扎，其中的一位难民发现了甲板上的那位水兵，便站起身来，向他呼喊道：“你好，美国水兵，你好，自由人。”

一个毫不起眼但又意义重大的时刻，一个令人难以忘怀的时刻——这名水兵在一封信中这样写道。假如我也曾目睹这一时刻，那么我也将无法忘怀。

因为这就是20世纪80年代，作为一名美国人所具有的含义。我们再一次象征着自由。我深信我们一直代表着自由，但是在过去数年间，世界再次——在某种程度上我们自己——也重新发现了这一点。

十年来，这确实是一次艰难的旅程，我们同舟共济，穿越了狂风暴雨的大海。最终，我们一起到达了理想的彼岸。

事实上，从梅林纳达到华盛顿和莫斯科峰会，从1981至1982年的经济衰退，到始于1982年年末，并一直持续至今的经济增长，我们已经创造了奇迹。

依我看来，我们取得了两项我为此而感到无比自豪的巨大成就。一项是经济的复苏，美国人民创造并且胜任了1,900万个新的工作岗位。另一项是道德的恢复，美国再次受到世界的尊重，并被寄予厚望来承担起领导世界的重任。

几年前，我亲身经历的某些事情多少反映了这种变化。回想1981年，我首次出席在加拿大召开的一次大型经济问题峰会。会议地点在各成员国中轮流。公开会议是为西方七国政府首脑举行的一次宴会。我就像学校里的一名新生，坐在一旁倾听，满耳不是弗兰科斯就是赫尔穆特。大家彼此之间不称职衔，而是直呼其名以示亲密。当时，我几乎是俯下身来说道：“我叫罗纳德”。

同年，我开始采取我们认为可能导致经济复苏的一些措施：减少税收、放松控制、削减支出。不久，经济开始复苏。

两年后，又一届经济问题峰会召开，与会者与上届极为相似。在大型公开会议上，我们汇聚在一起。忽然，我出乎意料地发现他们都注视着我。接着，其中的一位打破沉默说道：“给我们谈谈美国发生的奇迹。”

回想1980年，当我竞选总统时，情况却与此大相径庭。一些权威人士说，我们的计划将导致灾难。我们的外交观点将引发战争，我们的经济计划将引起恶性通胀，导致经济崩溃。我对一位备受尊敬的经济学家在1982年所说的话还记忆犹新，他说：“在美国，在全世界，带动经济增长的火车头已经停顿下来，并且在未来的数年里可能毫无起色。”

然而，他以及其他舆论界的领袖们都错了。事实上，他们称之为“激进的”无疑是“正确的”，他们称之为“危险的”恰恰是“急需的”。

总之，那时我赢得了一个绰号“伟大的传播者”。但是，我从不认为这是我的风格，或者我使用的语言改造了世界，这是问题的关键，我不是一位伟大的传播者，但是我传播了伟大的思想，它们并非凭空出自我的头脑，它们来自一个伟大的国家的内心——来自我们的经历、我们的智慧以及我们对两个世纪里引导我们的那些原则的信念。

他们将它称之为里根革命，我接受这种说法。但是就我而言，这似乎更像是伟大的再发现：我们的价值观念与一致公认的常识的一次再发现。

常识告诉我们，当你必须为某件商品交纳大笔税款时，人们就会减少生产这种商品。因此，我们削减了国民的税率，而国民却生产得比以往更多。我国的经济就像一棵被修剪过的大树，现在生长得更加迅速，更加根深叶茂了。我们的经济计划促成了我国历史上，在和平年代最长的一次经济增长：家庭纯收入提高了、贫困率下降了、工商界兴旺发达、科研和新技术迅猛发展。我们比以往任何时候都出口更多，因为美国的企业变得更具竞争力。同时，我们确立了这样一种国家意志：我们与其在国内构筑保护主义壁垒，不如去拆除国外的保护主义壁垒。

常识还告诉我们，为了维护和平，我们必须在经历数年的软弱和混乱之后再次变得强大。因此，我们重建了我们的防务——值此新年来临之际，我们为全球的和平而举杯。事实上，超级大国不仅已开始削减核武器储备，甚至取得更大的进展的前景同样是明朗的，而且令世界备感不安的地区冲突也即将结束。波斯湾不再是交战地区，苏联正在从阿富汗撤离，越南即将撤出柬埔寨，而经美国斡旋签署的一项协议，不久将使五万名古巴军人离开安哥拉回国。

当然，从所有这些事件中得出的教训是，由于我们是一个伟大的国家，因此我们面临的挑战是错综复杂的，并且将永远如此。但是，只要我们牢记我们的基本原则，并且相信自己，那么未来永远是我们的。我们还懂得了，一旦你开始采取某项行动，那么就难以预料将何时结束。我们只是要改变一个国家，却改变了整个世界。

世界各国正在向自由市场转型，开始允许言论自由，抛弃过去的意识形态。对它们而言，20世纪80年代的大发现，我们是道德的政府也是富有成效的政府，民主不仅是极其美好的，也是极具经济价值的。

在你们庆祝三十九岁生日的时候，你们能够休息片刻，回顾一下你们的人生，注视着时光在你们的面前流逝。对于我来说，则犹如河中的树枝，正漂流至我生命旅程的中途。

我从未想过步入政坛，这也不是我年轻时的志向。但是我从小就接受这样的教诲，相信你自己必须为你所得到的恩赐付出代价。我对从事演艺业感到满意，但是我最终进入政界，是因为我要保护一些弥足珍贵的东西。

我们所经历的变革，是人类历史上“我们的人民”真正改变了政府的演变进程的第一次革命。“我们的人民”告诉政府，而不是政府告诉“我们的人民”该做什么。“我们的人民”是驾驶员，而政府则是一辆汽车。“我们的人民”决定它行驶的方向、道路与速度。世界上几乎所有国家的宪法都是告诉人民享有哪些特权。而在我们的宪法告诉政府应该怎样做，“我们的人民”是自由的。这种信念是我在过去八年里作出不懈努力的基础。

但是，回想20世纪60年代，当我开始投身政治时，我们似乎把一切都颠倒了——政府通过越来越多的法规和赋税条例，正在更多地剥夺我们的钱财、我们的选择权以及我们的自由。我之所以步入政坛，在某种程度上，就是要举起我的手，大喝一声：“住手！”我是一名平民政治家，这是一个平民应尽的责任。

我认为我们阻止了大量本该阻止的事情的发生或延续。我们再次提醒了人们，除非政府的权力受到限制，否则人类是不会自由的。两者之间的因果关系如同物理定律一样简单明了。可以预料，政府膨胀一分，则自由收缩一分。

没有比纯粹的极权主义更不自由的，然而，在过去几年，我们已同苏联建立了新型的令人满意的密切联系。我曾经扪心自间，这难道不是一种赌博吗？我的回答是否定的。因为我们的决断是建立在行动上，而不是建立在言辞上的。

20世纪70年代缓和的基础，不是行动而是许诺。他们许诺善待他们本国和世界各国的人民，但是古拉格还是古拉格，苏联依然是扩张主义国家，他们依然在非洲、亚洲和拉丁美训进行傀儡战争。

现在的情况已有所不同，戈尔巴乔夫在国内已着手进行某些民主改革，并已开始撤离阿富汗。他还释放了我们每次会晤时，我向他提供了姓名的那些犯人。

但是，生活能够通过一些细节使你们回想起某些重要的事情。在莫斯科峰会期间那些令人兴奋的日子里，一天上午，南希和我决定摆脱随行人员，独自去莫斯科主要购物区近旁的一条街——阿尔巴特大街上的商店去逛逛。尽管我们的到访出乎人们的意料，但是那里的每一个俄罗斯人都立刻认出了我们，呼喊我们的名字，与我们握手。我们几乎被这种热情所吞没，假如你们身临其境，那么你们可能也会有这种感觉。但是片刻之后，一队克格勃奋力朝我们挤来，并且开始推搡人群。这是一个多么有趣的时刻，它提醒我当苏联大街上的人们渴望和平的时候，而该国的政府却是极权主义的。这意味着在诸如自由和人权等问题上，我们与他们的观点是截然不同的。

我们必须保持警惕，但是我们同样必须继续保持合作，减少并且消除紧张和不信任。

我认为戈尔巴乔夫总统与以前的苏联领导人不同。我认为他了解苏联社会中存在的那些弊病，并且正在试图加以解决。我们预祝他成功。他们将继续努力，以确保在经历这一进程以后而获得新生的苏联，将不再是一个咄咄逼人的国家。归结起来就是我希望继续保持这种新型的密切关系。如同我们表明的那样，我们将始终视他们是否以一种有益的方式行事，来决定我们将采取何种行动。如果一旦他们并非如此，那么首先好言相劝，如果他们执迷不悟，那么不妨动真格的。

我们之间仍然是互相信任的，但需要得到证实。

游戏还得玩下去，但必须重新开始。

我们还要密切关注事态的发展，并且不惧怕面对所目睹的一切。

曾经有人问我，是否有遗憾之处。有的。如赤字就是其中之一。近来，我对此问题谈了许多，但是今晚不宜再作讨论，我愿保持缄默。

有人认为我分享了国会的胜利成果，然而几乎无人意识到，我的胜利无不是由你们创造的。他们从不正视我的部队，从不正视里根团，即美国人民。你们发出召唤，发布文告以动员人民，赢得了每一次战斗。

行动仍然是必不可少的。如果我们想要完成这项工作，那么里根团就应当成为布什旅。不久他将成为一个领袖，他像我一样需要你们。

最后我要说的是，总统告别演说具有向人们提出忠告这样一个伟大的传统，而我确有一个忠告，它在我的脑海里已酝酿许久。

但是，说来奇怪，它是以我在过去八年里引以为豪的事物之一，即被我称作为“新爱国主义”的民族自豪感的再次振兴作为开场白的。这种民族自豪感无可非议，但其价值并非很高，并且不会持久，除非这种情感是建立在思考和知识的基础上的。

我们需要的是明智的爱国主义。那么，我们是否出色地教育了我们的孩子，使其懂得美国意味着什么？在漫长的世界史上，它又代表着什么？

我们年过三十五岁的那些人，生长在一个与今不同的美国。我们被直截了当地告之，做一个美国人意味着什么？我们几乎能够在吸入的空气中感受到对国家的热爱以及对制度的赏识。假如你无法从你的家人那里感受到这种爱和这种赏识，那么你仍然能够从邻居那里，从在韩国进行街头斗争的前辈那里，或者从在安齐奥失去亲人的那些家庭那里感受到。假如你还感受不到，那么你依然能够从大众文化那里感受到爱国主义意识。电影赞颂了民主的价值，并且潜移默化地增强了美国是无与伦比的这种观念。在整个20世纪60年代中期，电视同样如此。

但是，现在我们即将进入20世纪90年代，有些情况已发生了变化。年轻的父母们无法确信，对美国不加掩饰的赏识，是否仍然是教育现代孩子们的灵丹妙药。至于对那些创造大众文化的人们来说，具有真凭实据的爱国主义已不再是一种时尚。

我们的精神已经过时，但是我们尚未重建一种精神。我们必须加倍努力，以使人们相信美国象征着自由——言论自由、宗教自由、经营自由。而自由是独特而又富有价值的。它是脆弱的，需要得到保护。

我们应当不是基于考虑是否符合时尚，而是考虑是否重要来教授早期移民为何来到这里的历史，吉米·杜立德是谁，那30秒对东京意味着什么？你们是否知道，四年前在诺曼底登陆四十周年纪念日，我读到一封一位女青年写给曾参加过奥马哈海滩之战的已故父亲的信。她叫莉萨·詹纳特·亨，她写道：“我们永远铭记，我们终身不忘参加诺曼底之战的小伙子们的伟业。”让我们助她以一臂之力，以恪守这一诺言吧!假如我们忘掉了历史，那么也就意味着忘掉了自己。在此，我对美国人的健忘发出警告，这种健忘将导致美国精神的堕落。让我们从一些基本的事情做起：更加关注美国的历史，更加重视公民的礼仪。

请让我提出与美国有关的最重要的一条教训：美国所有重大的变革都是从餐桌上开始的。因此，我希望明晚在厨房里开始谈话。孩子们，如果你们的父母从未告诉过你们，当一个美国人意味着什么——那么让他们知道并且记住，这是任何一位真正的美国人都不容推辞的责任。

这就是今晚我要说的全部内容。另外，还要补充一点。

最近几天，当我伫立在楼上的窗边时，对这座“屹立在山岗上的”辉煌的城市想了许多。这一说法源自约翰·温思罗普，他以此来描述他想象中的美国。他的想象十分重要，因为他是一位早期移民——一位早期的“自由人”。他乘坐我们现在称之为小木船的那种船来到这里，并且像其他早期移民一样，他渴望拥有一个自由的家园。

在我的整个政治生涯中，我曾经一再地谈起这座辉煌的城市，但是，我不知道是否清楚地表达了我的思想。在我的心目中，这是一座高大得令人骄傲的城市，它建立在坚实的基石上，而绝非是一座空中楼阁。上帝保佑着她，街上人来人往，各种肤色的人们生活在和睦与和平之中。一座拥有自由港、商业繁荣并且具有创造性的城市。如果这座城市建有城墙，那么一定是有城门的，并且是向所有梦寐以求要来到这里的人们敞开的。这曾经是并且依然是我的看法。

在这寒冷的冬夜，这座城市又会如何呢？它比八年前更加繁荣、更加安全、更加幸福了。但不仅于此：两百年后，甚至两个世纪以后，它将更加强大，稳稳地屹立在花岗岩的山脊上，面对风暴依然熠熠发光。她将成为一座灯塔，或一块磁石，为所有一心向往自由的人们，为所有来自迷失之地，逃离黑暗回家的朝圣者们引路指航。

我们履行了自己的职责。当我走出这里来到这座城市的大街上时，我要向参与这场里根革命的男人和女人们——在过去八年里为复兴美国而工作的全国各地的男人和女人们道别。

朋友们，我们成功了。我们不仅追回了失去的时光，而且改变了世界。我们使这座城市变得更加坚固，更加自由，并且将她交给优秀者手中。

总之，情况不错，一切顺利。

再见了。上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

第三节  精彩语录

I wasn’t a great communicator, but I communicated great things, and they didn’t spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the heart of a great nation—from our experience, our wisdom, and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.

我不是一位伟大的传播者，但是我传播了伟大的思想，它们并非凭空出自我的头脑，它们来自一个伟大的国家的内心——来自我们的经历、我们的智慧以及我们对两个世纪里引导我们的那些原则的信念。

Because we’re a great nation, our challenges seem complex. It will always be this way. But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves, the future will always be ours.

由于我们是一个伟大的国家，因此我们面临的挑战是错综复杂的，并且将永远如此。但是，只要我们牢记我们的基本原则，并且相信自己，那么未来永远是我们的。

“We the People”tell the government what to do; it doesn’t tell us.“We the People”are the driver; the government is the car, and we decide where it should go, and by what route, and how fast. Almost all the world’s constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are. Our Constitution is a document in which“We the People”tell the government what it is allowed to do. “We the People”are free.

“我们的人民”告诉政府，而不是政府告诉“我们的人民”该做什么。“我们的人民”是驾驶员，而政府则是一辆汽车。“我们的人民”决定它行驶的方向、道路与速度。世界上几乎所有国家的宪法都是告诉人民享有哪些特权。而在我们的宪法告诉政府应该怎样做，“我们的人民”是自由的。

Our spirit is back, but we haven’t reinstitutionalized it. We’ve got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom—freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of enterprise. And freedom is special and rare. It’s fragile; it needs production.

我们的精神已经过时，但是我们尚未重建一种精神。我们必须加倍努力，以使人们相信美国象征着自由——言论自由、宗教自由、经营自由。而自由是独特而又富有价值的。它是脆弱的，需要得到保护。

第八章  以你的荣耀谱写天空的绚丽

第一节  背景介绍

参加诺曼底登陆战役，先后有36个师，总兵力达288万人，其中陆军有153万人，相当于20世纪末美国的全部军队。美英军队通过这次登陆重返欧洲大陆，使第二次世界大战的战略态势发生了根本性变化。这是目前为止世界上最大的一次海上登陆作战，也是战争史上最有影响的登陆战役之一。

战役发生在1944年6月6日晨6时30分。这次作战行动的代号为“霸王行动”。这场战役在8月19日盟军渡过塞纳·马恩省河后结束。从1944年6月6日至7月初，美国、英国、加拿大的百万军队，17万辆军车，60万吨各类补给品，成功地渡过了英吉利海峡。到7月24日，战争双方约有24万人被歼灭，其中盟军伤亡12.2万人，德军伤亡和被俘11.4万人。至8月底，盟军一共消灭或重创德军40个师，德军的三名元帅和一名集团军司令先后被撤职或离职，击毙和俘虏德军集团军司令、军长、师长等高级将领20人。德军损失飞机3,500架，坦克1.3万辆，各种车辆2万辆，人员40万。

早在1941年9月，斯大林就向丘吉尔提出在欧洲开辟第二战场，对德国实施战略夹击的要求，但当时美国尚未参战，英国根本无力组织这样大规模的战略登陆作战。对于苏联的建议，英国的回应只是派出小部队对欧洲大陆实施偷袭骚扰。

1942年6月，苏美和苏英发表联合公报，达成在欧洲开辟第二战场的充分谅解和共识，但英国在备忘录中对承担的义务作了一些保留。

1942年7月，英美伦敦会议决定1942年秋在北非登陆，而把在欧洲开辟第二战场推迟到1943年上半年。但此时苏德战场形势非常严峻，德军已进至斯大林格勒，苏联强烈要求英美在欧洲发动登陆作战，以牵制德军减轻苏军压力。英国只好仓促派出由6,018人组成的突击部队在法国第厄普登陆，结果遭到惨败，伤亡5,810人，伤亡率高达96.5%。

1943年1月，英美卡萨布兰卡会议，通过上半年在西西里岛登陆的决定。把在欧洲大陆的登陆推迟到1943年8月。在这次会议上，英国借第厄普的失败，以大规模两栖登陆的复杂与危险必须谨慎从事为理由，坚持要求推迟对欧洲大陆的登陆。实际上英国一则想乘苏德相争坐收渔翁之利，二则想借美国的力量恢复大英帝国战前在北非和南欧的传统势力。但遭到美国的反对，作为妥协英国同意成立英美特别计划参谋部，负责制订在欧洲的登陆计划。由英国陆军中将F.摩根担任参谋长。摩根上任后立即组建“考萨克”，“考萨克”就是同盟国欧洲远征军最高参谋部的英文缩写，主要成员有副参谋长美国陆军准将雷·巴克，陆、海、空军及所有与登陆有关的各军兵种代表，负责指挥对欧洲大陆偷袭骚扰作战的英国联合作战司令部司令蒙巴顿海军中将当然也是其成员。

1943年5月，英美华盛顿会议决定于1944年5月在欧洲大陆实施登陆，开辟第二战场。“考萨克”立即开始制定登陆计划，首先确定登陆地点，根据历次登陆作战的经验教训，登陆地点要具备三个条件。一要在从英国机场起飞的战斗机半径内，二航渡距离要尽可能短，三附近要有大港口。那么从荷兰符利辛根到法国瑟堡长达480公里的海岸线上，以此条件衡量，有三处地区较为合适：康坦丁半岛、加莱和诺曼底。再进一步比较，康坦丁半岛地形狭窄，不便于展开大部队，最先被否决。加莱和诺曼底各有利弊，加莱的优点是距英国最近仅33公里，而且靠近德国本土；缺点是德军在此防御力量最强，守军是精锐部队，工事完备坚固，并且附近无大港口，也缺乏内陆交通线，不利于登陆后向纵深发展。诺曼底虽然距离英国较远，但优点一是德军防御较弱，二是地形开阔，可同时展开30个师，三是距法国北部最大港口瑟堡仅80公里。几经权衡比较，“考萨克”选择了诺曼底，于1943年6月26日起制定具体计划，以“霸王”为作战方案的代号，以“海王”为相关海军行动的代号。初步计划以3个师在卡朗坦至卡昂之间32公里宽的三个滩头登陆，即后来的“奥马哈”“金”和“朱诺”滩头，同时空降2个旅。第二梯队为8个师，将在两周内占领瑟堡。整个计划中最大的难题是港口问题，也就是在占领瑟堡前，如何解决部队的后勤补给，要知道诺曼底在五六月间多为大风大浪，光靠登陆滩头无法保证后勤供应——这似乎成为无法克服的困难。束手无策中，“考萨克”的海军代表英国海军少将约翰·休斯·哈莱特想起蒙巴顿在一次会议上的玩笑：既然没有天然港口，就造一个人工港。于是建议制造配件装配成人工港来解决问题，别无良策他的设想获得批准。7月15日，摩根将“霸王”计划大纲呈交英美联合参谋长委员会。

1943年12月，美国陆军上将艾森豪威尔被任命为欧洲同盟国远征军最高司令，于1944年1月2日抵达伦敦就任。艾森豪威尔阅读了摩根计划，认为突击正面太窄，在最初攻击中缺乏足够的突击力量，提出修改意见，把登陆正面扩大到80公里，第一梯队由3个师增加到5个师，登陆滩头也从3个增加到5个，空降兵从2个旅增加到3个师，这一意见得到最高司令部三军司令的支持。

1944年2月，英美联合参谋长委员会批准了“霸王”计划大纲和修改后的作战计划，但是随之对登陆舰艇的需求也增加了，为了确保拥有足够的登陆舰艇，英美联合参谋长委员会决定将登陆日期推迟到6月初，并且将原定同时在法国南部的登陆推迟到8月。

由于登陆日推迟到6月初，盟军统帅部开始确定具体的日期和时刻，这是一个复杂的协同问题，各军兵种根据自己的需要提出不同要求。陆军要求在高潮上陆，以减少部队暴露在海滩上的时间；海军要求在低潮时上陆，以便尽量减少登陆艇遭到障碍物的破坏；空军要求有月光，便于空降部队识别地面目标。最后经认真考虑，拟定符合各军种的科学方案。在高潮与低潮间登陆，由于五个滩头的潮汐不尽相同，所以规定五个不同的登陆时刻，登陆日则安排在满月的日子，空降时间为凌晨1时.符合上述条件的登陆日期，在1944年6月中只有两组连续三天的日子，6月5日至7日，6月18日至20日，最后选用第一组的第一天，即6月5日。

战役目的是横渡英吉利海峡，在法国北部夺取一个战略性登陆场，为开辟欧洲第二战场最终击败德国创造条件。战役计划在诺曼底登陆，夺取登陆场。在登陆的第12天，把登陆场扩展到宽100公里，纵深100公里。在登陆场右翼空降2个美国伞兵师，切断德军从瑟堡出发的增援，并协同登陆部队夺取“犹他”滩头，在左翼空降1个英国伞兵师，夺取康恩运河的渡河点，然后首批8个加强营在5个滩头登陆，建立登陆场，在巩固和扩大登陆场后，后续部队上岸，右翼先攻占瑟堡，左翼向康恩河至圣罗一线发展，掩护右翼部队的攻击。第二阶段攻占冈城、贝叶、伊济尼、卡朗坦。第三阶段攻占布勒塔尼，向塞纳河推进，直取巴黎。

1944年1月21日，艾森豪威尔就在诺福克旅馆召开了远征军最高司令部首次会议，在会议上明确了登陆作战的纲领，使这次会议成为二战中最重要的盟军军事会议。

进攻诺曼底在登陆的前一天晚上展开，空降兵空降作战，大规模的空中轰炸。而两栖登陆战则在1944年6月6日早上开始。在登陆前，“D-Day”的军队主要部署在英格兰南部沿海地区，尤其在朴茨茅斯。诺曼底战役持续了两个多月，最终，盟军成功建立滩头堡，并在1944年8月25日解放巴黎，宣告结束诺曼底战役。

诺曼底登陆战役是世界历史上规模最大的两栖登陆战役，是战略性的战役，为开辟欧洲的第二战场奠定了基础，对加速法西斯德国的崩溃以及战后欧洲局势，都起到了重要作用。

第二节  里根于1984年纪念诺曼底登陆四十周年演讲

We’re here to mark that day in history when the Allied armies joined in battle to reclaim this continent to liberty.

For four long years, much of Europe had been under a terrible shadow. Free nations had fallen, Jews cried out in the camps, millions cried out for liberation. Europe was enslaved and the world prayed for its rescue. Here, in Normandy, the rescue began. Here, the Allies stood and fought against tyranny, in a giant undertaking unparalleled in human history.

We stand on a lonely, windswept point on the northern shore of France. The air is soft, but forty years ago at this moment, the air was dense with smoke and the cries of men, and the air was filled with the crack of rifle fire and the roar of cannon. At dawn, on the morning of the 6th of June, 1944, two hundred and twenty-five Rangers jumped off the British landing craft and ran to the bottom of these cliffs.

Their mission was one of the most difficult and daring of the invasion: to climb these sheer and desolate cliffs and take out the enemy guns. The Allies had been told that some of the mightiest of these guns were here, and they would be trained on the beaches to stop the Allied advance.

The Rangers looked up and saw the enemy soldiers at the edge of the cliffs, shooting down at them with machine guns and throwing grenades. And the American Rangers began to climb. They shot rope ladders over the face of these cliffs and began to pull themselves up. When one Ranger fell, another would take his place. When one rope was cut, a Ranger would grab another and begin his climb again. They climbed, shot back, and held their footing. Soon, one by one, the Rangers pulled themselves over the top, and in seizing the firm land at the top of these cliffs, they began to seize back the continent of Europe. Two hundred and twenty-five came here. After two days of fighting, only ninety could still bear arms.

And behind me is a memorial that symbolizes the Ranger daggers that were thrust into the top of these cliffs. And before me are the men who put them there. These are the boys of Pointe du Hoc. These are the men who took the cliffs. These are the champions who helped free a continent. And these are the heroes who helped end a war. Gentlemen, I look at you and I think of the words of Stephen Spender’s poem. You are men who in your“lives fought for life and left the vivid air signed with your honor.”

I think I know what you may be thinking right now—thinking“we were just part of a bigger effort; everyone was brave that day.”Well everyone was. Do you remember the story of Bill Millin of the 51st Highlanders? Forty years ago, today, British troops were pinned down near a bridge, waiting desperately for help. Suddenly, they heard the sound of bagpipes, and some thought they were dreaming. Well, they weren’t. They looked up and saw Bill Millin with his bagpipes, leading the reinforcements and ignoring the smack of the bullets into the ground around him.

Lord Lovat was with him—Lord Lovat of Scotland, who calmly announced when he got to the bridge,“Sorry, I’m a few minutes late,”as if he’d been delayed by a traffic jam, when in truth he’d just come from the bloody fighting on Sword Beach, which he and his men had just taken.

There was the impossible valor of the Poles, who threw themselves between the enemy and the rest of Europe as the invasion took hold; and the unsurpassed courage of the Canadians who had already seen the horrors of war on this coast. They knew what awaited them there, but they would not be deterred. And once they hit Juno Beach, they never looked back.

All of these men were part of a roll call of honor with names that spoke of a pride as bright as the colors they bore; The Royal Winnipeg Rifles, Poland’s 24th Lancers, the Royal Scots’ Fusiliers, the Screaming Eagles, the Yeomen of England’s armored divisions, the forces of Free France, the Coast Guard’s“Matchbox Fleet,”and you, the American Rangers.

Forty summers have passed since the battle that you fought here. You were young the day you took these cliffs; some of you were hardly more than boys, with the deepest joys of life before you. Yet you risked everything here. Why? Why did you do it? What impelled you to put aside the instinct for self-preservation and risk your lives to take these cliffs? What inspired all the men of the armies that met here? We look at you, and somehow we know the answer. It was faith and belief. It was loyalty and love.

The men of Normandy had faith that what they were doing was right, faith that they fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would grant them mercy on this beachhead, or on the next. It was the deep knowledge—and prays God we have not lost it—that there is a profound moral difference between the use of force for liberation and the use of force for conquest. You were here to liberate, not to conquer, and so you and those others did not doubt your cause. And you were right not to doubt.

You all knew that some things are worth dying for. One’s country is worth dying for, and democracy is worth dying for, because it’s the most deeply honorable form of government ever devised by man. All of you loved liberty. All of you were willing to fight tyranny, and you knew the people of your countries were behind you.

The Americans who fought here that morning knew word of the invasion was spreading through the darkness back home. They fought—or felt in their hearts, though they couldn’t know in fact, that in Georgia they were filling the churches at 4:00 am. In Kansas they were kneeling on their porches and praying. And in Philadelphia they were ringing the Liberty Bell.

Something else helped the men of D-day; their rock-hard belief that Providence would have a great hand in the events that would unfold here; that God was an ally in this great cause. And so, the night before the invasion, when Colonel Walkerton asked his parachute troops to kneel with him in prayer, he told them:“Do not bow your heads, but look up so you can see God and ask His blessing in what we’re about to do.”Also, that night, General Matthew Ridgway on his cot, listening in the darkness for the promise God made to Joshua: “I will not fail thee nor forsake thee.”

These are the things that impelled them; these are the things that shaped the unity of the Allies.

When the war was over, there were lives to be rebuilt and governments to be returned to the people. There were nations to be reborn. Above all, there was a new peace to be assured. These were huge and daunting tasks. But the Allies summoned strength from the faith, belief, loyalty, and love of those who fell here. They rebuilt a new Europe together. There was first a great reconciliation among those who had been enemies, all of whom had suffered so greatly. The United States did its part, creating the Marshall Plan to help rebuild our allies and our former enemies. The Marshall Plan led to the Atlantic alliance—a great alliance that serves to this day as our shield for freedom, for prosperity, and for peace.

In spite of our great efforts and successes, not all that followed the end of the war was happy or planned. Some liberated countries were lost. The great sadness of this loss echoes down to our own time in the streets of Warsaw, Prague, and East Berlin. The Soviet troops that came to the center of this continent did not leave when peace came. They’re still there, uninvited, unwanted, unyielding, almost forty years after the war. Because of this, allied forces still stand on this continent. Today, as forty years ago, our armies are here for only one purpose: to protect and defend democracy. The only territories we hold are memorials like this one and graveyards where our heroes rest.

We in America have learned bitter lessons from two world wars. It is better to be here ready to protect the peace, than to take blind shelter across the sea, rushing to respond only after freedom is lost. We’ve learned that isolationism never was and never will be an acceptable response to tyrannical governments with an expansionist intent. But we try always to be prepared for peace, prepared to deter aggression, prepared to negotiate the reduction of arms, and yes, prepared to reach out again in the spirit of reconciliation. In truth, there is no reconciliation we would welcome more than a reconciliation with the Soviet Union, so, together, we can lessen the risks of war, now and forever.

It’s fitting to remember here the great losses also suffered by the Russian people during World War II. Twenty million perished, a terrible price that testifies to all the world the necessity of ending war. I tell you from my heart that we in the United States do not want war. We want to wipe from the face of the earth the terrible weapons that man now has in his hands. And I tell you, we are ready to seize that beachhead. We look for some sign from the Soviet Union that they are willing to move forward, that they share our desire and love for peace, and that they will give up the ways of conquest. There must be a changing there that will allow us to turn our hope into action.

We will pray forever that someday that changing will come. But for now, particularly today, it is good and fitting to renew our commitment to each other, to our freedom, and to the alliance that protects it.

We’re bound today by what bound us 40 years ago, the same loyalties, traditions, and beliefs. We’re bound by reality. The strength of America’s allies is vital to the United States, and the American security guarantee is essential to the continued freedom of Europe’s democracies. We were with you then; we’re with you now. Your hopes are our hopes, and your destiny is our destiny.

Here, in this place where the West held together, let us make a vow to our dead. Let us show them by our actions that we understand what they died for. Let our actions say to them the words for which Matthew Ridgway listened:“I will not fail thee nor forsake thee.”

Strengthened by their courage, heartened by their value, and borne by their memory, let us continue to stand for the ideals for which they lived and died.

Thank you very much, and God bless you all.

我们在这里纪念那历史性的一天，盟军联合作战，为自由而收复这片大陆的日子。

在四年之久的时间里，众多欧洲人生活在恐怖阴影之中，自由国家陷落，犹太人在集中营哭泣，数百万人为自由而哭喊。欧洲被奴役，世界为营救行动而祈祷。在这里，诺曼底，营救行动开始。为了这项人类历史上空前绝后的伟大事业，联军从这里开始奋起反抗暴政。

我们此刻站在这个法国北方海岸人迹罕至、风霜尽吹之地，空气清新。但四十年前的此刻，这里硝烟弥漫，呼声鼎沸，枪林弹雨，炮声隆隆。黎明，1944年6月6日那个黎明，225名突击队员跳下英国登陆艇，冲向这些悬崖峭壁的底端。

这次登陆任务中，他们的使命异常艰巨：攀上这些陡峭荒芜的悬崖，解除敌人的武装。盟军获悉这个滩头装备了高效的杀伤武器，将用于阻止盟军登陆。

突击队员们仰面看到敌军士兵就在悬崖边，用机枪向他们扫射并投掷手榴弹。美国突击队员开始攀援。他们把绳索投往头顶的悬崖，借此引体向上。一个突击队员倒下，另一个接续上去；一根绳索打断，抓住另一根绳索继续攀援。他们边攀登，边驻足还击。不久，他们一个接一个攀上崖顶。他们夺回悬崖之上坚实土地之时，也是他们夺回欧洲大陆的开始。225名人来到这里，两天的战斗之后，只剩下90名士兵一息尚存。

在我背后是纪念碑，象征那些刺入悬崖顶端突击队员的威力。在我前面是那些投身于此役的人。他们是奥克角之子，他们是战胜悬崖绝壁的勇士，他们是协助解放一个大陆的冠军，他们也是结束一场战争的英雄。先生们，看见你们，我想起了斯蒂芬·斯彭德的诗句，你们是那些人：“以命相许你的荣耀谱写了天空的绚丽。”

我想，我知道你们此刻可能在想什么：“我们不过是伟大战役的一部分，在那个日子里无人不勇。”是的，无人不勇。你们记得51高地上贝尔·米林的故事吗？四十年前的今天，英国军队被困于一座桥的附近亟待增援。突然，他们听到了风笛的声音，有人以为他们在做梦。但这不是梦，他们抬起头看见贝尔·米林吹着风笛，带领援兵冒着枪林弹雨，进入他们所在的战地。

劳得·拉瓦特是其中之一。劳得·拉瓦特是苏格兰人。他走向桥的时候平静地宣布：“对不起，我来晚了几分钟。”好像他因交通拥挤受阻，其实他刚刚与战友们从血战中的剑滩杀出。

这里有勇猛出奇的波兰人，当入侵开始时投身于敌战区与欧洲最后的自由领土之间，还有已经在这个海岸见识了征战之残酷的大无畏的加拿大人。他们知道在那里等待他们的是什么，但是他们没有退缩。而且一旦越上加诺海滩，他们决不回头。

所有这些人都是一份荣誉花名册的一部分，这份花名册上的名字呼之骄傲而自豪，明亮如他们色彩斑斓的着装：皇家温尼伯突袭队、波兰第二十四骑兵、皇家苏格兰枪手、尖叫之鹰、英格兰义勇军装甲师、法国自由武装、海岸警卫“火柴盒舰队”、还有你们，美国突击队。

自你们参与的那场征战至今，四十个寒暑过去了。拿下这些峭壁时你们正年轻，有些不过初出茅庐，热爱置身其间的生活。但是你们却打包了自己的和平，进入他人的战争。为什么？为什么你们这样做？是什么驱使你们不顾自我保护的本能，冒着生命危险攀登这些峭壁？是什么激励所有到这里集合的军人？望着你们，我们觉得我们知道答案。这个答案就是信心与信仰，就是忠诚与爱。

诺曼底人坚信：在这个滩头阵地或下一个阵地上，他们所战是正义之役，所为是博爱之举，所获将是正义上帝应允他们此战的奇迹。这是一种深深的认知——祈祷上帝我们不要失败——使用武力争取自由和使用武力实行侵略征服，两者在道德上有天壤之别。你们到此是捍卫自由，不是侵略征服。所以，你们和你们的战友们没有怀疑自己的出征理由。你们确信是正确的。

你们都知道有些事值得为之献身。一个人的国家值得为之献身，民主值得为之献身，因为它是最高荣耀的政府形式，由人民设计而成。你们都热爱自由，你们都坚决反对暴政，你们都知道自己国家的人民站在背后支持你们。

那个早晨，在这里参战的美国军人都知道，开战的消息在自己家乡的黑夜中扩散。人们虽然无法确定，但他们心有灵犀。以致于在乔治亚，他们凌晨四点涌入大小教堂；在肯尼亚，他们在自己门前跪下祈祷；在费城，他们敲响了那座自由钟。

还有一些事帮助了诺曼底登陆日的人们，他们坚信上苍于此事件中将在这里施展其大手笔，而上帝乃是这一伟大事业的盟友。所以，在开战前夜，当沃·武尔顿上校要求他的伞兵部队与他一起跪下祈祷时，他告诉他们：“不要低下你的头，而要抬起来，所以你能仰望上帝并要求他为我们的所为祝福。”也是在那天夜里，马修·莱德威将军在他的帆布床上，于黑暗中聆听上帝对约书亚的承诺：“我将不使你失败也不会抛弃你。”

正是这些激励了他们，凝聚盟国团结一致。

当战争结束，生活得以重建，政府得以回归人民，新的民族得以诞生。在所有这一切之上，新的和平得以确立。工作繁多，任务艰巨，但是盟国以倒在这里人们的信仰、信心、荣誉和爱凝聚力量，他们共同重建了一个新的欧洲。在那里，在从前的敌人之间（他们都曾承受了如此巨大的痛苦）第一次产生了伟大的和解。美国尽了自己的义务，开创马歇尔计划帮助我们的盟友和我们先前的敌人重建家园。马歇尔计划导致大西洋联盟，伟大的联盟作为我们自由、繁荣与和平的保障延续至今。

无论我们拥有多么伟大的成就与成功，并非战后的一切都令人满意或按照计划进展。一些获得解放的国家失败了，失败的巨大悲哀回荡在华沙、布拉格和东柏林的大街上，渲染了我们的时空。进入这片大陆腹地的苏联军队在和平降临时并未撤离。他们仍然待在那里，未经邀请，不受欢迎，强硬不退，直到战后至今已将近四十年之久。今天，一如四十年前，我们聚集这里只为一个目的：保护和捍卫民主。我们唯一占据的领地是类似这样的纪念地，还有墓地，在那里安息着我们的英雄。

在美国，我们从两次世界大战中学到了痛苦的教训。守在这里，枕戈待旦，护卫和平，比丧失自由后再背着挡箭牌冲过大洋，仓促应战要好一些。我们懂得了，针对欲意扩张的残暴政府，孤立主义过去不是而且永远也不会是最恰当的反应。但是我们总是试图准备适应和平、准备阻止侵略、准备谈判以削减军队，而且在内心准备再度追求和解。事实上，没有和解像与苏联和解那样更使我们充满期盼。所以，我们在一起可以减少战争危险，从现在到永远。

不应该忘记的是俄国人民在二战期间的巨大损失中承受的痛苦：两千万人死亡，这向全世界表明了结束这场战争所需的骇人听闻的代价。我可以扪心禀告你们：我们美国人不想要战争。我们想从地球上抹去现在持在人类手中可憎的武器。而且让我告诉你们：我们准备好了收复那片失地。我们期待来自苏联的某些迹象：他们愿意向前走的迹象，他们持有与我们相同意愿与爱好和平的迹象，以及他们愿意放弃征服之道的迹象。现实必须有所改变，以便能够使我们将希望付诸实际。

我们将恒久地祈祷有朝一日变化的到来。但是现在特别是今天，重申我们彼此之间的、对自由的以及对保护这一自由之联盟的承诺，不仅必要而且正当其时。

四十年前的盟谊使我们今天以同样的忠诚、传统和信念连结在一起。我们为现实结盟。美国盟国的意志对于美国至关重大，美国安全的保障对欧洲民主国家的持续自由至关重要。我们过去跟你们站在一起，现在也跟你们站在一起。你们的希望就是我们的希望，你们的命运就是我们的命运。

在这里，在这个西方共同守护的地方，让我们向我们的死难者起誓。让我们用自己的行动向他们表白，我们深知他们为何而死。让我们用行动告诉他们，马修·莱德威听到的那句承诺：“我将不使你失败，也不会抛弃你。”

他们的勇气支撑我们，他们的价值激励我们，他们的记忆凝聚我们，为了那些他们生死与之的理想，让我们继续恪尽职守。

非常感谢你们，上帝护佑你们。

第三节  精彩语录

The men of Normandy had faith that what they were doing was right, faith that they fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would grant them mercy on this beachhead, or on the next. It was the deep knowledge—and pray God we have not lost it—that there is a profound moral difference between the use of force for liberation and the use of force for conquest. You were here to liberate, not to conquer, and so you and those others did not doubt your cause. And you were right not to doubt.

诺曼底人坚信：在这个滩头阵地或下一个阵地上，他们所战是正义之役，所为是博爱之举，所获将是正义上帝应允他们此战的奇迹。这是一种深深的认知——祈祷上帝我们不要失败——使用武力争取自由和使用武力实行侵略征服，两者在道德上有天壤之别。你们到此是捍卫自由，不是侵略征服。所以，你们和你们的战友们没有怀疑自己的出征理由。你们确信是正确的。

You all knew that some things are worth dying for. One’s country is worth dying for, and democracy is worth dying for, because it’s the most deeply honorable form of government ever devised by man. All of you loved liberty. All of you were willing to fight tyranny, and you knew the people of your countries were behind you.

你们都知道有些事值得为之献身。一个人的国家值得为之献身，民主值得为之献身，因为它是最高荣耀的政府形式，由人民设计而成。你们都热爱自由，你们都坚决反对暴政，你们都知道自己国家的人民站在背后支持你们。

When the war was over, there were lives to be rebuilt and governments to be returned to the people. There were nations to be reborn. Above all, there was a new peace to be assured. These were huge and daunting tasks. But the Allies summoned strength from the faith, belief, loyalty, and love of those who fell here. They rebuilt a new Europe together. There was first a great reconciliation among those who had been enemies, all of whom had suffered so greatly. The United States did its part, creating the Marshall Plan to help rebuild our allies and our former enemies. The Marshall Plan led to the Atlantic alliance—a great alliance that serves to this day as our shield for freedom, for prosperity, and for peace.

当战争结束，生活得以重建，政府得以回归人民，新的民族得以诞生。在所有这一切之上，新的和平得以确立。工作繁多，任务艰巨，但是盟国以倒在这里人们的信仰、信心、荣誉和爱凝聚力量，他们共同重建了一个新的欧洲。在那里，在从前的敌人之间（他们都曾承受了如此巨大的痛苦）第一次产生了伟大的和解。美国尽了自己的义务，开创马歇尔计划帮助我们的盟友和我们先前的敌人重建家园。马歇尔计划导致大西洋联盟，伟大的联盟作为我们自由、繁荣与和平的保障延续至今。

Here, in this place where the West held together, let us make a vow to our dead. Let us show them by our actions that we understand what they died for. Let our actions say to them the words for which Matthew Ridgway listened:“I will not fail thee nor forsake thee.”

在这里，在这个西方共同守护的地方，让我们向我们的死难者起誓。让我们用自己的行动向他们表白，我们深知他们为何而死。让我们用行动告诉他们，马修·莱德威听到的那句承诺：“我将不使你失败，也不会抛弃你。”

Strengthened by their courage, heartened by their value, and borne by their memory, let us continue to stand for the ideals for which they lived and died.

他们的勇气支撑我们，他们的价值激励我们，他们的记忆凝聚我们，为了那些他们生死与之的理想，让我们继续恪尽职守。

罗斯福演说

出版说明

自1776年《独立宣言》发表至今，美国建国已有两百三十多年。在这一历史阶段中，先后产生了四十四任总统。作为总统共和制国家的美国，其总统兼国家元首和政府首脑双重身份于一身，其在三权分立的国家政治架构中拥有极大的权力和影响力，在国家政治生活中拥有举足轻重的地位。正如美国第二十六任总统西奥多·罗斯福所说，美国总统是“国王和总理大臣的统一体”。

在美国，演讲是任何一个准备从政的人士必须具备的基本技能。无论地方议会议员、地方行政首脑还是美国联邦国会议员乃至美国总统，都是通过以演讲为基本形式的竞选活动产生的，这就决定了演讲这种活动在美国政治生活中的重大意义。而作为国家最高领导人的美国总统，他们的演讲往往在表明个人政治见解和基本立场、展露自身意志品质和性格特点的同时，在某种程度上还代表了美国的制度设计与价值观念、反映了美国的文化背景与社会演变。他们的演讲大都是针对当时美国所面临的国内外重大问题，讨论国家内政外交政策的优劣得失，表明解决问题的态度，指出今后的施政方向，激励和动员美国人民克服困难、奋力前行。从美国总统的演讲中，我们可以看到他们对时代潮流的认识、把握和对国家意志的充分表达，可以看到他们的政治才华和不同的人格魅力，还可以看到美国在其国家发展所经历的一个又一个时代转折点上，怎样面对困难、迎接挑战、坚韧不拔，一步步走向成功与成熟。

美国总统的演讲事先大多经过了精心的准备，语言精炼、用词规范、措辞讲究、逻辑严密，不但文采斐然、优美动人，而且有的放矢、言之有物。同时，每个总统的演讲都具有鲜明的个性特色。有的晓之以理，发人深省；有的动之以情，感人肺腑；有的则充满思辨，促使人们对人生、社会乃至世界进行更深层次的思考。

《美国总统演讲系列》丛书，重点选取了美国自成立以来几位重要总统的演讲，其中既有他们的就职演讲、卸任演讲，也有他们在重大事件发生时发表的演讲以及针对一些特定案例向公众发表的演讲等。选取这些演讲，并不代表我们认同其所包含的思想倾向或价值取向，只是想帮助广大读者从这些演讲中，加深对美国国情、美国社会的了解。相信广大读者在对这些演讲进行欣赏的同时，一定会对其反映出的世界观、价值观等做出正确的分析和判断。

编  者

2014年5月

前  言

时代与民族精神共存罗斯福是二十世纪最受美国人爱戴和尊敬的总统。他出身贵族，却相信着平凡人的价值，并且为了维护平民的权利而奋斗，他有着常人难以企及的毅力和自信。

在执政过程中，他充分展现了自己慑人的魅力。他愉快地工作，对未来充满信心，影响了一代又一代的美国人。

他是一个乐观主义者，勇敢地战胜了脊髓灰质炎，并把自信和希望带入一个神圣而又坚强的民族心中。

他提倡变革，且他的变革降低了那些从旧秩序中获益不菲的人物的权力、地位、收入和尊严。历史学家和政治学家们一致认为，罗斯福、华盛顿和林肯是美国历史上最伟大的三位总统。

但是，他并不是一个完人。为达目的他可能经常表现出奸诈、虚伪、卑鄙甚至残忍的面目，他拥有无穷力量，热衷权力。他破坏并重组内阁，将大部分职权集于一人手中。罗斯福是一个手段上的现实主义者，目标上的理想主义者。罗斯福反对一味崇拜幻想，他想寻求一条实践的道路，帮助那些可敬的男人和妇女为他们自己和孩子建立一个幸福的天堂。

罗斯福执政之前，美国几乎每隔二十年就发生一次经济危机。罗斯福是被美国国内的经济危机推上历史舞台的。1933年他上台执政，当时，自由竞争越来越阻碍资本主义的发展，它造成四分之一的劳动力失业，国民生产总值下降了一半，国内到处都可听见要求变革的抱怨之声。没有人知道情况为什么会变得这么糟，也没有人知道该如何解决这一问题。

罗斯福极有远见，推行的新政成为了资本主义经济的一针安定剂，在社会保障、社会管理和社会控制方面采取了有效措施，有效地防止了国家受到持续半世纪之久的经济危机的迫害。罗斯福在国内的最伟大的成就就是他从资本家手中挽救了资本主义。美国的民主制度在罗斯福的努力下又复活了。

是罗斯福这样一位伟大、慈祥而又令人鼓舞的人物，把新的观念、新的勇气和新的自信赋予了美国，并使美国重获掌握自己命运的能力。通过新政美国完成了资本主义自救。1944年他召开了一系列会议，在财政、贸易、食品和农业等领域实行比较开放的政策。总之，他看住了美国，他是唯一能够阻止美国重犯孤立主义错误的人。

“他推翻的先例比任何人都多。他打碎的古老结构比任何人都多。他对美国整个面貌的改变比任何人都要迅猛而激烈”，但是，他仍然是一个“传统的美国人”。这是美国著名新闻记者杰拉尔德·约翰逊对美国第三十二任总统富兰克林·罗斯福的评语。

罗斯福推翻的最大先例，就是由美国开国总统华盛顿所树立的不连任三次的传统。罗斯福不仅连任三次，甚至连任了四次，他创立了总统个人外交的模式，一而再再而三地远涉重洋，与盟国首脑进行会谈，大刀阔斧，当机立断。这成为战后三十多年习以为常的国家首脑会议的先导。

罗斯福向美国行政、立法，司法均衡制约的格局挑战，大大扩大了总统的权力。当政十二年，国会实际上接受了他提出的绝大部分重要法案。他首次提出对宪法应根据时代发展展现灵活的原则。对于坚持保守立场，阻挠他实行改革的最高法院果断地给予警告，对它进行猛烈攻击。他的“整肃”最高法院计划虽未实现，但终于迫使最高法院做出巨大让步，胜利还是罗斯福的。

但是树立他的世界性历史人物地位的，是他在反法西斯斗争中建立的功绩。

罗斯福最大的历史功绩之一，是把一个有孤立主义传统、和平主义弥漫的美国，转变成为反法西斯联盟的支柱之一。第一次世界大战时的美国总统威尔逊，由于国际联盟计划遭到国会内外的拒绝，赍志以殁，第二次世界大战时的罗斯福（他是威尔逊的积极拥护者），却能使美国成为联合国的发起国。罗斯福临终前夕手头正在进行的工作是修改联合国宪章草案。

太平洋战争爆发后美国正式参战，德日法西斯当权人物最希望的是盟国之间发生分裂。因此，他们使用各种手段来制造盟国间的矛盾。罗斯福坚决反对任何使盟国内部分裂的阴谋，而且尽力加以防止。这也是他以带病之身多次远离国门，与盟国领袖会晤的主要目的之一。罗斯福于1943年1月在摩洛哥的卡萨布兰卡与丘吉尔会谈后，宣布了轴心国必须无条件投降的原则，使法西斯国家妄想分化离间盟国的阴谋遭到沉重打击。1943年11月28日至12月1日在德黑兰举行了美英苏三国首脑会议，这是罗斯福第一次会见斯大林，两位反法西斯领袖举行了单独会谈，在会议期间，罗斯福还应邀住进苏联驻德黑兰大使馆内。罗斯福、丘吉尔同斯大林能够建立起合作关系，罗斯福从中起了积极作用。他在各种场合一再表示，盟国的团结是战胜法西斯的根本保证。当大战期间盟国之间在政治上和战略上的分歧不时有所暴露时，罗斯福起到了黏合剂和缓冲器的作用，功不可没。

像任何一个有成就的人物一样，罗斯福不是在清一色的喝彩声中登上历史舞台和进入伟人祠的。他是这样一个人物：激进的革命者怨恨他没有成为资本主义死刑执行人，保守的卫道者咒骂他竟敢试图改变资本主义的框架。罗斯福自己说，他不是社会主义者，他也从来不想摧毁资本主义，但是他要改革它。

罗斯福是一个拯救了资本主义的美国总统，是一个在战时用自己的远见卓识保护了美国的总统，是一个将坚定与信念注入民族之魂的总统。

第一章  赞奋斗不息

第一节  背景介绍

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福于1882年1月30日在纽约出生。罗斯福出自上层社会家庭，其父詹姆斯·罗斯福是外交界和商业界的活跃人物，其母萨拉·德拉诺是出身上层社会且受过国外教育的漂亮女性。罗斯福经过母亲实施的启蒙教育之后，随家庭教师学习拉丁语、法语、德语、书法、算术和欧洲历史。罗斯福五岁时跟随父亲去见当时的总统克利夫兰，总统曾给他一个奇怪的祝愿：“祈求上帝永远不要让你当美国总统。”可是他却成了美国历史上执政时间最长的总统，也是最有威望的总统之一。

1896年，罗斯福被送入专门培养政界人物的格罗顿学校，开始适应新的环境。他读书多，见识广，文质彬彬，酷爱体育，擅长网球、高尔夫球，爱好骑马和驾驶帆船。当时，格罗顿公学橄榄球盛行，他就主动组织了拉拉队，当管理员。他擅长辩论，是“辩论学会”会员。在格罗顿公学他成绩优良，给人的印象是用讨好人的办法来加强自己的地位，以至于雷克斯福德·特格韦尔认为罗斯福在格罗顿处理困难问题的做法，成了他在后来的类似情况中言行举止的模式。

从格罗顿公学毕业后，曾一度想进安纳波利斯海军学院，希望自己将来当一名海军军官。但是遭到年迈的父亲坚决反对，于是，1900年罗斯福进入哈佛大学，攻读政治学、历史学和新闻学。这一年，他七十二岁的父亲去世，留下了12万美元的存款，其母从外祖父处继承了130万美元的遗产。大学时代的罗斯福十分热衷于社会活动，学习成绩并不突出，数次去欧洲旅行，喜欢球类活动。在哈佛他当了校刊《绯红报》的出色助理。他巧妙地利用了堂叔老罗斯福的影响，要求当时担任纽约州长的堂叔到哈佛来讲演，恰好此时老罗斯福作为麦金利的伙伴与民主党的布赖恩竞选总统。罗斯福便主动提出访问校长，埃利奥特校长接见了这个一年级的新生。罗斯福进攻性地对校长说：“如果你的投票代表你的信仰，你就应该乐意把你的影响放在天平上。”埃利奥特回答了他的问题，不但在《绯红报》刊登了富兰克林的独家消息，美国的其他大报也纷纷作了转载，以至于快毕业时，罗斯福升为该报的主编。为了保持声誉，他又在哈佛读了一年的研究生。

1904年，罗斯福进入哥伦比亚大学法学院。1905年3月，与埃莉诺（西奥多·罗斯福总统的侄女）结婚。总统亲自参加了结婚仪式，使得婚礼非常隆重，但富兰克林发现，大多数人都是因总统而来，由此激发了他从政的决心。1907年，罗斯福从法学院毕业，进入律师事务所任律师。当时，他还为著名旅美侨领、中国致公党创始人的司徒美堂在纽约成立的“安良总堂”当法律顾问长达十年之久。

1910年，罗斯福以民主党人的身份开始涉足政界。当他把这个决定告诉身为共和党人的总统叔叔时，对方怒而骂道：“你这个卑鄙的小兔崽子！你这个叛徒……”但是富兰克林·罗斯福没有改变前进方向。他乘着一辆红色的汽车，每天进行十多次演说，最终幸运地当选了纽约市参议员。1913年，威尔逊总统任命他为海军助理部长，他在任七年表现杰出，主张建设“强大而有作战能力的海军”，罗斯福在海军中建立了贯穿其一生的影响。1919年，罗斯福为威尔逊的国际聪明计划奔走游说，结果导致1920年竞选副总统失败。虽然此次竞选失败了，但他作为政治新星的光芒却未曾削减。此后，罗斯福出任马里兰信用与储蓄公司的副董事长，同时又重操律师业。此外，罗斯福还从事各种商业冒险活动。

智慧、干练、胸怀宽广，似乎什么都不能阻挡这个三十九岁的男人迈上政治巅峰的脚步。但是，无情的灾难就在这时降临。1921年8月，罗斯福带全家在坎波贝洛岛休假，在扑灭了一场林火后，他跳进了冰冷的海水，因此患上了脊髓灰质炎症。高烧、疼痛、麻木以及终生残疾的前景，并没有使罗斯福放弃理想和信念，他一直坚持不懈地锻炼，企图恢复行走和站立能力，他用以疗病的佐治亚温泉被众人称之为“笑声震天的地方”。在康复期间，罗斯福阅读了大量书籍，其中有不少传记和历史著作，却几乎没有经济学或哲学著作。

罗斯福的外交思想源于他最钦佩的两位总统。他的远房堂叔西奥多·罗斯福教给他如何捍卫民族利益，达到权力制衡。伍德罗·威尔逊教给他国际秩序是建立在共同维护和平的基础上的。1928年，在罗斯福夫人的理解与支持下，罗斯福重返政界，参加州长竞选而险胜，于1929年出任纽约州州长（1930年再次当选州长）。纽约可以说是培养罗斯福进行政治活动和管理国家事务能力的实验场所。

1929年元旦，四十六岁的富兰克林·Ｄ·罗斯福入住设在奥尔巴尼的纽约州州长官邸。那个刚刚为他立下汗马功劳的竞选工作班子也随即取代了史密斯特意留下来的人员，弗林出任州政府秘书，法利接管了州的党务工作，罗森曼为州长秘书，豪则负责经管罗斯福在纽约市的利益，这是一个对罗斯福忠诚负责而又精明强干的核心小组。罗斯福也显得健康乐观，他的左腿在不久前开始长出新肉。联邦州长的担子并非想象的那样沉重，一年之中他仍有不少假期和闲暇在温泉、海德公园、纽约的居所和外地旅游区等地度过。安娜已经结婚并给他生了个可爱的外孙。埃莉诺从事的政治活动和社会福利工作也进展顺利，并且似乎劲头越来越大。

罗斯福竭力想为他任内的州政府树立一个不再被党派斗争所裹挟并直接面对人民的公正形象，他尤其不愿意看到那些一味贪婪地从事“私人政治”的坦慕尼协会成员将污泥秽水溅到自己身上，而自己又不能与之公开斗争的尴尬局面，因为这将导致民主派的更加分裂。为此，他在上任伊始就尝试了俨然超党派的行动准则和将重大争端性议题直接诉诸人民的努力。他在“行政预算案”修正问题上同议会中占多数的共和党人展开了首轮交锋，最后靠诉诸纽约最高法院上诉法庭而取得了胜利。在围绕圣劳伦斯河动力开发和经营方式问题上，双方经过了旷日持久的争吵后陷入僵局，罗斯福便扬言将马上就此问题向全州人民发表广播讲话，从而迫使共和党对手基本接受了自己的提案。他还在农业政策、劳工立法、公用事业、监狱体系的改组、自然资源保护等方面提出了议案，他发现对付那些固执保守且故意从中作梗的州议员的最有效压力方式，就是通过无线电广播同全州人民进行一系列不拘形式的谈话（民主党已向全州所有电台都购买了每月一个小时的广播时间）。从1929年4月3日起，罗斯福常对着麦克风发表语调直率而亲切的谈话，他老练地声称谈话内容都是超党派的。而每次谈话的实际效果则是，那些反对派议员要么被迫举手通过，要么被公众谴责为出于自私的目的有意从中阻挠。这一斗争武器成为后来白宫岁月里“炉边谈话”的预演和前奏。尽管罗斯福追求进步改革的效果并没有预期的那般理想，因为几乎他提出的一切重大计划都因涉及面太广而在软弱的抵制中被打了折扣，但罗斯福以坦诚、直率而新颖的姿态和广泛的舆论影响打动了广大选民的心，提高了自己的声望。在他和小亨利·摩根索的建议下，民主党于1929年初组织出资，在奥尔巴尼设立了一个新闻处，向北部地区和共和党控制的农村报纸无偿提供带有民主党倾向的材料以及州长工作要览。他还卓有成效地绕过亲史密斯的州委员会来加强民主党在州北部地区的基层组织，他更加广泛地在州内巡回视察，发表政见——所有这些努力都为竞选连任州长打下了基础。

共和党对手面对着声名日隆的罗斯福，决定狠狠打击他的最薄弱环节——他与坦慕尼协会的关系。共和党揭发了一篇与罗斯福有涉的州司法机关的肮脏交易——罗斯福按例行手续任命了一个坦慕尼分子担任普通法院法官，而这位法官在此前花了３万美元从坦慕尼协会买到了这个职位。他们声称罗斯福是坦慕尼协会种种龌龊勾当的同情者和纵容者。对此，罗斯福只得依靠妥协的策略摆脱困境，他认为“不能在对手安排的阵地上投入战斗”，而要迂回到另一些问题上争取主动。一方面，他以超越党派利害关系的姿态，不动声色地将此案移交给州检察长（共和党人），并指定一名共和党最高法官召集特别大陪审团进行审理，他甚至还要求最高法院上诉法庭对地方法庭进行一次普遍的调查。另一方面，他以耐心的解释让坦慕尼协会认识到，此举在很大程度上是迫于情势下的不得已而为之。在对待劣迹斑斑的民主党人、纽约市长吉米·沃克的贪污案时，他采取了类似的策略。1930年的选举在即，罗斯福离不开坦慕尼协会的支持。与此同时，罗斯福还采用了当时先进的有声电影和无线电广播来宣传自己的业绩。1930年夏，一部名为《罗斯福在干什么》的有声影片上映。多家保险公司的代表在医生们检查罗斯福的健康状况时到场，检查表明四十八岁的罗斯福就像三十多岁的人一样健康，保险公司对他投保56万美元，而通常一个人的健康保险最多不超过50万美元。共和党为了击垮罗斯福，特意从首都请来了国务卿亨利·Ｌ·史汀生、助理财政部长奥格顿·Ｌ·米尔斯、陆军部长帕特里克·Ｊ·赫尔利等纽约州人回来助拳，他们异口同声地谴责罗斯福实际上纵容了坦慕尼协会的贪污舞弊。但一切终究无济于事，罗斯福以超出对手72.5万票的绝对优势当选了纽约州州长。

第二节  罗斯福于1930年任纽约州长后的演讲

In speaking to you, men of the greatest city of the West, men of the state which gave to the country Lincoln and Grant, men who preminently and distinctly embody all that is most American in the American character, I wish to preach not the doctrine of ignoble ease but the doctrine of the strenuous life; the life of toil and effort; of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which comes not to the man who desires mere easy peace but to the man who does not shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph...

As it is with the individual so it is with the nation. It is a base untruth to say that happy is the nation that has no history. Thrice happy is the nation that has a glorious history. Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much because they live in the gray twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat. If in 1861 the men who loved the Union had believed that peace was the end of all things and war and strife a worst of all things, and had acted up to their belief, we would have saved hundreds of thousands of lives, we would have saved hundreds of millions of dollars. Moreover, besides saving all the blood and treasure we then lavished, we would have prevented the heartbreak of many women, the dissolution of many homes; and we would have spared the country those months of gloom and shame when it seemed as if our armies marched only to defeat. We would have avoided all this suffering simply by shrinking from strife. And if we had thus avoided it we would have shown that we were—weaklings and that we were unfit to stand among the great nations of the earth. Thank God for the iron in the blood of our fathers, the men who upheld the wisdom of Lincoln and bore sword or rifle in the armies of Grant! Let us, the children of the men who proved themselves equal to the mighty days—let us, the children of the men who carried the great Civil War to a triumphant conclusion, praise the God of our fathers that the ignoble counsels of peace were rejected, that the suffering and loss, the blackness of sorrow and despair, were unflinchingly faced and the years of strife endured; for in the end the slave was freed, the Union restored, and the mighty American Republic placed once more as a helmeted queen among nations.

We of this generation do not have to face a task such as that our fathers faced, but we have our tasks, and—woe to us if we fail to perform them!

We cannot, if we would, play the part of China, and be content to rot by inches in ignoble ease within our borders, taking no interest in what goes on beyond them; sunk in a scrambling commercialism; heedless of the higher life, the life of aspiration, of toil and risk; busying ourselves only with the wants of our bodies for the day; until suddenly we should find, beyond a shadow of question, what China has already found, that in this world the nation that has trained itself to a career of unwarlike and isolated ease is bound in the end to go down before other nations which have not lost the manly and adventurous qualities.

If we are to be a really great people, we must strive in good faith to play a great part in the world. We cannot avoid meeting great issues. All that we can determine for ourselves is whether we shall meet them well or ill. Last year we could not help being brought face to face with the problem of war with Spain. All we could decide was whether we should shrink like cowards from the contest or enter into it as beseemed a brave and high—spirited people; and, once in, whether failure or success should crown our banners. So it is now. We cannot avoid the responsibilities that confront us in Hawaii, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. All we can decide is whether we shall meet them in a way that will redound to the national credit, or whether we shall make of our dealings with these new problems a dark and shameful page in our history. To refuse to deal with them at all merely amounts to dealing with them badly. We have a given problem to solve. If we undertake the solution there is, of course, always danger that we may not solve it aright, but to refuse to undertake the solution simply renders it certain that we cannot possibly solve it aright.

The timid man, the lazy man, the man who distrusts his country, the overcivilized man, who has lost the great fighting, masterful virtues, the ignorant man and the man of dull mind, whose soul is incapable of feeling the mighty lift that thrills “stern men with empires in their brains” —all these, of course, shrink from seeing the nation undertake its new duties; shrink from seeing us build a navy and army adequate to our needs; shrink from seeing us do our share of the world’s work by bringing order out of chaos in the great, fair tropic islands from which the valor of our soldiers and sailors has driven the Spanish flag. These are the men who fear the strenuous life, who fear the only national life which is really worth leading.

I preach to you, then, my countrymen, that our country calls not for the life of ease, but for the life of strenuous endeavor. The twentieth century looms before us big with the fate of many nations.

If we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease, and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by and will win for themselves the domination of the world. Let us therefore boldly face the life of strife, resolute to do our duty well and manfully; resolute to uphold righteousness by deed and by word; resolute to be both honest and brave, to serve high ideals, yet to use practical methods. Above all, let us shrink from no strife, moral or physical, within or without the nation, provided we are certain that the strife is justified; for it is only through strife, through hard and dangerous endeavor, that we shall ultimately win the goal of true national greatness.

今天的听众来自美国西部最伟大的城市，这里出过林肯总统、格兰特将军这样的伟人，这里的人民最突出最明显地体现了美国人的特点，面对这样伟大的人民，我想宣扬的不是可鄙的贪图安逸享乐的人生哲学，而是生命不止奋斗不息的人生哲学。我认为人生应该为最出色的成就奋斗，这种成就绝不是那些想安闲地过日子的人们所能得到的，只有那些不畏艰险、不怕劳累的人们才有可能取得最后的辉煌胜利……

对一个人来说应该奋斗不息，对一个民族来说也应该如此。说没有历史的民族是幸福的民族，这是卑劣的谎言。具有光荣历史的民族是十分幸运的。向强有力的事物挑战，去夺取辉煌的胜利，即使遭受挫折也比苟且偷安强得多，因为得过且过的人生活在暗淡的暮光之中，既体验不到胜利的欢乐，也尝受不到失败的痛苦。在1861年，要是那些热爱联邦的人们认为和平是最终的目的，认为战争与冲突是最不幸的事情，并且按这种想法去做了，那么我们可以避免千百万人头颅落地，可以节省大量的财力，而且除了可以省去我们所付出的生命和金钱方面的代价外，还可以使我们的妇女同胞免受心碎之苦，使我们的人民免遭家破人亡之罪。当联邦军队似乎只是在走向失败时，我们的国家也可以免得陷入长达几个月之久的忧愁与耻辱之中。要是我们在冲突面前畏缩不前，我们可以避免这些痛苦；要是我们回避了这些痛苦，我们就成了不配屹立于世界伟大民族之林的懦夫。感谢主给了我们先辈钢铁般的意志，他们支持了林肯总统的英明抉择，拿起了刀枪加入了格兰特将军的队伍。我们是不愧于伟大时代的英雄们的儿女，是把伟大内战进行到底直至取得最后胜利的英雄们的后代，让我们赞美主让我们的先辈拒绝了可耻的主和意见，让我们的先辈毫不畏缩地去面对痛苦、失败、悲伤、失望的磨练，去经历几年的内战，因为最后奴隶们获得了解放，联邦得到了保存，强大的美利坚合众国再一次像巨人般地屹立于世界民族之林。

我们这一代人用不着面临我们先辈所面临的那种任务，但是，我们也有自己的任务，要是我们没能完成我们的任务，我们就要遭到不幸。

我们决不能扮演中国的角色，要是我们重蹈中国的覆辙，自满自足，贪图自己疆域内的安宁享乐，渐渐地腐败堕落，对国外的事情毫无兴趣。沉溺于纸醉金迷之中，忘掉了奋发向上，若干冒险的高尚生活，整天忙于满足我们肉体暂时的欲望，那么毫无疑问，总有一天我们会突然发现中国今天已经发生的这一事实：畏惧战争、闭关锁国、贪图安宁享乐的民族在其他好战、爱冒险民族的进攻面前肯定是要衰败的。

如果我们要成为真正伟大的民族，我们必须竭尽全力在国际事务中起巨大的作用。我们无法回避大问题，我们能决定的仅是该如何处理这些问题。去年我们被卷入了与西班牙的战争，那也是不可避免的。我们所能考虑的仅是我们该像懦夫那样退缩呢？还是该勇敢、斗志昂扬地开赴战场，以及一旦进入了战场，我们是否能打胜？现在的情况也是如此，我们无法回避在夏威夷、古巴、波多黎各和菲律宾所面临的责任。我们所能考虑的仅是我们能否妥善处理这些问题，增强我国的威望，以及我们对这些新问题的处理不当，会不会成为我们历史上黑暗耻辱的一页。拒绝处理这些问题与处理得一败涂地没什么两样。我们面临着要我们处理的问题，要是我们着手去解决，必然存在着处理不当的危险，但是拒不处理就等于承认我们根本无法处理。

懦夫，懒汉，对政府持怀疑态度的人，丧失了斗争精神和支配能力文质彬彬的人，愚昧无知的人，还有那些无法感受到坚定不移的人们，受到巨大鼓舞仍麻木不仁的人——所有这些人当然害怕看到他们的国家承担了新的职责，害怕看到我们建立能满足我国需要的海军和陆军，害怕看到我们承担国际义务，害怕看到我们勇敢的士兵和水手们把西班牙的军队赶出去，让伟大美丽的热带岛屿从大乱中达到大治。这些人害怕过艰苦的生活，害怕过这种唯一值得的民族生活。

同胞们，我们国家要求大家过的不是安逸的生活而是艰苦奋斗的生活。二十世纪许多国家的命运将处于危难之中，这种危险也威胁着我们。

如果我们袖手旁观，如果我们仅仅追求昏庸懒散的悠闲生活和安逸，如果我们不参与这种必须以生命和珍爱的一切去获取胜利的激烈竞争，那么比我们野蛮强大的民族将甩开我们，控制整个世界。因此，让我们勇敢地面对生活的挑战，决心以男子汉大丈夫的气概去完成我们的职责，用我们的誓言和行动来维护正义，既要真诚大胆又要采取切实可行的方法来实现我们的理想。最重要的是，只要我们认为我们是站在正义一边，我们都不要在国内外物质或精神上的冲突面前退缩，因为只有通过斗争，通过艰苦危险的斗争，我们才能实现我们民族进步的目的。

第三节  精彩语录

I wish to preach not the doctrine of ignoble ease but the doctrine of the strenuous life; the life of toil and effort; of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which comes not to the man who desires mere easy peace but to the man who does not shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph...

我想宣扬的不是可鄙的贪图安逸享乐的人生哲学，而是生命不止奋斗不息的人生哲学。我认为人生应该为最出色的成就奋斗，这种成就绝不是那些想安闲地过日子的人们所能得到的，只有那些不畏艰险、不怕劳累的人们才有可能取得最后的辉煌胜利……

Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much because they live in the gray twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat.

向强有力的事物挑战，去夺取辉煌的胜利，即使遭受挫折也比苟且偷安强得多，因为得过且过的人生活在暗淡的暮光之中，既体验不到胜利的欢乐，也尝受不到失败的痛苦。

We would have avoided all this suffering simply by shrinking from strife. And if we had thus avoided it we would have shown that we were—weaklings and that we were unfit to stand among the great nations of the earth.

要是我们在冲突面前畏缩不前，我们可以避免这些痛苦；要是我们回避了这些痛苦，我们就成了不配屹立于世界伟大民族之林的懦夫。

If we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease, and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by and will win for themselves the domination of the world.

如果我们袖手旁观，如果我们仅仅追求昏庸懒散的悠闲生活和安逸，如果我们不参与这种必须以生命和珍爱的一切去获取胜利的激烈竞争，那么比我们野蛮强大的民族将甩开我们，控制整个世界。

Let us therefore boldly face the life of strife, resolute to do our duty well and manfully; resolute to uphold righteousness by deed and by word; resolute to be both honest and brave, to serve high ideals, yet to use practical methods.

让我们勇敢地面对生活的挑战，决心以男子汉大丈夫的气概去完成我们的职责，用我们的誓言和行动来维护正义，既要真诚大胆又要采取切实可行的方法来实现我们的理想。

第二章  政府的职责和权力

第一节  背景介绍

第一次世界大战之后，罗斯福成为了当时美国民主党的新鲜力量。1919年从巴黎和会铩羽而归的威尔逊总统，已经没有力量再来领导民主党在1920年的竞选活动了。共和党挟参议院中新胜之余威，生气勃勃地投入了夺回失去快八年的总统宝座的斗争。他们趾高气扬地宣称：“威尔逊先生和他的王朝，他的继承人，或对他奴颜婢膝的人，都必须赶下台，清除他们对美国政府的一切影响。”

此时民主党已萎靡不振，有气无力，为了振奋士气而推出詹姆斯·考克斯和富兰克林·罗斯福来竞选总统和副总统，罗斯福明知毫无当选的可能，但为了扩大民主党的影响并使自己进一步在群众中亮相，仍接受提名，并全力以赴进行竞选。在九十二天中，有八十四个晚上是在竞选车上度过的。他作了800多次演说。尽管他演说的关于国际联盟的主题不受选民欢迎，但是他的口才和风度却赢得了好感。选举结果民主党惨败。共和党的哈定—柯立芝搭档获得1600万张选民票和404张选举人票；考克斯—罗斯福搭档只得到900万张选民票和127张选举人票。

但是，对罗斯福来说，这并不是一件坏事。因为他在全国选民面前亮了相，结识了许多重要人物，了解了普通人民的情绪和要求，总结了失败的教训，为他日后的成功提供了可贵的经验。

罗斯福意识到，成功的关键在于争取民心，为此必须善于倾听各方面的意见，把内外政策置于现实的基础上，而不是把梦想当作现实。同时，还必须重视舆论，不重蹈威尔逊对美国人心向背作出错误判断的覆辙。此外，还需重视与国会和在野党的关系。威尔逊组织的出席巴黎和会的代表团，排斥共和党的代表人物，几乎成了民主党一党代表团，招致了在国会中占优势的共和党议员的强烈反对。

经过总结，罗斯福更加心明眼亮，对未来充满信心。为了团结伙伴，笼络人心，他定做了多副金质袖链扣，送给参加竞选班子的男人。链扣的一粒上刻着他的姓名缩写FDR，另一粒上刻着受赠人的缩写姓名，好事者称之为“链扣俱乐部”。后来罗斯福入主白宫后，白宫秘书处都是这帮得到金袖扣的人，被称为“白宫帮”，秘书处主任就是路易斯·豪。

1924年还是共和党的年代，民主党的竞选又失败了。这种情况是罗斯福和路易斯早就预料到的。在此情况下，他一面密切注意着形势的变化，准备东山再起；一面继续抓紧治病。

1928年又是美国总统选举年。两党的政客、党阀和谋求官职的野心家、市侩纷纷活动起来。民主党又推出连任四届的纽约州州长艾尔·史密斯与共和党的赫伯特·胡佛竞选。但是形势对史密斯很不利，共和党政府正处在“鼎盛时期”，而且共和党候选人胡佛又向群众许了愿：“今后保证让人们的日子过得更美好。”民主党内部意见分歧、组织混乱的现象仍很严重。罗斯福就在这时被提名为民主党参加纽约州州长竞选的候选人。

这是罗斯福身患重病后第一次参加重要公职的竞选。其实，罗斯福对于纽约州州长的职位是向往已久的。刚进入政界时他曾经说过：“谁能当上纽约州长，谁就有成为美国总统的大好机会。”现在罗斯福决心竭尽全力摘取这项桂冠！

罗斯福进行了为期四周的竞选活动。为了使自己能与更多的选民接触，他在竞选后期改乘汽车而不乘火车。这使他能在几十个村庄和路口向选民们讲演。罗斯福脸色健康，精神抖擞，与选民们握手、拍肩，谈笑风生。凡是候选人该表演的他都表演了，甚至还有一般候选人所没有的条件，那就是伤残选民对他的敬佩和拥护。他每天平均要作近200英里的竞选旅行，发表12次演说。通过无线电广播，每次就有1500万名听众。罗斯福在竞选的最后三个星期中，总共行程1300英里，发表了50场演说。这使许多跟着他的人都感到疲惫不堪，也使人们打消了对他的健康和精力的疑问。

选举日那天，他照例在海德公园村政府大厅授了票，然后到比特莫尔饭店静候结果。对民主党来说，这又是一个难熬的夜晚。初步结果一出来，就很清楚地看出史密斯是这次向胡佛一边倒的选举的牺牲者。内战以前就是民主党地盘的那些州也转向了共和党。史密斯叼着一支熄灭了的雪茄，闷闷不乐地看着宣布的选举结果：胡佛得了2139.2万张选票和444张选举人票，这是美国历史上候选人得到的空前未有的最大胜利。而史密斯得到的只有1501.6万张选票和87张选举人票。胡佛在全国除了八个州以外的其他各州取胜，打进了一贯投民主党票的南方各州。使史密斯惊惶不安的是，胡佛甚至在纽约也以约10万张票的多数赢得胜利。这次选举会有什么样的结果，人们早就心中有数，但实际情况却比最悲观的民主党人所预料的还要凄惨。唯一使民主党得到安慰的是，罗斯福以多获25564票而当选为纽约州长。罗斯福诙谐地把自己称为“0.5%的州长”。然而不管这次胜利多么微小，却把他推到全国政界的注意点。

第二节  罗斯福于1932年在联邦俱乐部的演讲

Commonwealth Club Address

September 23, 1932

I count it a privilege to be invited to address the Commonwealth Club. It has stood in the life of this city and state, and it is perhaps accurate to add, the nation, as a group of citizen leaders interested in fundamental problems of government, and chiefly concerned with achievement of progress in government through non-partisan means. The privilege of addressing you, therefore, in the heat of a political campaign, is great. I want to respond to your courtesy in terms consistent with your policy.

I want to speak not of politics but of government. I want to speak not of parties, but of universal principles. They are not political, except in that larger sense in which a great American once expressed a definition of politics, that nothing in all of human life is foreign to the science of politics...

The issue of government has always been whether individual men and women will have to serve some system of government of economics, or whether a system of government and economics exists to serve individual men and women. This question has persistently dominated the discussion of government for many generations. On questions relating to these things men have differed, and for time immemorial it is probable that honest men will continue to differ.

The final word belongs to no man; yet we can still believe in change and in progress. Democracy, as a dear old friend of mine in Indian, Meredith Nicholson, has called it, is a quest, a never-ending seeking for better things, and in the seeking for these things and the striving for better things, and in the seeking for these things and the striving for them, there are many roads to follow. But, if we map the course of these roads, we find that there are only two general directions.

When we look about us, we are likely to forget how hard people have worked to win the privilege of government. The growth of the national governments of Europe was a struggle for the development of a centralized force in the nation, strong enough to impose peace upon ruling barons. In many instances the victory of the central government, the creation of a strong central government, was a haven of refuge to the individual. The people preferred the master far away to the exploitation and cruelty of the smaller master near at hand.

But the creators of national government were perforce ruthless men. They were often cruel in their methods, but they did strive steadily toward something that society needed and very much wanted, a strong central state, able to keep the peace, to stamp out civil war, to put the unruly nobleman in his place, and to permit the bulk of individuals to live safely. The man of ruthless force had his place in developing a pioneer country, just as he did in fixing the power of the central government in the development of nations. Society paid him well for his services and its development.

When the development among the nations of Europe, however, has been completed, ambition, and ruthlessness, having served its term tended to overstep its mark. There came a growing feeling that government was conducted for the benefit of a few who thrived unduly at the expense of all. The people sought a balancing—a limiting force. There came gradually, through town councils, trade guilds, national parliaments, by constitution and by popular participation and control, limitations on arbitrary power. Another factor that tended to limit the power of those who ruled, was the rise of the ethical conception that a ruler bore a responsibility for the welfare of his subjects.

The American colonies were born in this struggle. The American Revolution was a turning point in it. After the revolution the struggle continued and shaped itself in the public life of the country. There were those who because they had seen the confusion which attended the years of war for American independence surrendered to the belief that popular government was essentially dangerous and essentially unworkable. They were honest people, my friends, and we cannot deny that their experience had warranted some measure of fear. The most brilliant, honest and able exponent of this point of view was Hamilton. He was too impatient of slow moving methods. Fundamentally he believed that the safety of the republic lay in the autocratic strength of its government, that the destiny of individuals was to serve that government, and that fundamentally a great and strong group of central institutions, guided by a small group of able and public spirited citizens could best direct all government.

But Mr. Jefferson, in the summer of 1776, after drafting the Declaration of Independence turned his mind to the same problem and took a different view. He did not deceive himself with outward forms. Government to him was a means to an end, not an end in itself; it might be either a refuge and a help or a threat and a danger, depending on the circumstances. We find him carefully analyzing the society for which he was to organize a government. “We have no paupers. The great mass of our population is of laborers, our rich who cannot live without labor, either manual or professional, being few and of moderate wealth. Most of the laboring class possess property, cultivate their own lands, have families and from the demand for their labor, are enabled to exact from the rich and the competent such prices as enable them to feed abundantly, clothe above mere decency, to labor moderately and raise their families.”

These people, he considered, had two sets of rights, those of “personal competency” and those involved in acquiring and possessing property. By “personal competency” he meant the right of free thinking, freedom of forming and expressing opinions, and freedom of personal living each man according to his own lights. To insure the first set of rights, a government must so order its functions as not to interfere with the individual. But even Jefferson realized that the exercise of the property rights might so interfere with the rights of the individual that the government, without whose assistance the property rights could not exist, must intervene, not to destroy individualism but to protect it.

You are familiar with the great political duel which followed, and how Hamilton, and his friends, building towards a dominant centralized power were at length defeated in the great election of 1800, by Mr. Jefferson’s party. Out of that duel came the two parties, Republican and Democratic, as we know them today.

So began, in American political life, the new day, the day of the individual against the system, the day in which individualism was made the great watchword of American life. The happiest of economic conditions made that day long and splendid. On the Western frontier, land was substantially free. No one, who did not shirk the task of earning a living, was entirely without opportunity to do so. Depressions could, and did, come and go; but they could not alter the fundamental fact that most of the people lived partly by selling their labor and partly by extracting their livelihood from the soil, so that starvation and dislocation were practically impossible. At the very worst there was always the possibility of climbing into a covered wagon and moving west where the untilled prairies afforded a haven for men to whom the East did not provide a place. So great were our natural resources that we could offer this relief not only to our own people, but to the distressed of all of the world; we could invite immigration from Europe, and welcome it with open arms. Traditionally, when a depression came, a new section of land was opened in the West; and even our temporary misfortune served our manifest destiny.

It was the middle of the 19th century that a new force was released and a new dream created. The force was what is called the industrial revolution, the advance of steam and machinery and the rise of the forerunners of the modern industrial plant. The dream was the dream of an economic machine, able to raise the standard of living for everyone; to bring luxury within the reach of the humblest; to annihilate distance by steam power and later by electricity, and to release everyone from the drudgery of the heaviest manual toil. It was to be expected that this would necessarily affect government. Heretofore, government had merely been called upon to produce conditions within which people could live happily, labor peacefully, and rest secure. Now it was called upon to aid in the consummation of this new dream. There was, however, a shadow over the dream. To be made real, it required use of the talents of men of tremendous will, and tremendous ambition, since by no other force could the problems of financing and engineering and new developments be brought to a consummation.

So manifests were the advantages of the machine age, however, that the United States fearlessly, cheerfully, and, I think, rightly, accepted the bitter with the sweet. It was thought that no price was too high to pay for the advantages which we could draw from a finished industrial system. The history of the last half century is accordingly in large measure a history of a group of financial Titans, whose methods were not scrutinized with too much care, and who were honored in proportion as they produced the results, irrespective of the means they used. The financiers who pushed the railroads to the Pacific were always ruthless, we have them today. It has been estimated that the American investor paid for the American railway system more than three times over in the process; but despite that fact the net advantage was to the United States. As long as we had free land; as long as population was growing by leaps and bounds; as long as our industrial plants were insufficient to supply our needs, society chose to give the ambitious man free play and unlimited reward provided only that he produced the economic plant so much desired.

During this period of expansion, there was equal opportunity for all and the business of government was not to interfere but to assist in the development of industry. This was done at the request of businessmen themselves. The tariff was originally imposed for the purpose of “fostering our infant industry”, a phrase I think the older among you will remember as a political issue not so long ago. The railroads were subsidized, sometimes by grants of money, oftener by grants of land; some of the most valuable oil lands in the United States were granted to assist the financing of the railroad which pushed through the Southwest. A nascent merchant marine was assisted by grants of money, or by mail subsidies, so that our steam shipping might ply the seven seas.

Some of my friends tell me that they do not want the Government in business. With this I agree; but I wonder whether they realize the implications of the past. For while it has been American doctrine that the government must not go into business in competition with private enterprises, still it has been traditional particularly in Republican administrations for business urgently to ask the government to put at private disposal all kinds of government assistance.

The same man who tells you that he does not want to see the government interfere in business—and he means it, and has plenty of good reasons for saying so—is the first to go to Washington and ask the government for a prohibitory tariff on his product. When things get just bad enough—as they did two years ago—he will go with equal speed to the United States government and ask for a loan; and the Reconstruction Finance Corporation is the outcome of it. Each group has sought protection from the government for its own special interest, without realizing that the function of government must be to favor no small group at the expense of its duty to protect the rights of personal freedom and of private property of all its citizens.

In retrospect we can now see that the turn of the tide came with the turn of the century. We were reaching our last frontier; there was no more free land and our industrial combinations had become great uncontrolled and irresponsible units of power within the state. Clear-sighted men saw with fear the danger that opportunity would no longer be equal; that the growing corporation, like the feudal baron of old, might threaten the economic freedom of individuals to earn a living. In that hour, our antitrust laws were born. The cry was raised against the great corporations. Theodore Roosevelt, the first great Republican progressive, fought a Presidential campaign on the issue of “trust busting” and talked freely about malefactors of great wealth. If the government had a policy it was rather to turn the clock back, to destroy the large combinations and to return to the time when every man owned his individual small business.

This was impossible; Theodore Roosevelt, abandoning the idea of “trust busting”, was forced to work out a difference between “good” trusts and “bad” trusts. The Supreme Court set forth the famous “rule of reason” by which it seems to have meant that a concentration of industrial power was permissible if the method by which it got its power, and the use it made of that power, was reasonable.

Woodrow Wilson, elected in 1912, saw the situation more clearly. Where Jefferson had feared the encroachment of political power on the lives of individuals, Wilson knew that the new power was financial. He say, in the highly centralized economic system, the depot of the twentieth century, on whom great masses of individuals relied for their safety and their livelihood, and whose irresponsibility and greed (if it were not controlled) would reduce them to starvation and penury. The concentration of financial power had not proceeded so far in 1912 as it has today; but it had grown far enough for Mr. Wilson to realize fully its implications. It is interesting, now, to read his speeches.

What is called “radical” today (and I have reason to know whereof I speak) is mild compared to the campaign of Mr. Wilson. “No man can deny,” he said, “that the lines of endeavor have more and more narrowed and stiffened; no man who knows anything about the development of industry in this country can have failed to observe that the larger kinds of credit are more and more difficult to obtain unless you obtain them upon terms of uniting your efforts with those who already control the industry of the country, and nobody can fail to observe that every man who tries to set himself up in competition with any process of manufacture which has taken place under the control of large combinations of capital will presently find himself either squeezed out or obliged to sell and allow himself to be absorbed.”

Had there been no World War—had Mr. Wilson been able to devote eight years to domestic instead of to international affairs—we might have had a wholly different situation at the present time. However, the then distant roar of European cannon, growing ever louder, forced him to abandon the study of this issue. The problem he saw so clearly is left with us as a legacy; and no one of us on either side of the political controversy can deny that it is a matter of grave concern to the government.

A glance at the situation today only too clearly indicates that equality of opportunity as we have knew it no longer exists. Our industrial plant is built; the problem just now is whether under existing conditions it is not overbuilt. Our last frontier has long since been reached, and there is practically no more free land. More than half of our people do not live on the farms or on lands and cannot derive a living by cultivating their own property. There is no safety valve in the form of a Western prairie to which those thrown out of work by the Eastern economic machines can go for a new start. We are not able to invite the immigration from Europe to share our endless plenty. We are now providing a drab living for our own people.

Our system of constantly rising tariffs has at last reacted against us to the point of closing our Canadian frontier on the north, our European markets on the east, many of our Latin American markets to the south, and a goodly proportion of our Pacific markets on the west, through the retaliatory tariffs of those countries. It has forced many of our great industrial institutions who exported their surplus production to such countries, to establish plants in such countries within the tariff walls. This has resulted in the reduction of the operation of their American plants, and opportunity for employment.

Just as freedom to farm has ceased, so also the opportunity in business has narrowed. It still is true that men can start small enterprises, trusting to native shrewdness and ability to keep abreast of competitors; but area after area has been preempted altogether by the great corporations, and even in the fields which still have no great concerns, the small man starts with a handicap. The unfeeling statistics of the past three decades show that the independent business man is running a losing race. Perhaps he is forced to the wall; perhaps he cannot command credit; perhaps he is “squeezed out,” in Mr. Wilson’s words, by highly organized corporate competitors, as your corner grocery man can tell you.

Recently a careful study was made of the concentration of business in the United States. It showed that our economic life was dominated by some six hundred odd corporations who controlled two-thirds of American industry. Ten million small business men divided the other third. More striking still, it appeared that if the process of concentration goes on at the same rate, at the end of another century we shall have all American industry controlled by a dozen corporations, and run by perhaps a hundred men. Put plainly, we are steering a steady course toward economic oligarchy, if we are not there already.

Clearly, all this calls for a re-appraisal of values. A mere builder of more industrial plants, a creator of more railroad systems, and organizer of more corporations, is as likely to be a danger as a help. The day of the great promoter or the financial Titan, to whom we granted anything if only he would build, or develop, is over. Our task now is not discovery or exploitation of natural resources, or necessarily producing more goods. It is the soberer, less dramatic business of administering resources and plants already in hand, of seeking to reestablish foreign markets for our surplus production, of meeting the problem of under consumption, of adjusting production to consumption, of distributing wealth and products more equitably, of adapting existing economic organizations to the service of the people. The day of enlightened administration has come.

Just as in older times the central government was first a haven of refuge, and then a threat, so now in a closer economic system the central and ambitious financial unit is no longer a servant of national desire, but a danger. I would draw the parallel one step farther. We did not think because national government had become a threat in the 18th century that therefore we should abandon the principle of national government. Nor today should we abandon the principle of strong economic units called corporations, merely because their power is susceptible of easy abuse. In other times we dealt with the problem of an unduly ambitious central government by modifying it gradually into a constitutional democratic government. So today we are modifying and controlling our economic units.

As I see it, the task of government in its relation to business is to assist the development of an economic declaration of rights, an economic constitutional order. This is the common task of statesman and business man. It is the minimum requirement of a more permanently safe order of things.

Every man has a right to life; and this means that he has also a right to make a comfortable living. He may by sloth or crime decline to exercise that right; but it may not be denied him. We have no actual famine or death; our industrial and agricultural mechanism can produce enough and to spare. Our government formal and informal, political and economic, owes to every one an avenue to possess himself of a portion of that plenty sufficient for his needs, through his own work.

Every man has a right to his own property; which means a right to be assured, to the fullest extent attainable, in the safety of his savings. By no other means can men carry the burdens of those parts of life which, in the nature of things afford no chance of labor; childhood, sickness, old age. In all thought of property, this right is paramount; all other property rights must yield to it. If, in accord with this principle, we must restrict the operations of the speculator, the manipulator, even the financier, I believe we must accept the restriction as needful, not to hamper individualism but to protect it.

These two requirements must be satisfied, in the main, by the individuals who claim and hold control of the great industrial and financial combinations which dominate so large a pert of our industrial life. They have undertaken to be, not business men, but princes—princes of property. I am not prepared to say that the system which produces them is wrong. I am very clear that they must fearlessly and competently assume the responsibility which goes with the power. So many enlightened business men know this that the statement would be little more that a platitude, were it not for an added implication.

This implication is, briefly, that the responsible heads of finance and industry instead of acting each for himself, must work together to achieve the common end. They must, where necessary, sacrifice this or that private advantage; and in reciprocal self-denial must seek a general advantage. It is here that formal government—political government, if you choose, comes in. Whenever in the pursuit of this objective the lone wolf, the unethical competitor, the reckless promoter, the Ishmael or Insull whose hand is against every man’s, declines to join in achieving and end recognized as being for the public welfare, and threatens to drag the industry back to a state of anarchy, the government may properly be asked to apply restraint. Likewise, should the group ever use its collective power contrary to public welfare, the government must be swift to enter and protect the public interest.

The government should assume the function of economic regulation only as a last resort, to be tried only when private initiative, inspired by high responsibility, with such assistance and balance as government can give, has finally failed. As yet there has been no final failure, because there has been no attempt, and I decline to assume that this nation is unable to meet the situation.

The final term of the high contract was for liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We have learnt a great deal of both in the past century. We know that individual liberty and individual happiness mean nothing unless both are ordered in the sense that one man’s meat is not another man’s poison. We know that the old “rights of personal competency”—the right to read, to think, to speak to choose and live a mode of life, must be respected at all hazards. We know that liberty to do anything which deprives others of those elemental rights is outside the protection of any compact; and that government in this regard is the maintenance of a balance, within which every individual may have a place if he will take it; in which every individual may find safety if he wishes it; in which every individual may attain such power as his ability permits, consistent with his assuming the accompanying responsibility...

Faith in America, faith in our tradition of personal responsibility, faith in our institutions, faith in ourselves demands that we recognize the new terms of the old social contract. We shall fulfill them, as we fulfilled the obligation of the apparent Utopia which Jefferson imagined for us in 1776, and which Jefferson, Roosevelt and Wilson sought to bring to realization. We must do so, lest a rising tide of misery engendered by our common failure, engulf us all. But failure is not an American habit; and in the strength of great hope we must all shoulder our common load.

联邦俱乐部演说

1932年9月23日

能在联邦俱乐部发言，我感到十分荣幸。联邦俱乐部对这个城市、对这个州影响巨大，或者更确切地说，对美国影响巨大。联邦俱乐部作为一个公民领袖组织，对政体的根本问题感兴趣，特别关注以无党派方式取得的政体进步。能在竞选活动最激烈的时候，有幸为你们做这次演讲真是令人激动。为了报答你们的好意，我会与你们保持原则上的一致。

我不想谈政治而要谈谈政体，也不谈政党而要说说普遍原则。这些与政治无关，尽管一位美国伟人曾经给政治下的定义是从广义上讲一切人类生活皆与政治科学有关。

政体问题通常就是个人是否不得不服从某种经济体制，或者某种政治经济体制的存在是否服务于个人。这个问题是长久以来讨论政体问题的核心所在。一直以来人们围绕政体问题，有过许多不同的见解。而且坦率的人们很有可能还是一如既往地坚持自己的观点。

没有人对此有最后发言权，但我们仍然坚信会有所改变，有所进步。正如我一位亲爱的印度老友梅雷蒂斯尼克尔森说的，民主是一种渴求，一种对更好事物的不断寻求。在找寻这些并努力去获取更好事物的过程中，有很多路可走。但是，如果我们描绘出这些路的方向，我们会发现大致只有两个方向。

当我们环顾自己周围，可能会忘了人民付出了多少努力去获得政府特权。欧洲各国政府的发展就是国家不断加强中央集权的斗争过程。在许多情况下，中央政府的成功或者说一个强大中央政府的建立对个人而言是一个庇护所。人民宁可选择一个远在天边的主人，也不愿意承受近在咫尺的主人的剥削和凌虐。

然而国家政府的创建者必定是无情的。他们通常手段残酷，但的的确确是在不断地为社会所需以及迫切所需而奋斗。一个强大的中央政府能够维护社会稳定、避免内战，让蛮横的贵族安分守己，还能让大多数人过上安定的生活。在一个先驱国家的发展中，铁血手腕之人不可或缺，正如国家发展期间他在巩固中央政府权力上所做的一切。社会对他的付出回报甚多，同时社会也得以发展。

然而当欧洲各国的发展完善后，野心和冷酷往往早已超过了可以承受的常态。那时人们越来越觉得政府是为了一小撮人的利益服务，这些人可以为了暴富而牺牲一切。民众开始寻求一种平衡的、有限度的权力。之后他们渐渐地通过镇议会、同业公会、国民议会，用宪法和民众参与和控制的手段来对强权加以限制。另一个往往能限制统治者权力的因素是道德观念的兴起，道德观念认为一个统治者应该对其国民的福利待遇承担责任。

北美殖民地就是在这种抗争中诞生的。其中，美国独立战争是个转折点，但这之后抗争得以延续，并对国家公众生活产生重大影响。有一些参加了多年独立战争的人因为曾经目睹了混乱的状态，所以相信一个民选政府必然是危险的而且是不可行的。朋友们，他们是坦诚的。我们得承认他们肯定经历了许多可怕的事情。汉密尔顿是这种思想最卓越、最真实也是最能干的倡导者。他对行动缓慢的做法很反感。他从根本上坚信共和国的安定在于政府本身专政的力量，认为个人注定要为政府服务，而且小部分能干且有公众意识的公民可以领导一系列强大的中央机构，而这些机构可以很好地履行各项政府职能。

但在1776年的夏天，在起草《独立宣言》后，杰斐逊先生想到了同样的问题，却持有不同的观点。他不喜欢自欺欺人。对他而言，政府是达到目标的一种方法而非目标本身。在不同情况下，政府可以是一个避风港、一种援助，也可能成为一种威胁和危险。我们发现他对要组建政府的这个社会做了仔细的分析:“我们没有穷人。我们人口中的大部分是劳动力。无论是那些极少部分的富人还是中产阶级，他们在体力劳动和脑力劳动上都依赖劳动力。大部分的劳动阶级拥有财产，耕种自己的田地，有家庭。富人和雇主需要劳力，这样劳动者就能向他们索取报酬来吃饱穿暖，做适量工作来养活全家。”

杰斐逊认为这些人有两项权利，一个关于“个人权利”，另一个涉及财产的获得和拥有。个人权利在他看来是指一个人有权自由思想，自由提出和表达看法以及根据个人能力自由生存。为了保障人们的第一类权利，政府必须严格履行其职能以免干涉到个人。然而杰斐逊也认识到财产权的行使可能会阻碍到个人的一些权力。这样一来，政府就必须干预，这并不是要破坏个人主义，而是一种保护。没有政府的协助，财产权无法存在。

你们对此后的那场激烈的政治斗争应该不会陌生，期望建立一个高度集权政府的汉密尔顿和他的朋友们，最后在1800年的大选中被杰斐逊带领的政党击败。在那次政治斗争之后出现了两个政党，就是我们今天所知道的共和党和民主党。

从此开启了美国政治生活的新时代，在这个时代个人与制度相抗衡，个人主义成为美国人生活中最响亮的口号。最佳的经济环境使那个时代持久而且辉煌。在西部边远地区，土地是完全自由的。如果不是刻意要逃避谋生，没有人会活不下去。经济萧条可能也的确是来了又走了，但并不能改变基本现状：大部分人一半靠出卖劳动力，一半靠种地谋生。这样的话，几乎不可能出现饥饿和混乱。到了最糟糕的时候，人们就会坐上有篷马车前往西部，那里有未开垦的大草原，可以提供给人们东部所没有的港湾。我们的自然资源如此丰富，不仅可以提供救济给国人，也可以给全世界受苦的人们。我们可以邀请欧洲的移民并张开双臂欢迎他们的到来。就传统而言，当萧条时期来临，在西部就会有一部分新的土地开放。即使暂时的灾难也能满足我们扩张美国在北美洲领土的需要。

就在十九世纪中叶，出现了一股新势力，人们创造了一个新梦想。那股新势力就是现在所说的工业革命，蒸汽动力和机械动力开始发展，出现了现代工业工厂的前身。梦想有一个经济机器，能够提高每个人的生活水平，让最贫穷的人们也能享受奢侈，通过蒸汽动力和之后的电力来彻底消除地域上的距离，使每个人都能从报酬最低、最辛苦的体力劳动中解脱出来。人们预料到这不可避免地会影响到政府。在此之前，人们只是要求政府创造条件让人们开心地生活，平静地劳作，安稳地休息。而现在人们还要求政府协助实现他们的新梦想。但是，这个梦想被蒙上了一层阴影。要实现它需要意志力强大和雄心勃勃的人们发挥他们的才能，因为其他力量都无法让财政、工程以及新的发展问题得以圆满解决。

然而，尽管机器时代的优势非常明显，我认为美国还是大胆地、愉快地、肯定地接受了这种苦乐参半。人们认为一个完善的工业体系带来的好处是无价的。因此，过去半个世纪的历史很大程度上是属于一群经济巨头的。人们没有仔细探究他们的方法。同时，不管他们用何种方式，他们都因自己做出的成果获得了相应的荣誉。那些建造了太平洋铁路的金融家们都是残酷无情的。我们现在仍然可以看到这样的人。据估计，美国投资者在美国铁路系统建设过程中多花了三倍多的钱，但是事实上美国确实享受到了铁路网线带来的好处。只要我们有自由空旷的土地，只要人口数量突飞猛进地增长，只要我们的工业工厂不能满足我们的需求，社会就会让野心勃勃的人们尽情发挥并给予无条件的奖励，只要他们能建造出人们所迫切需要的经济工厂。

在扩张的这段时期内，每个人都享有平等的机会，政府的职能不是干预而是支持工业的发展。这也是商人们自己的要求。最初，征收关税是为了“培养我们的新生工业”。我想，你们中的年长者听到这个说法，会感觉就像发生在不久前的一桩政治事件。铁路有时由现金资助，更多情况下采取土地补偿。美国的一些最有价值的储有石油的土地被作为建造穿越西南部铁路的补偿。一个新建的商船队由现金或者邮政补助金资助，这样我们的蒸汽船就能往来于七大洋了。

我的一些朋友告诉我他们不愿意政府介入商业活动。这一点我同意，但我不清楚他们知不知道历史给我们的昭示。曾经有段时间，政府一定不能介入商业活动与私人企业竞争成为美国教条。特别是在共和党政府中，人们仍然迫切要求政府不干扰企业自由决断，而仅在商业方面提供各项协助。

还是那个人，他告诉你他不想看见政府插手商业——他是当真的，也有充分的理由这样说——却第一个去华盛顿，并要求政府禁止给他的商品上关税的人。当事情如同两年前那样变得非常糟糕的时候，他又以同样的速度到美国政府要求贷款，而复兴银行公司就这样应运而生了。每个集团都为了自己的个别利益寻求政府保护，却没有认识到政府不能因照顾少数团体而以未尽到保护个人自由和所有公民私有财产权的责任作为代价。

追溯过去我们可以看到，随着世纪的交替形势也在转变。我们正向最后一块边远地区靠近。再没有自由的土地了，我们的联合企业已严重失控，在州内成了不负责任的权势部门。聪明的人看到了失去平等机会的危机，害怕一个发展中的公司会像一位封建老男爵那样，威胁到个人谋生的经济自由。就在那个重要时刻，我们的反垄断法出台了。反对大型企业的呼声高涨。第一位伟大的共和党进步主义人物西奥多·罗斯福发起了以“取缔垄断”为主题的总统竞选，并纵谈巨富的作恶者。如果政府可以采取政策，人们更情愿摧毁强大的商业联合，回到过去每个人都拥有自己小企业的时代。

但这是不可能的。西奥多·罗斯福放弃了“取缔垄断”的想法，只能提出区别“好的”托拉斯和“坏的”托拉斯。最高法院提出了著名的“理性原则”，这样似乎就意味着如果企业获取权力的方式以及对这个权力的使用是合理的，那么工业集权是允许的。

1912年当选总统的伍德罗·威尔逊更能看清形势。杰斐逊曾担心政权会侵害到个人生活，威尔逊则知道那个新权是关于经济的。他说，在高度集中的经济体系中，二十世纪的储备库会保证民众的安全与生存。但如果没有得到控制，那些不负责任和贪婪的人会让民众陷入饥饿与赤贫中。财政集权到1912年为止和现在相比没有任何进步。但它的发展足以让威尔逊先生充分意识到它的潜在影响。现在看他的演讲稿觉得很有意思。

今天所谓的“激进分子”（我有理由知道我讲的是什么）同威尔逊的竞选运动比起来还是温和的。他说：“没有人可以否认努力的方向变得越来越窄、越来越僵化。了解这个国家工业发展的人都知道，除非你与那些已经控制国家工业的人联手，否则大型贷款越来越难获得。大家都知道任何一个人，若指望通过生产任何东西来提升竞争力，而又碰上强大的资本联合体的控制，不久就会发现自己要么被排挤，要么被迫出售企业然后被人吞并。”

如果没有世界大战，假如威尔逊花八年的时间投身到国内事务而非国际事务的话，我们可能有着截然不同的现状。但是，那时从欧洲传来的大炮轰鸣正愈发响亮，迫使他放弃研究这个问题。他把看清了的问题作为遗产留给了我们。站在政治争议两边的所有人都不能否认这是一个政府要高度关注的问题。

对现状的一瞥只是很清楚地表明，我们所知道的机会均等已不复存在。我们建造了工厂，现在的问题就是在现有条件下是否建造得过多。我们最后一片开发地区很早被开发，基本上没有自由土地了。我们超过一半的人不住在农场或田地，也不能靠耕种自己的土地来谋生。因东部经济集团而失业的人原先可以靠西部草原展开新生活，现在这种方式也已经不可靠了。我们不能邀请欧洲的移民来同我们分享无限的资源了。现在我们供给国民的是单调灰暗的生活。

奉行不断增加关税的机制最后在我们自己身上起到了反作用，以至于一些国家以报复性的关税关闭了我们北部的加拿大边界线、东部的欧洲市场、许多南部的拉丁美洲市场和西部相当一部分的太平洋市场。迫于压力，我们的许多向这些地区输出剩余产品的大型工业集团不得不在这些国家里，在关税壁垒中建立工厂。这就导致了企业对美国本土工厂的控制力度减弱，国内就业机会也相对减少。

正如不能再自由地去建农场，商业机会也在变少。确实，人们凭着天生的精明和与竞争者共舞的能力，可以建立起小型企业。但一个又一个领域已经完全被大型企业抢占先机，甚至在还未被广泛关注的领域，建立小企业也步履维艰。过去三十年的数据无情地显示出私人企业家注定要失败。也许是他被逼入绝境，也许他无法获得贷款，又或者用威尔逊先生的话说是被组织严密的竞争企业淘汰了，就像街角的杂货店店员说的。

最近，一项关于商业的调查研究在美国展开。此项调查表明我们的经济生活由大约六百多个公司掌控，这些公司控制了美国工业的三分之二。1000万个小企业分占了剩余的三分之一。更令人吃惊的是，似乎如果集中的进程以这样的速度继续发展下去的话，在下个世纪末我们美国工业可能就由十来个公司控制，也许由百余人掌控。坦率地说，尽管我们现在还不是一个由经济寡头统治的国家，但我们正稳步朝着这样的方向前进。

显然，这一切都需要对价值观重新审视。更多大型工厂的建造者、更为庞大的铁道系统的创建者或更多公司的组织者，可能会有帮助但也可能是种危险。我们曾经承诺只要那些了不起的筹办人或金融巨头创建或发展工业，我们就给予他们一切方便。这样的时代已经过去了。我们现在的任务不是发现或开发自然资源，也不需要生产更多的东西。我们要做更冷静而又不那么巨大的举措。我们要管理手头上已有的资源和工厂，要为我们的过剩产品重建海外市场，正视消费不足的问题，根据消费调整生产，更公正地分配财富和产品，让现有的经济组织为人们服务。一个开明治国的时代已经到来。

正如早期，中央政府先是避难所，然后成了威胁。如今在一个更为紧密的经济体系中，集中的野心勃勃的金融机构不再是实现民族夙愿的公仆，而是一个危险因素。我想更进一步做个比较。我们不认为，因为国家政府在十八世纪变成了威胁，我们就应该放弃规范那些国家政府规范。现在我们也不该丢弃被称为公司的强大经济集团的条款，实在是因为它们的权力太容易被滥用了。从前，我们在处理过分野心勃勃的中央政府的问题时，是逐渐将政府改造成为一个民主宪政的政府。因此现在我们正修正和控制我们的经济机构。

正像我所看到的，在政府与商务的关系方面，政府的任务是要协助“经济权力法案”和“经济宪法秩序”的发展。这是政治家和商人共同的任务，是保持一个更加持久安全的秩序的基本条件。

每个人都有生存的权力，这也同样意味着他有权利过舒适的生活。可能因为懒惰或犯罪，他拒绝行使这项权力，但他的这项权力不会被剥夺。没有人真的因为饥荒或饥饿而死去。我们的工业和农业机器可以生产足够多的东西，并用以分配。我们的政府不管是正式的或是不正式的，政治上或是经济上，都会给予每个人一个途径，让他通过自己的劳动去获取能充分满足自己需要的一份。

每个人对自己的财产都有所有权，意思是有权尽可能地保证每个人的储蓄安全。在孩童、生病和老年这些人生阶段，绝不应该让人们有负担，因为那些时间是肯定没有工作机会的。在财产所有权中，这项权利占首位。其他的财产权都要服从于它。如果基于这个原则，我们必须约束投机者、操纵者甚至金融家的行为。我坚信我们必须相信约束是必要的，但不是去束缚个人主义而是要保护它。

那些获得并掌控大型工业和金融联合机构的人们必须基本上满足这两个要求。那些联合体支配着我们工业生活的绝大部分。他们承诺不仅仅做商人而要成为巨头——财富巨头。我不情愿说制造出他们的这个体制是错的。我很清楚他们必须大胆地完全承担与他们权力相当的责任。许多精明的商人都很清楚这一点，如果不是还另有其含义的话，这样说简直就成了陈词滥调。

这个含义简单说来就是有责任的金融和工业巨头必须同心协力实现共同的目标，而不是自顾自。他们必须在需要的时刻牺牲这样或那样的个人利益。在自己利益不能实现的时候必须寻求大众利益。如果你选择的话，那么正式政府——政治政府就会参与。在追求这个目标时，孤立无援的人、不道德的竞争者、鲁莽的发起人、与众人背道而驰的社会公敌或是英萨尔，都拒绝参与公共福利的实现，并威胁要把工业带回无政府状态，那样政府可能会实施约束措施。同样的，如果集团要使用集体权力反对公共福利，那么政府必会立刻介入并保护公众利益。

政府应该具有经济调节的职能，但只能作为最后的诉诸对象。只有当个人主动性被高度责任心激励，也有政府的协助和协调，但最终仍失败时，政府才应该尝试使用经济调节手段。至今，没有最终的失败，因为没有人尝试。我绝不相信这个国家会无力应对形势。

人类最高的目标是对自由和幸福的追求。过去一个世纪以来，我们非常了解这两方面的追求。我们知道，如果一个人的幸福是建立在另一个人的痛苦之上，那么个人自由和个人幸福毫无意义。我们知道以前的“个人能力的权利”是指有权阅读、思考、说话、选择生活模式，这种权利不管怎样都必须得到尊重。我们知道，任何一个条约都不保护剥夺了他人的基本权利去自由行事的权利。我们还知道在这方面政府起到维持平衡的作用：每个人都有立足之地，如果他愿意接受；每个人都能得到安全感，只要他希望；每个人都能得到权力，只要他有这样的能力，同样也伴随着因此而产生的义务。

相信美国，相信个人责任的传统，相信我们的制度，相信我们自己，这需要我们辨清过时的社会契约中的新条款。我们必将实现它们，正如我们实现了表面上的乌托邦。那是1776年杰斐逊为我们设想的，也是杰斐逊、罗斯福和威尔逊寻求实现的。我们必须这样做，以免我们共同失败所导致的苦难的潮水不断高涨，将我们都吞没。但是失败不是美国的习惯。在巨大希望的力量下，我们必须一起承担我们共同的重任。

第三节  精彩语录

A never-ending seeking for better things, and in the seeking for these things and the striving for better things, and in the seeking for these things and the striving for them, there are many roads to follow.

民主是一种渴求，一种对更好事物的不断寻求。在找寻这些并努力去获取更好事物的过程中，有很多路可走。

The people preferred the master far away to the exploitation and cruelty of the smaller master near at hand.

人民宁可选择一个远在天边的主人，也不愿意承受近在咫尺的主人的剥削和凌虐。

The final term of the high contract was for liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We have learnt a great deal of both in the past century. We know that individual liberty and individual happiness mean nothing unless both are ordered in the sense that one man’s meat is not another man’s poison.

人类最高的目标是对自由和幸福的追求。过去一个世纪以来，我们非常了解这两方面的追求。我们知道，如果一个人的幸福是建立在另一个人的痛苦之上，那么个人自由和个人幸福毫无意义。

Every individual may have a place if he will take it; in which every individual may find safety if he wishes it; in which every individual may attain such power as his ability permits, consistent with his assuming the accompanying responsibility.

我们还知道在这方面政府起到维持平衡的作用，每个人都有立足之地，如果他愿意接受；每个人都能安心生活，只要他希望；每个人都能得到权力，只要他有这样的能力，也可以履行因此带来的义务。

第三章  我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

第一节  背景介绍

有时候民族英雄确实要在现实的推动之下产生。罗斯福正是临危受命，成为了美国新一届的总统。在严重的经济危机影响下，1932年11月作为民主党总统候选人参加竞选，提出了实行“新政”和振兴经济的纲领。政敌们常用他的残疾来攻击他，这是罗斯福终生都不得不与之搏斗的事情，但是他总能以出色的政绩、卓越的口才与充沛的精力将其变成优势。首次参加竞选他就通过发言人告诉人们：“一个州长不一定是一个杂技演员。我们选他并不是因为他能做前滚翻或后滚翻。他干的是脑力劳动，是想方设法为人民造福。”依靠这样的坚忍和乐观，罗斯福终于在1933年以绝对优势击败胡佛，成为美国第三十二届总统。

在美国乃至世界经济发展史上，爆发于1929年至1933年的经济危机和罗斯福总统实施的“新政”给人们留下了极其深刻的印象。1929年10月24日，在美国历史上被称为“黑色的星期四”。在此之前的1929年夏天，美国还是一片歌舞升平。夏季的三个月中，美国通用汽车公司股票由268上升到391，美国钢铁公司的股票从165上升到258，人们见面时不谈别的只谈股票。直至9月份，美国财政部长还信誓旦旦地向公众保证：“这一繁荣的景象还将继续下去”。但是，10月24日这一天，美国金融界崩溃了，股票一夜之间从顶巅跌入深渊，价格下跌之快，连股票行情自动显示器都跟不上趟。股票市场的大崩溃导致了持续四年的经济大萧条。从此，美国经济陷入了经济危机的泥淖，以往蒸蒸日上的美国社会逐步被存货山积、工人失业、商店关门的凄凉景象所代替。86000家企业破产，5500家银行倒闭，全国金融界陷入窒息状态，千百万美国人多年的辛苦积蓄付诸东流，GNP由危机爆发时的1044亿美元急降至1933年的742亿美元，失业人数由不足150万猛升到1700万以上，占整个劳动大军的四分之一还多，整体经济水平倒退至1913年。农产品价值降到最低点，农民将牛奶倒入大海，把粮食、棉花当众焚毁的现象屡见不鲜。富兰克林·罗斯福就是在这种情况下取代了焦头烂额的胡佛，当选为美国第三十二届总统。

他针对当时的实际，顺应广大人民群众的意志，大刀阔斧地实施了一系列旨在克服危机的政策措施，历史上被称为“新政”。新政的主要内容可以用“3R”来概括，即复兴(Recover)、救济(Relief)、改革(Reform)。由于大萧条是由疯狂投机活动引起的金融危机而触发的，罗斯福总统的新政也先从整顿金融入手。在被称为“百日新政”（1933年3月9日至6月16日）期间制订的15项重要立法中，有关金融的法律占三分之一。罗斯福于1933年3月4日宣誓就任总统时，全国几乎没有一家银行营业，支票在华盛顿已无法兑现。在罗斯福的要求下，3月9日，国会通过《紧急银行法》，决定对银行采取个别审查颁发许可证制度，对有偿付能力的银行，允许尽快复业。从3月13日至15日，已有14771家银行领到执照重新开业，与1929年危机爆发前的25568家相比，淘汰了10797家。罗斯福采取的整顿金融的非常措施，对收拾残局、稳定人心起了巨大的作用。公众舆论评价，这个行动犹如“黑沉沉的天空出现的一道闪电”。罗斯福在整顿银行的同时，还采取了加强美国对外经济地位的行动。

从1933年3月10日宣布停止黄金出口开始，采取一个接一个的重大措施。4月5日，宣布禁止私人储存黄金和黄金证券，美钞停止兑换黄金；4月19日，禁止黄金出口，放弃金本位；6月5日，公私债务废除以黄金偿付；1934年1月10日，宣布发行以国家有价证券为担保的30亿美元纸币，并使美元贬值40.94%。通过美元贬值，加强了美国商品对外的竞争能力。这些措施对稳定局势，疏导经济生活的血液循环，产生了重要的作用。

在“百日新政”期间，罗斯福在解决银行问题的同时，还竭力促使议会先后通过了《农业调整法》和《全国工业复兴法》，这两个法律成了整个新政的左膀右臂。罗斯福要求资本家们遵守“公平竞争”的规则，定出各企业生产的规模、价格、销售范围，给工人们定出最低工资和最高工时的规定，从而限制了垄断，减少和缓和了紧张的阶级矛盾。在得到大企业的勉强支持后，罗斯福随之又尽力争取中小企业主的支持。他认为大企业接受工业复兴法固然重要，“而产生丰硕成果的领域还在于小雇主们，他们的贡献将是为一至十人提供新的就业机会。这些小雇主实际上是国家骨干中极重要的部分，而我们的计划的成败在很大程度上取决于他们。”中小企业的发展，为美国社会的稳定、经济的复苏发挥了积极的作用。

新政的另一项重要内容是救济工作。1933年5月，国会通过《联邦紧急救济法》，成立联邦紧急救济署，将各种救济款物迅速拨往各州。第二年又把单纯救济改为“以工代赈”，给失业者提供从事公共事业的机会，维护了失业者的自力更生精神和自尊心。罗斯福执政初期，全国1700多万失业人员及其亲属维持生计全靠州政府、市政府及私人慈善事业的帮助和施舍。但这部分财源相对于如此庞大的失业大军，无异于杯水车薪。解决这一复杂的社会问题，只有联邦政府才能办到。罗斯福新政的第一项措施，就是促请国会通过的民间资源保护队计划。该计划专门吸收年龄在十八岁到二十五岁，身强力壮而失业率偏高的青年人，从事植树护林、防治水患、水土保持、道路建筑、开辟森林防火线和设置森林望塔，第一批招募了25万人，在遍及各州的1500个营地劳动。到美国参战前，先后有200多万青年在这个机构中工作过，他们开辟740多万英亩国有林区和大量国有公园。平均每人每期干九个月，工资中拿出绝大部分作赡家费，这样在整个社会扩大了救济面和相应的购买力。对于千千万万依赖州、市养活的人们，罗斯福还敦促国会通过《联邦紧急救济法》，成立联邦救济机构，合理划分联邦政府和各州之间的使用比例，制定优惠政策鼓励地方政府用来直接救济贫民和失业者。新政期间，全美国设有名目繁多的工赈机关，综合起来可分成两大系统：以从事长期目标的工程计划为主的公共工程署（政府先后拨出40多亿美元）和民用工程署（投资近10亿美元）。后者在全国范围内兴建18万个小型工程项目，包括校舍、桥梁、堤坎、下水道系统及邮局和行政机关等公共建筑物，先后吸引了400万人工作，为广大非熟练失业工人找到了用武之地。后来又继续建立了几个新的工赈机构。其中最著名的是国会拨款50亿美元兴办的工程兴办署和专门针对青年人的全国青年总署，二者总计雇佣人员达2300万，占全国劳动力的一半以上。到二战前夕，联邦政府支出的种种工程费用及数目较小的直接救济费用达180亿美元，美国政府借此修筑了近1000座飞机场、12000多个运动场、800多座校舍与医院，不仅为工匠、非熟练工人和建筑业创造了就业机会，还给成千上万的失业艺术家提供了形形色色的工作，是迄今为止美国政府承担执行的最宏大、最成功的救济计划。这一笔钱经过工人的口袋、通过不同渠道和消费，又回到了资本家手中，成为以政府投资刺激私人消费和个人投资的“引动水”。从1935年开始的第二期“新政”，在第一阶段的基础上，着重通过《社会保险法案》、《全国劳工关系法案》、《公用事业法案》等法规，以立法的形式巩固新政成果。罗斯福认为，一个政府“如果对老者和病人不能照顾，不能为壮者提供工作，不能把年轻人注入工业体系之中，听任无保障的阴影笼罩每个家庭，那就不是一个能够存在下去，或是应该存在下去的政府”，社会保险应该负责“从摇篮到坟墓”整个一生。为此，制定了《社会保险法》。法律规定，凡年满六十五岁退休的工资劳动者，根据不同的工资水平，每月可得10～85美元的养老金。关于失业保险，罗斯福解释说：“它不仅有助于个人避免在今后被解雇时去依靠救济，而且通过维持购买力还将缓解一下经济困难的冲击。”保险金的来源，一半是由在职工人和雇主各交付相当工人工资1%的保险费，另一半则由联邦政府拨付。这个社会保险法，反映了广大劳动人民的强烈愿望，受到美国绝大多数人的欢迎和赞许。

诚然，罗斯福的“新政”措施，最终目的是为了加强国家资本主义，以克服经济危机，巩固资本主义制度。“新政”是他医治资本主义社会的疾病在常规疗法不能奏效的情况下试用的一种试验性的疗法。事实上，“新政”的某些措施也有不足之处，这也每每成为他的政敌发难的理由。“新政”实施过程中利益受损的阶层也曾予以抵制和诽谤，甚至作为新政初期重要内容的《工业复兴法》及另外两项法案也在时隔两年后被最高法院裁定为违宪。但是，只要我们真正以历史唯物主义的态度审视“新政”，就不难看出，“新政”号准了美国经济和社会生活的脉搏，是“使人们能够重返工作，使我们的企业重新活跃起来”的口号，符合广大劳动人民的利益，充分唤起了他们的积极性。罗斯福把保持国民经济的正常运行和保证公民就业作为政府的责任，尤其是以工赈的形式修建的一大批工程项目，不仅大大缓解了失业困难，刺激了经济的早日复苏，而且许多基础设施建设使美国经济受益无穷。新政留下了大量防止再次发生大萧条的措施和政策，为美国投入二次大战及战后的快速崛起奠定了坚实的基础，罗斯福也因此成为自亚伯拉罕·林肯以来最受美国和世界公众欢迎的总统而永载史册。

第二节  罗斯福于1933年在白宫的第一次就职演讲

Mr. Chief Justice and friends，

This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our People impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, an on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it.

We must act. We must act quickly.

Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people’s money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.

首席法官先生，朋友们：

值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。

因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。

但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。

这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。

他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的窠臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。

钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。

幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的政治地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种做法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心。没有这一切，信心就不能存在。然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，像战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。

与此同时，我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩，因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人，一方面使土地得到更好地利用，一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。

为了促成此项工作，要采取具体措施提高农产品价值，从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。要从实际出发制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求。要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。要把一切形式的交通运输和其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之，可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的，唯有空谈无用。

我们必须行动起来，迅速行动起来。

最后，在恢复阶段中，我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证：必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资，以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动；必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。

这就是我们的行动路线。我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施，我还将要求各州立即提供支援。

通过此项行动纲领，我们将致力于整顿财政，平衡收支。我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要，但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。我主张采取切合实际的政策，分清轻重缓急。我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易，但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。

国家复兴的这些具体方法，其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。我们首先考虑的是：坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。这是复兴的道路。这是直接的道路。这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。

在对外政策方面，我认为我国应该奉行睦邻政策——决心尊重自己，从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务，也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。

如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确，尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解，我们现在则已经理解到：我们不能只要有所得，也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须像一支训练有素而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。

我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产，因为，只有实现这样的纪律，才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。我愿意提供这样的领导，保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束，从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。

作了这项保证之后，我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军，纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。

我们有从先辈那里继承下来的政府形式，纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。我们的宪法是简明扼要的，总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变，而无需动摇其基本形式。正是因为如此，我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的政治结构。

它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。然而，史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。

我准备根据宪法赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。这些措施，以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施，我都将竭尽宪法所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。

然而，万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式，万一全国紧急状况仍然严重，我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力，就像在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。

对于给予我的信任，我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。我绝不会有负众望。

我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日，深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气，明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念，坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得圆满成功。我们务使国民生计获得全面和长久的保证。

我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。合众国的人民并未气馁，在困难中，他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向，他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具，我也是以这样的精神来担当的。

值此全国奉献之际，我们恳请上帝赐福。祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。祝愿上帝指引我前进。

第三节  精彩语录

The only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.

我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things.

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.

幸福并不仅仅建立在拥有金钱上；它建立在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感之上。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。

We can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

我们不能只要有所得，也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须像一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。

第四章  银行危机

第一节  背景介绍

危机伴随着罗斯福的上任历程，无论是经济方面还是公共信心都亟待安抚。在这样的社会背景下，美国人民需要的不仅仅是一个信仰民主自由的总统，更需要一个有魄力有担当的领导人带领大家走出迷雾，走出经济的怪圈。罗斯福的前任总统胡佛，四年任期内正碰上全球性经济危机，美国经济在短短几个月内几乎崩溃，至1932年冬天，全国至少有1300万人失业，3400万人没有任何收入。人们依靠私人施舍、市和州政府少得可怜的公共救济，以及自己微不足道的积蓄度日。

经济的萧条、信用的危机，终于导致1933年情人节晚上整个美国银行开始崩溃。各州的信托公司已到山穷水尽的地步，银行成批地倒闭，全国银行库存黄金不到60亿元，却要应付410亿元的存款。银行门前人山人海，挤兑风潮遍及全国，就在罗斯福宣布就职的那一天，全国金融的心脏停止跳动，证券交易所正式关闭。

罗斯福临危受命，宣誓就职，发表了经过长时间思考的、充满自信与激情的、简洁缜密的就职演说。就职演说取得了巨大成功，仅周末就有50万封信飞向白宫。人们热烈期待着新总统的“新政”。

罗斯福上任的第二天，发布了两条总统通令——要求国会于3月9日举行特别会议和宣布所有银行休假四天。国会特别会议赋予政府控制金融的权力和根据银行资产发行货币的权力，同时赋予政府对囤积和输出黄金的行为实施严惩的权力。银行休假则有助于打破充斥于金融界的恐慌和紧张状态，使政府扼制了挤兑风潮和有时间赶印货币。

为了争取全国人民的理解和支持，罗斯福于当年3月8日举行了第一次记者招待会，在轻松和谐的气氛中就金融业中的诸问题回答了记者提问。此举有助于在政府和新闻界之间架构一座沟通的桥梁，也达到了政府通过传媒稳定民心的功效。

白宫记者招待会从此成为惯例，每周两次，每次约120名记者参加。在罗斯福执政的十二年里，共举行过998次记者招待会。为了进一步得到全国人民的理解和支持，3月12日即银行即将重新开业的前夜，罗斯福对全国6000万听众发表了第一次“炉边谈话”。他以亲切诚挚的声调、质朴实用的语句，对全国人民就银行暂停营业的问题进行了耐心的解释、劝告和教育，他说：“我要指出一个简单的事实，你们把钱存进银行，银行并不是把它锁在保险库里了事，而是用来通过各种不同的信贷方式进行投资的，比如买公债、做押款。换句话说，银行让你们的钱发挥作用，好使整个机构转动起来……我可以向大家保证，把钱放在经过整顿、重新开业的银行里，要比放在褥子下面更安全。”简短的谈话化解了长期郁结在人们心中的疑团和不满。第二天，部分银行开业了，人们携带着装有黄金和货币的大箱小包，在银行门前排起长龙，把就在不久前也是这样排着长队挤兑的通货存入银行。只过了三天，美国有574家银行开业，几天里，银行回收了3亿元的黄金和黄金兑换券，不出一周，就有13500家银行（占全国总数的四分之三）复了业，交易所又重新响起了锣声。

第二节  罗斯福于1933年的第一次炉边谈话

First Fireside Chat

12 March, 1933, Washington D.C.

My friends，

I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about banking—to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.

I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be. I recognize that the many proclamations from State capitols and from Washington, the legislation, the Treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, ought to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen. I owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday. And I know that when you understand what we in Washington have been about, I shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as I have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.

First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault. It invests your money in many different forms of credit— in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans. In other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around. A comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency—an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen. In other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.

What, then, happened during the last few days of February and the first few days of March? Because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold—a rush so great that the soundest banks couldn’t get enough currency to meet the demand. The reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value. By the afternoon of March third, a week ago last Friday scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business. Proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the Governors in almost all the states. It was then that I issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the Government’s reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.

The second step, last Thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the Congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come. This law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities. And I want to tell our citizens in every part of the Nation that the national Congress—Republicans and Democrats alike—showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.

The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.

This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation. Remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week. Neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening. The new law allows the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call. The new currency is being sent out by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in large volume to every part of the country. It is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.

Another question you will ask is this: Why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? The answer is simple and I know you will understand it: Your Government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated. We do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.

As a result, we start tomorrow, Monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities—those banks, which on first examination by the Treasury, have already been found to be all right. That will be followed on Tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses. That means about two hundred and fifty cities of the United States. In other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us. On Wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the Government’s physical ability to complete its survey.

It is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the Government to make common sense checkups. Please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open. A bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.

I know that many people are worrying about State banks that are not members of the Federal Reserve System. There is no occasion for that worry. These banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. And, of course, they are under the immediate control of the State banking authorities. These State banks are following the same course as the National banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the State authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the Secretary of the Treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks. And so I am confident that the State Banking Departments will be as careful as the national Government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.

It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals. Let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation. It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money—that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes—the phantom of fear will soon be laid. People will again be glad to have their money where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time. I can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.

The success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public—on its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.

Remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before. More liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the Reserve Banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets. This currency is not fiat currency. It is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.

One more point before I close. There will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized. The new law allows the Government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the Government to subscribe to at least a part of any new capital that may be required.

I hope you can see, my friends, from this essential recital of what your Government is doing that there is nothing complex, nothing radical in the process.

We have had a bad banking situation. Some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people’s funds. They had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans. This was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the United States, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all. And so it became the Government’s job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible. And that job is being performed.

I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided; and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift. I can even promise you salvation for some, at least, of the sorely presses banks. We shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of more sound banks through reorganization.

It has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country. I can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support that they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.

After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves. Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. You people must have faith; you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses. Let us unite in banishing fear. We have provided the machinery to restore our financial system, and it is up to you to support and make it work.

It is your problem, my friends, your problem no less than it is mine.

Together we cannot fail.

第一次炉边谈话

1933年3月12日，华盛顿特区

朋友们：

我想花几分钟时间同合众国的人民谈谈银行的情况。只有很少一部分人了解银行的运行机制，而绝大多数人则把银行用作存款和取款的地方。

我要告诉大家，过去这些天我们都做了什么，为什么要做这些事情，以及我们的下一步计划是什么。我认识到，国会和华盛顿发出的许多公告、立法、财政部法规等，大部分内容都是用银行业和法律术语表述的，为了普通公民的利益应当加以解释。我对此要特别表示感谢，因为每个人都坚定而心平气和地接受了银行休假造成的不便和困难。我知道，当大家理解了我们在华盛顿所做的一切后，我将会得到大家的全力合作，如同你们在过去的这个星期里给予我们的同情和帮助一样。

首先，我要指出一个简单的事实：你们把钱存进银行，银行并不是把它锁在保险库里了事，而是用来通过各种不同的信贷方式进行投资，比如买债券、商业票据、抵押贷款等。换句话说，银行让你们的钱发挥作用，好使整个机构运转起来。你们存入银行的钱只有很小一部分是以货币形式保存的，其数量在平时完全能够满足普通公民的现金需要。换句话说，国家所有货币的总量仅仅是所有银行全部存款中很小的一部分。

那么，二月末三月初这些日子里发生了什么事情呢？由于公众的信心下降，很多人冲进银行，将银行的存款兑换成黄金。取款的人非常之多，以至于最可靠的银行也不能获得足够的现金以满足需要。当然，其中的原因是，在人们一时冲动的时刻，不可能出售银行的完全可靠的资产，除非将这些资产以远低于其真实价值的恐慌价格变成现金。到3月3日下午时，也就是一周前的星期五下午，美国几乎所有银行都关门歇业了。差不多所有州的州长都发布了暂时全部或部分关闭这些银行的公告。正是那时候，我发布了公告，规定全国的银行休假。这也是联邦政府为重建我们的金融与经济大厦所采取的第一步。

第二步是在上周四国会迅速而充满爱国心地通过立法，确认了我的公告，并扩大了我的权力，以便联邦政府根据时间需要延长假期和逐渐解除假期。该项法律还授权制定一项复原我们的银行业务的计划。我要对全国各地的公民们说的是，国会包括共和党人和民主党人，通过此次行动表明：他们热衷公共事业，认识到我国正处于非常时刻，必须快速采取行动。这在我国的历史上是罕见的。

第三步是通过了一系列法规，准许各家银行继续履行其职能，解决食品和生活必需品的销售以及工资的支付。

这次银行休假尽管在许多方面造成诸多不便，但是给我们提供了供应足够多的现金以应对当前形势的机会，各家银行上个星期一关门放假时，几乎都是一贫如洗。哪家银行都没做好立即开业的准备。新法律允许十二家联邦储备银行以优质资产为基础发行更多的货币。这样，重新开业的银行就能够满足所有合理要求。雕版印刷局正在全国各地大量发行新货币。这是健康的货币，因为它有真实而优质的资产做后盾。

大家会问的另一个问题是：为什么不是所有银行同时重新恢复营业呢？答案很简单。你们的联邦政府不想让过去几年的历史重演。我们不想要也将不会看到另外一次银行倒闭大流行了。

因此，我们明天也就是从星期一开始，十二家联邦储备银行所在城市的各家银行将开门营业。这些银行在财政部首轮审查中表明状态良好。紧接着在星期二，已经表明可靠的银行将在拥有票据交易所的各城市恢复其全部功能。这意味着合众国的约250个城市位列其中。星期三及随后几天，全国较小地方的银行将会重新开始营业，当然，具体时间将依联邦政府完成其调查的情形而定。

银行重新开业的时间有必要延长一个时期，以便准许这些银行申请必需的贷款，获得满足其要求的货币，并使联邦政府能够进行常规审查。大家要清楚，如果你们的银行在第一天没有恢复营业，那么，大家绝不能认为这家银行将不会开业了。在后续时间内任何一天复业的银行，其地位与明天恢复营业的银行完全一样。

我知道许多人担心的是各州的银行，而不是联邦储备体系成员银行的状况。这些银行能够并将获得成员银行和复兴金融公司的帮助。这些银行的运作方式同全国性银行一样，只是它们从州的权力部门获得重新营业的许可证。财政部长已要求这些权力部门批准信用良好的银行依照与全国性银行同样的时间表开始营业。我相信州银行营业管理处在制定有关银行复业的政策时将和联邦政府一样谨慎小心，并将遵循同样的基本政策。

这些银行重新开始营业时，一小部分还没有从恐惧中恢复过来的人有可能再次开始提款。我希望大家清楚地知道，各银行将满足所有需要。我相信过去一个星期发生的囤积现金的行为已经变得非常不合时宜了。不需要预言大师来告诉大家，当人们发现可以提取他们的钱时任何时间只要目的合法都可以得到，恐惧的阴影将很快踪迹全无。人们又将乐呵呵地将他们的钱存放在得到妥善保管并能随时方便提用的地方。我可以向大家保证，把钱放在经过整顿、重新开业的银行里，要比放在褥子下面更安全。

当然，我们这个伟大的国家计划的成功依赖于公众的合作，依赖公众的明智支持和妥善利用。

大家记住，新法律的实质性完成的标志是使银行能够比以前更便于将其资产兑换成现金。已经制定了更加宽松的规定，允许银行将这些优质资产放在各储备银行以拆借资金；同时还制定了更为宽松的规定，来以这些优质资产的有价证券为基础发行更多货币。这种货币不是法定货币。只有有价证券充足时方可发行此种货币，而每家健康的银行都拥有大量此种有价证券。

在结束谈话前还要说明一点。当然会有一些银行因没有进行改组而不能重新开业。新法律准许联邦政府帮助进行迅速有效的改组工作，甚至准许其提前注入至少一部分新的必要资金。

通过对联邦政府正在做的事情进行基本回顾，我希望大家看到，在此过程中没有什么复杂或极端的事情发生。

我们的银行形势很糟糕。我们的有些银行在管理大家的存款时表现得不称职或者不诚实。他们把这些委托给其经营的钱用于投机活动和轻率的贷款。当然，绝大多数银行并不是这么干的，但确实有不少银行在从事此类活动，其数目之多，足以将人们震惊得一时间产生出不安全感，并形成一种思维定势，认为天下乌鸦一般黑。联邦政府的工作是纠正此类误解，并且尽快去做。这项工作正在完成之中。

我没有向大家承诺说，所有银行都会重新开业，或者每个人都不会遭受损失。然而，凡是可能避免的损失都将得以避免。如果我们继续采取观望放任的话，损失有可能更多更大。我甚至答应大家至少对一些压力非常大的银行实施救助。我们不仅要让可靠的银行重新开业，而且还将通过重组创办一些可靠的银行。

全国各地发给我的满怀信心的信件令我振奋不已。我对大家给予我的衷心支持表示最诚挚的谢意，感谢大家服从命令听从指挥，尽管你们似乎对我们的整个程序还不是很清楚。

毕竟，在我们对金融体系进行重新调整过程中，有一个因素比货币和黄金还重要，也就人们的信心。信心和勇气是成功地完成我们的计划的必备条件。你们大家一定要坚定信念，大家一定不要被各种流言蜚语和胡乱猜测吓破了胆。让我们大家团结起来消除恐惧！我们已经建立了恢复我们的金融系统的机制，支持这种机制，并让它运转起来就是大家的责任了。

这是我们大家共同的问题。

我们大家不能认输！

第三节  精彩语录

I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided; and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift.

我没有向大家承诺说，所有银行都会重新开业，或者每个人都不会遭受损失。然而，凡是可能避免的损失都将得以避免。如果我们继续采取观望放任的话，损失有可能更多更大。

After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves.

毕竟，在我们对金融体系进行重新调整过程中，有一个因素比货币和黄金还重要，那就人们的信心。信心和勇气是成功地完成我们的计划的必备条件。

Some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people’s funds. They had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans. This was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the United States, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all.

我们的有些银行在管理大家的存款时表现得不称职或者不诚实。他们把这些委托给其经营的钱用于投机活动和轻率的贷款。当然，绝大多数银行并不是这么干的，但确实有不少银行在从事此类活动，其数目之多，足以将人们震惊得一时间产生出不安全感，并形成一种思维定势，认为天下乌鸦一般黑。

第五章  持久进步之路

第一节  背景介绍

如何在经济消退的背景下，让人民重拾往日的信心，让人民再次对政府和国家充满希望，这是摆在新政面前的最重要的问题。罗斯福在第一个新政期间，为了医治经济危机，采取了一系列调节经济的措施，他把抚慰企业界的工业复兴法，搞成了当时的关键措施。但到了1935年，罗斯福对赢得企业界的支持丧失了信心，因而改弦更张，对它发起了全力进攻。一些旨在惩罚企业界和帮助劳动人民的议案，例如《社会保险法案》、《全国劳工关系法案》和《公用事业法案》，就是第二个新政时期立法方面的标志。施莱辛格说：“第一个新政的特点是告诉企业界必须做什么，第二个新政的特点是告诉企业界绝不能做什么。”

罗斯福认为，一个政府“如果对老者和病人不能照顾，不能为壮者提供工作，不能把年轻人注入工业体系之中，听任无保障的阴影笼罩每个家庭，那就不是一个能够存在下去，或是应该存在下去的政府”，社会保险应该负责“从摇篮到坟墓”整个一生。

1935年的社会保险法分成三大部分：养老金制度，失业保险制度和对无依无靠者提供救济。罗斯福解释说：“建立养老金制度是为了促使已到退休年龄的人放弃自己的工作，从而给年轻一代的人更多的工作机会，同时也使大家在展望老年的前景时都能有一种安全感。”根据法律规定，凡年满六十五岁退休的工资劳动者，根据不同的工资水平，每月可得10～85美元的养老金。关于失业保险，罗斯福解释说：“它不仅有助于个人避免在今后被解雇时去依靠救济，而且通过维持购买力还将缓解一下经济困难的冲击。”保险金的来源，一半是由在职工人和雇主各交付相当工人工资1%的保险费，另一半则由联邦政府拨付。

这个社会保险法，反映了广大劳动人民的强烈愿望，受到美国绝大多数人的欢迎和赞许。但保守派却企图在国会发动突然袭击。他们指责社会保险违反美国一向珍视的“节俭精神、首创精神和自助精神”，声称所有的美国人不得不忍辱在自己的脖子上挂一个印着社会保险号码的铜牌，就像挂块狗牌一样。他们指责说，实行社会保险就等于把节衣缩食的彼得的钱抢过来，送给不事积蓄的保罗。新泽西州参议员哈里·穆尔指责说：“我们也可以从育婴堂抱个孩子，给他雇个保姆，使他不尝受生活的艰辛。”

国会期间，关于社会保险法的辩论十分激烈，共和党认为它是鼓励懒汉的法案。在听证会上，甚至有人叫喊社会保险法案是从《共产党宣言》上逐字逐句抄来的。反对势力虽然穷凶极恶，但人数并不多，而广大人民则坚决支持，因此在最后表决时，众议院以372要比33票，参议院以76票比6票获得通过。

高举“新政”旗帜的民主党获得了对共和党的绝对优势，一大批刚刚踏入国会的新议员，对本选区选民对社会保险和救济的强烈要求当然不能漠视；一些共和党议员考虑到他们的政治前途，也不愿留下反对社会保险的投票记录。人心所向，大势所趋，社会保险立法成了新政的一次重大胜利。

在新政时期，劳工关系是罗斯福特别关注的领域。他懂得如果得不到有组织的劳工的支持，社会的动荡局面就无法稳定，更谈不上刺激私人投资的计划，而且在支持他的选民中，有组织的劳工是特别有力的集团。当《全国工业复兴法》被最高法院宣布违宪后，连带使该法第七条第一款有关劳工权利的规定也失去了法律根据。这对罗斯福鼓吹的“社会改革”和“劳资合作”无疑是个打击，新政处在成败的关头。许多大企业家度过危机时刻后，从支持新政变为反对新政，右翼报刊更大为鼓噪。因此，在罗斯福的坚决要求下，在工会的大力支持下，国会很快采取行动。

就在《全国工业复兴法》被取消不到四十天后，国会通过了《全国劳工关系法》（《瓦格纳－康纳利法》）。该法律规定：禁止雇主干预或图谋控制劳工组织，工人有组织工会的权利，雇主不得拒绝与工人集体谈判合同，不得禁止罢工，不得歧视工会会员；成立全国劳工关系局，处理劳工对雇主的申诉，它有权对雇主发出强制性的命令。雇主们重演反对《全国工业复兴法》的故伎，向法院控告《瓦格纳法》违宪。可是工人阶级对最高法院的强大压力，以及罗斯福对最高法院提出的挑战，迫使最高法院在1937年4月12日作出“符合宪法”的判决。

1937年5月24日，罗斯福向国会提交了受到广泛注意的关于最低工资最高工时立法的咨文。咨文承认“我国人口的三分之一，其中绝大多数从事农业或工业，吃不好，穿不好，住不好”。“我们必须铭记我们的目标是要改善而不是降低那些现在营养不良、穿得不好、住得很糟的那些人的生活水平。我们知道，当我们工人的一大部分还没有就业的时候，超时工作和低水平的工资是不能提高国民收入的。”罗斯福认为，“一个自给自足并有自尊心的民主国家，竟存在着童工制是说不过去的，也没有什么经济上的理由去克扣工资或延长工时”。第七十五届国会没有对法案采取行动。1937年10月12日，罗斯福再次提出，直到1938年6月14日通过。这就是《公平劳动标准法》（又称《工资工时法》），它的主要条款包括每周四十小时工时，每小时40分最低工资；禁止使用十六岁以下童工，在危险性工业中禁止使用十八岁以下工人。州际工商业也必须遵守上述规定。其中还有一条规定是禁止资方派遣密探打入劳工队伍。关于最低工资的规定，随着经济的发展，日后陆续有所调整。这些社会立法，虽属社会改良的范畴，但对广大人民特别是工资劳动者甚有好处。二十世纪三十年代，在号称进步的康涅格州，年轻女工在血汗工厂每周只能挣得1美元10美分，而在锯木厂劳动的男工，每小时工资只有5美分。因此，罗斯福从法律上规定工资工时标准是有一定的积极意义的。

为了解决社会保险制度的联邦经费来源问题，罗斯福破天荒地实行了一种按收入和资产的多寡而征收的累进税。对5万美元纯收入和4万美元遗产征收31%，500万美元以上的遗产可征收75%；公司税过去一律是13.75%，根据1935年税法，公司收入在5万美元以下的税率降为12.5%，5万美元以上者增加为15%。罗斯福的这些社会改革，引起了新政反对派的强烈反对。

当经济危机的风暴席卷而来时，罗斯福的一切反对者被迫收敛他们的敌意。当最危急的局面有所缓和后，一个反罗斯福和新政的联盟开始形成。站在最前列的是反对任何自由主义思想的报阀威廉·伦道尔夫·赫斯特和他的报系。赫斯特用最恶毒的语言攻击罗斯福及其一切政策，支持一切反对新政的团体，甚至公开支持法西斯分子。

1934年8月，大企业支持的右翼组织“美国自由同盟”在迈阿密开会，向罗斯福宣战，目标集中在反对劳工立法、税收立法和社会保险立法等。罗斯福愤然忿然地说：“这些人确实忘了他们的病情是多么严重，我是知道的，我有他们的发烧记录。我知道所有那些度日艰难的个人主义者双膝颤抖不已，他们的心绪是多么不宁。他们成群结队到华盛顿来。那么，在他们眼中华盛顿不是一个危险的官僚机构。啊，不是的！它像一个急诊医院。所有高贵的病人都要求两件事——要求迅速进行皮下注射止痛，对疾病进行有效治疗。他们急不可待，我们满足了他们这两个要求。现在大多数病人看来都情况良好。他们中有些人身体好到这种程度，能够把双拐对着医生扔过去了。”

对罗斯福来说，来自左翼的攻击和不满倒没有什么，有时他还利用左翼的反对来证明新政并不激进，更谈不上是社会主义，从而安抚一些中产阶级。他感到吃惊和愤懑的是来自右翼的攻击，因为新政的最大受益者正是他们。

在自由联盟的花名册上，充斥着企业界和金融界巨头的名字，他们提供巨额款项，掀起一股宣传浪潮，指责新政既带共产主义色彩，又带有法西斯主义色彩。在南方，自由联盟散发一种传单，上页印有一张罗斯福夫人同两个黑人在一起的照片。照片说明是：罗斯福欢迎黑人到白宫去就餐和睡觉。到竞选末期，有些工厂发薪时，在工人的工资袋里塞进纸条指责说，要从1937年l月开始实行的为社会保险出资的做法，实际上是要减少工人的工资。但是这种策略产生了反效果，因为有组织的劳工反而加倍努力支持罗斯福。

罗斯福的新政除了遭到左右两方面、以右为主的攻击外，还面临来自政府三大职能部门的最高法院的严重威胁。根据美国宪法规定，联邦政府是一个立法、司法、行政三大部分相互制约、维持平衡的结构，最高法院为右倾保守势力所操纵，他们对立法享有最高的权威。在新政开始时，最高法院无法用它的权威来维护旧秩序，只得忍受罗斯福提出的一个又一个令他们头晕目眩的立法。当经济局势趋于稳定，老法官们和极右势力站在一起，开始向新政宣战。1935年1月，最高法院以8票对1票宣布《全国工业复兴法》第九条第三节违宪，这一节授权总统为了保护资源和稳定石油价格，可以禁止把超过各州限额生产的石油运出州外。从此，利令智昏的老法官们，抡起大斧接连向罗斯福砍来。

5月27日，最高法院以9票对0票一致裁定全国复兴法和另外两项法案不符合宪法。新政派把这一天称为“黑暗的星期一”。这一天，最高法院一口气作出三件不利于行政当局的一致同意的裁决：宣布总统无权更换联邦贸易委员会的成员，因为该机构不是行政部门的一个机构，不受总统管辖；宣布帮助农村抵押者的《农场抵押延期偿付法》无效，因为它侵犯州的权力；宣布《全国工业复兴法》违宪，因为它超出联邦关于州际贸易的权力，侵犯了州权。当复兴法被宣布违宪后，最高法院法官布兰戴斯趾高气扬地对罗斯福智囊团的科科兰说：“这是中央集权这一套的终结，我要你回去告诉总统，我们是不会让这个政府把一切都抓在手里的。现在到了尽头。”罗斯福的主要竞争对手参议员休伊·朗公开宣称：“我举手向最高法院致敬，它把我国从法西斯主义下挽救了出来。”

第一个百日新政期间通过的《工业复兴法》和《农业调整法》这两项最重要的法案，经过两年才获得最高法院审议。在此期间，新政派一直提心吊胆，就怕最高法院做出这种裁决。对此，政府陷入混乱，大家都等待总统做出反应。在那项裁决宣布四天后，罗斯福打破沉默，在记者招待会上，用华丽的辞藻对最高法院大加讽刺挖苦。他说，自促使引起内战的德雷德·斯科特案以来，哪一项裁决都没有这一项这么重要。他说，最高法院的大法官们使宪法重新回到了“马车时代”。

由于新政在那个“黑暗的星期一”在最高法院遭到了挫折，由于谋求合作的表示遭到了工商界的拒绝，由于支持新政势力的压力越来越大和蛊惑人心的政客发出了不祥的威胁，罗斯福终于结束了他五个月的“优柔寡断和犹豫不决”。他把国会领导人召集到白宫，交给他们一份“必须”通过的法案的清单。他用拳头砰砰地敲着桌子，斩钉截铁地说，国会必要时得开一夏季会，直到把社会保险法案、银行法案和公用事业控股公司法通过为止。罗斯福向最高法院开始了反击。

为了改革目前的司法制度，罗斯福向国会提出了他考虑已久的计划。规定联邦法院法官年满七十岁如果在六个月内不自动退休，则由总统另外增派一名新法官进入法院。这不是代替老法官，而是增加法官名额。按照这个计划，整个联邦司法机构将指派额外的大约五十名联邦法官。最高法院将增派六名，连原来的九名一共是十五名，原来九名法官中有三至四人对新政还不是坚决敌视的，加上新增派的六人，就可以基本扭转最高法院唱反调的局面。罗斯福的政敌、前总统胡佛把罗斯福的司法改革计划叫做“囊括法院”计划。堪萨斯州众议员尤利塞斯·盖耶模仿莎士比亚的悲恸腔调喊道：“我们这个皇帝吃的是什么肉长得这么高大？”沃尔特·李普曼一本正经地说，这项计划是发动了“一场不流血的政变”。

罗斯福捅了马蜂窝。多年来，在公众的心目中，最高法院已经成了保护宪法的堡垒。改革最高法院的任何企图，都会被认为是攻击行政、立法和司法部门互相制约的三权鼎立体制。后来，罗斯福以“炉边谈话”的方式，直接向全国人民表达了他对最高法院的擅专独断的强烈不满。他指责最高法院“不是以一个司法机构行事，而是以一个制定政策的机构行事”“不适当地把自己变成国会第三院——超立法机构”，而且“硬塞进宪法所不包含的字眼和含义”。他认为：“在过去半个世纪中，联邦政府三大部门之间的均衡，由于最高法院直接违背宪法制定者的高尚目标而倾覆。我们的目标就是要恢复这种平衡”。罗斯福郑重表示：“我们需要一个在宪法之下公正行事的最高法院，而不是高踞宪法之上；我们需要我们的法院实行法治，而不是人治。”他宣布《全国工业复兴法》和新政其他法案都是以宪法为依据的，因此都是有效的。

就在国内对新政的赞誉和攻击声中，四年一度的总统大选又到了。1936年1月3日，罗斯福以发表国情咨文的形式开始了竞选连任的活动。为了得到最大限度的宣传，他在国会的一次晚间联席会议上发表国情咨文，这是自1917年4月以来的头一次——伍德罗·威尔逊当时曾在国会晚间联席会议上要求对德国宣战。现在罗斯福也宣布进入战争状态，但不是要对付外敌，而是要对付本国“势力雄厚的一小撮人”和“声誉扫地的特殊利益集团”。他宣布：“我们已经引起斗争，我们已经招致盘根错节的贪婪势力的憎恨。”

罗斯福希望赫伯特·胡佛成为他的竞选对手，因为这样选民们会有一个明确的选择对象。共和党人6月初在克利夫兰开代表大会时以渴望的目光盯着这位前总统，但沮丧地认识到他的名字同灾难联系得太紧，结果在第一轮投票中就选出堪萨斯州州长艾尔弗雷德·蓝登为总统候选人。兰登是中西部人，共和党提名他当总统候选人是希望他对农民具有感召力，能调动保守派日益增长的反对罗斯福的情绪。然而，兰登的竞选演说呆板乏味，举止平淡无奇，他个人没有什么魅力。但是，共和党领袖认为，这会成为可贵之处，只要选民们对罗斯福始终笑容可掬的模样和明显的狡黠态度感到厌烦。有一次，在听了共和党的这位旗手讲演后，伊克斯刻薄地挖苦说：“如果这是兰登所能发表的最好的演讲，民主党的竞选委员会应该把自己所有的经费全部供给他到各地去演讲。”

两周后，民主党在费城召开代表大会，这与其说是一次代表大会，不如说是个加冕仪式。尽管艾尔·史密斯力图劝说代表们撇开罗斯福，另推选“某个真正的民主党人”，但是罗斯福和加纳仍被全体代表经口头表决再次提名为总统和副总统候选人。6月27日晚上，罗斯福到富兰克林运动场发表接受总统候选人的提名演说。雨一直淅淅沥沥地下个不停，他在儿子吉米的搀扶下，拖着僵直的腿，蹒跚地从聚集在讲台后面的人群中间挤过。他从攒动的人头中认出了埃德温·马卡姆。他伸出手臂想同这位老诗人握握手，但被人群一挤，身体失去了平衡。他右腿的支架突然松了，他一个趔趄手中的发言稿撒落在人群中。周围发出低声惊叫，几乎引起恐慌。特工人员赖利手疾眼快，一把扶住罗斯福，左右急忙把支架重新安装好。赖利唯恐混乱中有人把马卡姆误认为刺客，发狂似地朝这位目瞪口呆的诗人高喊：“别动！别动！”罗斯福脸色煞白，浑身哆嗦，急促地喊：“快把我身上掸干净！快把发言稿捡起来！”一切恢复正常后，他说：“好吧，我们走吧。”他朝讲台走去，但目光落在马卡姆挂着泪珠的脸上，立刻又止步，同这位老人握了握手。

在运动场上，罗斯福受到10万名群众雷鸣般的欢呼。他讲了几句客套话后，就马上给即将来临的竞选运动定了调子，痛斥“经济守旧派”和“享有特权的亲王们”给美国的经济民主构成威胁。罗斯福说：“经济秩序的守旧派承认政治自由是政府的事情，他们坚持认为经济奴役不关任何人的事情。他们承认政府能够采取一切措施保护公民的投票权，但不承认政府能够采取一切措施保护公民工作和生活的权利……这些经济守旧派抱怨我们想推行美国的制度。他们其实抱怨的是我们想剥夺他们的不合法权力。”

“政府可能会犯错误，总统确实也会犯错误，”罗斯福接着说，“但是，流芳百世的但丁告诉我们，神圣的司法会用不同的天平衡量冷酷的人的罪孽和热心肠的人的过失。一个慈悲为怀的政府纵使偶然失误，也比一个对人民疾苦不闻不问的政府长期啥事不干要好……世道循环，奥妙莫测。对于某几代的人，可谓得天独厚；对于另几代的人，会要求很高。这一代的美国人则应运而起。”

在竞选期间，罗斯福走到哪里，就受到哪里人民的欢迎。在芝加哥，约15万男女群众临时自发地组成欢迎队伍，把他从火车站一直送到运动场；在波士顿，市议会大厅挤得水泄不通，连附近的街巷都人山人海；在纽约，曼哈顿区万人空巷，人们都涌到大街上来欢迎他。在俄亥俄州和衣阿华州，甚至在阿尔夫·兰登的堪萨斯州，他所到之处无不受到兴高采烈的群众的欢迎。群众伸出手臂同他握手，朝他招手欢迎，有的是为了感谢他拯救了一座农场或住宅，有的是为了感谢他使一座工厂重新开工，有的是为了感谢他成立工程兴办局，提供了就业机会。有人说，就连老天爷也站在罗斯福一边，因为就在他到田地龟裂的中西部旱区的时候，天上凑巧下起雨来。他无论到什么地方，都对兰登置之不理，绝口不提兰登的名字，一味猛烈指责赫伯特·胡佛和自由联盟的“经济守旧派”，说他们是新政的敌人，因此也是人民的敌人。他经常向群众讲的一句话是：“你们看上去比四年前愉快啦！”

每到一处，他总是要把1936年的情况同1932年的情况对比一番。成千上万的农场和住宅获得拯救，没有被取消抵押品赎回权。创造了就业机会，经济开始回升，失业人数比经济萧条最严重时期减少了约600万人。汽车厂商预言，1936年将是自1929年以来最景气的一年。公司利润是1929年股票价格猛跌以来最高的，道琼斯工业股票平均数比1932年增长80%。罗斯福咧嘴大笑，轻蔑地奚落说：“1933年夏天，有位头戴丝绸帽子的老绅士在防波堤边上失足落水，他不会游泳。一位朋友跑下防波堤，跳进水里，把他救上来，但丝绸帽子被浪冲走了。老绅士苏醒过来后，千恩万谢，夸奖他的朋友救了他的命。但是，三年后的今天，老绅士却因丢了帽子而斥责他的朋友。”

10月31日晚，罗斯福在麦迪逊广场花园发表了一篇激昂慷慨的演说后，结束了他的竞选活动。他的讲话使听众一次又一次地站起来鼓掌欢呼。他说：“全国因政府充耳不闻、视而不见、无所事事而吃了十二年苦头。全国人民看着政府，可政府转过脸去。九年受金钱愚弄，三年遭遇祸患！九年发疯般地厮守在行情自动显示器旁，三年在领取救济的队伍中苦挨日月！九年愚蠢地想入非非，三年灰心绝望！今天，某些强大势力企图恢复那样的政府以及它的对一切都漠不关心的政府是最好的政府的理论。在大约四年的时间里，我们的政府不是游手好闲、终日无所事事，而是卷起袖子大干。我们将继续大干下去。”

罗斯福越说越激动。他指出他的“宿敌”就是“企业界和金融界垄断集团、投机倒把的奸商、鲁莽的银行老板、地方主义以及靠战争牟取暴利的投机商”，并说这些势力长期以来一直把美国政府看成他们的封地。这几股势力像今天这样紧紧地抱成一团，反对一位总统候选人，这在美国历史上还是第一次。

“我想说，”罗斯福进一步指出，“在我领导的首届政府执政期间，这些自私自利、权欲熏心的势力遇到了势均力敌的对手。”听众纷纷站起来，整个公园响起了暴风雨般的掌声和欢呼声。“我还想说——”这时又响起了一片欢呼声和铃铛号角声，他的声音被淹没。“请静一静！”总统高喊，“我还想说：到我领导第二届政府的时候。这些势力将会遇到强手！”

1936年大选，罗斯福大胜。他获得了除缅因和佛蒙特两州以外的全部选举人票。直接选票也比共和党候选人兰登多900万张。在国会两院，民主党掌握了绝对优势，参议院是76比16，众议院是332比89。罗斯福成了自门罗总统以来，一百一十四年接连两届由本党控制国会两院的第一位总统。

第二节  罗斯福于1937年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

Second Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt

Wednesday, January 20, 1937

When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here. We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision—to speed the time when there would be for all the people that security and peace essential to the pursuit of happiness. We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it; to end by action, tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day. We did those first things first.

Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there. Instinctively we recognized a deeper need—the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization. Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered. For, without that aid, we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind. To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.

We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable. We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease. We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.

In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.

This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation. At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War; they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution. A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to the American people.

Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the same objectives.

Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct. They hold out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times require, without yielding its democracy. Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.

Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power to govern them also must increase—power to stop evil; power to do good. The essential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections. The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.

In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government. The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes of a democracy—has been shattered. They have been challenged and beaten.

Our progress out of the depression is obvious. But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things. Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials. By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.

In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit. Old truths have been relearned; untruths have been unlearned. We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals; we know now that it is bad economics. Out of the collapse of a prosperity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays. We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal; and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.

This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such. We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life. In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned. Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.

We are moving toward an era of good feeling. But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will. For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.

Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual. With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.

Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead? Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way? For “each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth.”

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision. Comfort says, “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says, “This is a good spot.” Timidity asks, “How difficult is the road ahead?”

True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair. Vitality has been preserved. Courage and confidence have been restored. Mental and moral horizons have been extended. But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances. Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering. The times were on the side of progress.

To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult. Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest already reappear. Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster! Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose. Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?

I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of natural resources. Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves; they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations. I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.

But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens—a substantial part of its whole population—who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.

I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.

I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.

I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.

I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.

I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.

It is not in despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for you in hope—because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out. We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country’s interest and concern; and we will never regard any faithful law—abiding group within our borders as superfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.

If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will not listen to Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity. We will carry on. Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will; men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication; men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well. They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will. Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people. It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts. It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does. If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained. They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.

Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization. In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together. In our personal ambitions we are individualists. But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, as one people. To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility. But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need. Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid in their realization.

In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance. While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.

富兰克林·罗斯福第二次就职演讲

星期三，1937年1月20日

四年前，当我们聚在一起举行总统就职典礼时，合众国忧心如焚，群情激奋。我们致力于实现一个理想——让全体人民为追求幸福所必不可少的安全与和平环境早日到来。我们合众国人民立下誓言：要把玷污我们传统信仰的人赶出庙堂；要坚韧不拔地、无所畏惧地用行动来结束当时的萧条和失望，我们首先解决了这些当务之急。

我们的誓约没有就此止步。我们本能地认识到更深一层的需要——需要通过政府找到实现共同目标的手段，为每个人去解决复杂文明社会所日益产生的问题。试图不要政府的帮助来解决这些问题，已使我们屡屡碰壁和一筹莫展。因为没有这种帮助，我们就无法从道德上来控制科学的使用；有了这种必要的控制，才能把科学变成人类的有用的仆人，而不是无情的主人。为了做到这一点，我们知道必须找到切实可行的办法，控制那些盲目的经济力量和利令智昏的人。

我们合众国人民认识到一条真理：民主政府生来就有能力保护人民，使他们免遭一度认为是不可避免的灾难，解决一度认为是不可解决的问题。我们听天由命地忍受了几个世纪之后，找到了控制瘟疫的办法，所以，我们不承认找不到控制经济瘟疫的办法。我们拒绝把我们的共同福利问题交给机会的阵风和灾难的狂飙去摆布。

在这方面，我们美国人不是在发明全新的真理，而是在为我们的自治史册写下新的篇章。

今年是制宪会议召开一百五十周年，那次会议使我们成为一个国家。在那次会议上，我们的前辈为摆脱革命战争后的混乱局面找到了出路。他们创立了步调一致、坚强有力的政府，使我们足以在当时和现在都能解决个人或地方根本无法解决的问题。他们在一个半世纪以前建立起联邦政府，目的就是要增进美国人民的普遍福利，确保美国人民的自由幸福。

今天，我们要同样运用政府的力量来达到同样的目标。

四年来的新经验并没有使我们的历史直觉落空。这四年清楚地展现了一条希望之路，即地方政府、州政府和合众国政府都能按时代的要求行事而无需放弃民主。我们过去四年的任务并没有迫使民主去休假。

我们几乎所有的人都认识到，由于人类关系日趋复杂，支配这种关系的权力也必须加强——包括抑恶的权力和扬善的权力，我国的基本民主和人民安全的依据不是不要权力，而是通过诚实和自由的选举制度，把权力交给可以由人民定期更换或连任的人。1787年的宪法并没有使我们的民主软弱无力。

事实上，在过去四年中，我们使一切权力的行使都变得更加民主；因为我们已经开始使私人专断的种种权力恰当地服从于大众的政府。所谓它们不可战胜——凌驾于民主程序之上而又超脱于民主程序之外——这个神话已经被粉碎，它们遭到了挑战，并且已经被击败。

我们摆脱萧条所取得的进步是显而易见的。但是，那还不是你们和我所说的事物新秩序的全部，我们的誓言并非仅仅用旧材料做些修补工作。我们已经在用社会公正这种新材料，开始从原有基础上建立更持久的结构，以便未来几代人更好地利用。

在这方面，我们已经得益于思想和精神上所取得的成就。古老的真理得到了重温；假话虚话遭到了抛弃。我们一直知道，无动于衷的自私自利是不道德的，我们现在还知道，它是不利于经济的。经济繁荣的建筑师们曾自诩符合实际，但随着繁荣的破灭，人们都已经深信，从长远来看经济道德会带来效益。我们正在开始消除实际与理想之间的界线，通过这种做法，我们正在为建立道德更高尚的世界，制作一件力大无比的工具。

这种新的认识，打破了以追名逐利为荣的传统观念。我们开始不再容忍某些人滥用权力，这些人为了利润而背弃了起码的生活准则。在这个过程中，以前得到认可的歪风邪气不会那么轻易地得到宽恕，冷静的头脑下会那么轻易地原谅冷酷的心肝。

我们正在走向一个好心肠时代，但是，我们认识到，除非在有善良愿望的人之间，是不可能存在好心肠时代的。出于这些原因，我理所当然地认为，我们所目睹的最重大变化就是美国道德风尚的变化。

在有善良愿望的人之间，科学加之民主，为个人提供了日益丰富的生活和日益增大的满足。随着道德风尚的这种变化，随着我们重新发现了改进经济秩序的能力，我们已经踏上了持久的进步之路。

我们现在就停下来，从前进的道路上向后转吗？我们要把现在的美国称为希望之乡吗？或者，我们要继续走自己的路吗？因为“每一个时代都是一场梦，不是在消逝就是在诞生。”

我们在面临重大抉择时听到了许多声音。贪图安逸者说：“歇一会吧。”机会主义者说：“这是个好地方。”胆小怕事者问：“前面的路有多难走？”

不错，我们已经把萧条和沮丧的日子远远甩到了后面。我们维持了活力，我们恢复了勇气和信心，我们扩大了思想和道德领域的疆界。但是，我们目前的成绩是在超常形势的压力下取得的。在恐惧和痛苦的刺激下，前进是迫不得已的。当时的形势是有利于进步的。

然而，今天要坚持进步就比较困难了，麻木不仁、不负责任、冷酷无情的自私自利已经重新抬头。这类繁荣的症状可能成为灾难的征兆！繁荣已经在考验我们进步的决心能否持久。让我们再问一问：我们已经达到1933年3月4日那天憧憬的目标了吗？我们已经找到快乐之谷了吗？

我看到一个伟大的国家，地处辽阔的大陆，天赐富饶的自然资源。它的一亿三千万人民和睦相处，他们正在使自己的国家成为各国的好邻居。我看到一个合众国，它能够作出示范，即采用民主管理的方法，可以把国家财富转变成日益广泛的、闻所未闻的人类生活情趣，可以把最低生活标准提高到远远超过仅仅糊口的水平。

但是，我们的民主正面临种种挑战：在这个国家，我看到几千万公民——占人口总数相当大一部分——此时此刻得不到按目前最低标准所规定的大部分生活必需品。

我看到几百万个家庭以微薄收入勉强度日，日复一日处于家庭灾难的威胁之下。

我看到几百万城乡居民，他们的日常生活仍处于半个世纪以前被所谓上流社会称作的不体面状况。

我看到几百万人得不到教育和娱乐，得不到改善自己及其子女命运的机会。

我看到几百万人无力购买工农业产品，而他们的贫困又使其他成千上万人无法投入工作和生产。

我看到全国三分之一的人住不好，穿不好，吃不好。

我不是怀着失望向你们描绘这幅图景的。我是怀着希望来描绘的——因为，当全国都看到并认识到这是不公正现象，就会建议把它消除掉。我们决心使每个美国公民都成为国家注意和关心的对象；我们绝不会把境内任何忠诚守法的群体看作是多余的。检验我们进步的标准，不是看我们是否为富裕者锦上添花，而是看我们是否使贫困者丰衣足食。

如果我对我国的精神和目标有所了解，那么我们一定不会去理睬贪图安逸者、机会主义者和胆小怕事者，我们一定会继续前进。我们合众国绝大多数人都是善良的人，不论男人还是女人。他们不仅都有热诚的奉献之心，而且还有为达到实际目的所需要的冷静的头脑和勤劳的双手。他们会坚持认为，民众政府的各个机构都要运用有效的手段来执行人民的意志。政府的各个成员都作为全体人民的委托人那样去工作，这个政府就是称职的政府，政府随时了解所有情况，它就能不断前进，人民了解到政府所作所为的真实情况，政府就能得到应有的支持和合理的批评。如果我对我国人民的意志有所了解，那么他们会要求务必创造并维持使政府有效的上述条件。他们会要求我国不为不公正的致命弊病所败坏，从而在决心实现和平方面为各国树立起坚强的榜样。

今天，我们在突然发生变化的文明世界上，再一次把我们的国家奉献给珍视已久的理想。世界各地历来存在使人们分离或聚合的力量。从个人抱负而言，我们是个人主义者。但是，当我们作为一个国家去谋求经济和政治进步时，我们就是一个整体，要么共同兴旺起来，要么一起衰落下去。要维持民主的力量，需要以极大的耐心来处理方法上的分歧，并要有虚怀若谷的气度。但是，在众说纷纭之中，可以了解到公众需要的主流。于是，政治领导人就能够指出共同的理想，并帮助实现这些理想。

值此再度宣誓就任合众国总统之际，我担当起领导美国人民沿着他们选定的前进道路奔向前方的庄严职责。在担任这个职务期间，我要尽最大努力按照人民的意图说话，按照人民的意志办事。我要祈求上帝的指引，来帮助我们大家把光亮送给黑暗中的人，并引导大家走向和平之路。

第三节  精彩语录

Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.

我们的誓言并没有就此止步。

In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.

此刻，我们美国人不是在发明全新的真理，我们只是在自治政府的史书上谱写新的篇章。

In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.

在每一片土地上，总是存在着分裂人类和团结人类的力量。

第六章  论国家安全

第一节  背景介绍

炉边谈话是美国总统罗斯福利用大众传播手段进行政治性公关活动的范例之一。二十世纪三十年代，美国经济正处于大萧条时期。当时，为了求得美国人民对政府的支持，缓解萧条，富兰克林·罗斯福利用炉边谈话节目通过收音机向美国人民进行宣传。他的谈话不仅鼓舞了美国人民，坚定了人民的信心，而且也宣传了他的货币及社会改革的基本主张，从而赢得了人们的理解和尊敬。对美国政府渡过难关，缓和危机起到了较大作用。

1933年3月12日即罗斯福就职总统后的第八天，他在总统府楼下外宾接待室的壁炉前接受美国广播公司、哥伦比亚广播公司和共同广播公司的录音采访，工作人员在壁炉旁装置扩音器。总统说：希望这次讲话亲切些，免去官场那一套排场，就像坐在自己的家里，双方随意交谈。哥伦比亚广播公司华盛顿办事处经理哈里·布彻说：既然如此，那就叫“炉边谈话”吧，于是就此定名。罗斯福在其十二年总统任期内，共做了三十次炉边谈话，每当美国面临重大事件之时，总统都用这种方式与美国人民沟通。在罗斯福上任后雷厉风行地推动第一次新政时，这种方法的作用表现得最为突出。

第二节  罗斯福于1940年的一次炉边谈话

The Great Arsenal of Democracy

My friends，

This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.

Tonight of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of an those Americans with whom l was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life’s savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.

Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown CD and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now.  For on September 27th, 1940 this year by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations a program aimed at world control—they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.

The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other. And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: “they are correct when they say ‘With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves. I can beat any other power in the world’.”So said of the Nazis Leader other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy—their philosophy of government—and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.

At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.

Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe, Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors, There was no treaty. There was no unwritten agreement. And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere bas remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia Addresses of Franklin. Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic. And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun—a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force.

And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy. Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.

During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have to me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the of the situation One telegram, how expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: “Please, Mr. President, don’t frighten us by telling us the facts.” Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead danger against which we must prepare.  But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.

Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour’s notice or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, “The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places.”The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.

The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of “restoring order”. Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are protecting it against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: “We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States.” Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won, Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world, the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer io our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.

There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts arc that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.

Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates.Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa.  They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religion us enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.

There are also American citizen—many of them in high places, who unwittingly in most cases, are charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can aryl should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.

The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb.

We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know bow soon they will be need to death by their allies. American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a“negotiated peace”. Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power.

With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of chains. The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a “new order”in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, and no hope. The proposed “new order” is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.

The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to “keep out of war” is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later.

If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But l deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future, The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting.  They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, and the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.

Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.

Certain facts are self-evident.

In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.

Democracy’s fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more unneutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.

We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.

This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens, lf our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.

As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.

Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land.

In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful. American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of I no types and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.

But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of “business as usual”. This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country’s peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense.

I want to make it clear that it is the lose of the nation to purer build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, ill gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose. And still appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.

As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must make on the basis of our overall military necessities.

We must be the great arsenal of democracy.

For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war. We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no “bottlenecks” in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination.

The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.

I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.

We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope—hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.

As President of the United States, I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this nation which we love and honor and which we are privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common cause will greatly succeed.

民主国家的兵工厂

朋友们：

这不是关于战争的一场炉边会谈，而是一次关乎国家安全的谈话。我作为总统进行这次谈话主要是为了让现在的你们，之后你们的孩子以及再以后你们的孙辈远离不得不进行的卫国战争，是为了维护美国独立以及所有对我们而言的各种意义的美国独立。

今晚，面对这场世界性危机，我的思绪回到了八年前国内危机时期的一个晚上。当时，美国工业之轮戛然而止，我国的银行系统停止运行。我还清晰地记得，当我坐在白宫的书房里，准备与我的国民谈话，眼前就闪过所有要与我谈话之人的面庞。我看见了在作坊里、矿井中以及工厂里的工人们，收银台的姑娘、小老板、春耕的农民和担心自己毕生储蓄的寡妇和老人们。我尝试向绝大多数的美国人民表达清楚银行危机对他们的日常生活意味着什么。

今晚，在美国面临着新危机的时刻，我还要对那些人做同样的事。那时，我们以勇气和现实主义态度应对1933年的危机。现在，我们要以同样的勇气和现实主义态度来应对此次的新危机，应对国家安全所受到的新威胁。自从美利坚文明在詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯石卜产生以来，我们从未身处于当下这样的险境。因为就在今年——1940年9月27日，三大强国在柏林签署协议。其中，两个是欧洲强国，一个是亚洲强国。它们勾结起来恐吓美国，如果美国干预或妨碍这三个国家企图控制全球的扩张计划，那么它们将联合起来给美国致命一击。

德国纳粹的军统们宣告，他们不仅要控制本国人民的生活和思想，还要征服整个欧洲，然后利用欧洲的资源控制全世界。仅在三个星期前，他们的首领声称：“世界上存在着两个对立的阵营。”接着他用挑衅的口吻回应他的敌对者：“那些人说得很对，我们在这个世界上永远不会安分守己。”“我能够击败世界上任何一个强大对手。”纳粹首领就是这么说的。换言之，轴心国不仅承认，而且公开声明，他们的政治观点同我们的政治观点不可能完全调和。考虑到这不可否认的威胁，我们可以毫无疑问地明确断言，只要侵略国方面不明确表示愿意放弃统治或征服全世界的念头，美国就没有权利，也没有理由去促进和谈。

此时，那些反对人类自由的国家已经结成了同盟，它们的武装力量现在还被阻止在远离我们海岸的地方。英国人、希腊人以及大批从被占领国逃脱的士兵和水手将德国人和意大利人阻遏在大西洋的另一端。在亚洲，中华民族顽强抵抗日本人的侵略。而太平洋上有我们的舰队。

我们有些人倾向于认为，发生在欧洲和亚洲的战争与我们无关。但我们不能让欧洲和亚洲的战争制造者控制通向我们这个半球的海域，那关系到我们的生死存亡。一百七十年前，我国政府将门罗主义拟定为护国方针，与欧洲大陆联合起来应对我们这个半球面临的威胁。后来，我们与不列颠为邻，守护着大西洋。我们没有签署条约，也没有“不成文协议”。但是，有一种观点认为我们作为邻国，可以用和平的方式来解决任何争端。这种观点已被历史证明为是正确的。事实上，在那整个时期里，欧洲和亚洲始终都没侵略到西半球。是否有人真的相信，当自由的不列颠依然是我们大西洋上强大的海上邻国时，我们就不必担心美洲任何地方会遭受袭击了呢？还是认为如果轴心国与我们为邻，我们就可以高枕无忧了？如果大不列颠沦陷，轴心国就会控制欧洲、亚洲和非洲大陆以及澳大拉西亚和公海。这样一来，它们就能占据有利位置，从而调动大量军事力量和海上资源来攻击我们这个半球。毫不夸张地说，那时，我们全美洲人民将生活在一支已上膛的枪口之下，经济和军事都会受到威胁。那时，我们就会进入一个陌生而可怕的时代，包括我们这个半球的整个世界都会被野蛮势力的威胁所笼罩。

而要在这样的世界上生存下去，我们将必须以战时经济为基础，转变为一个永远的军事强国。我们中还有一些人一厢情愿的认为，即使不列颠沦陷，广袤的大西洋和太平洋会让我们不受威胁。但如今海域宽度的意义已不再像帆船时代那样。从非洲某地到达巴西某地的距离比从华盛顿到科罗拉多州丹佛市还近，最新式的轰炸机飞完全程只需五小时。在太平洋北端，美洲和亚洲几乎接壤。当然，即使今天我们的飞机可以从不列颠群岛到新英格兰飞来回，途中不用加油。而且要记住，新型轰炸机的种类也在不断增加。

在过去的一个星期里，全国各地的许多人告诉我，他们今晚想听到他们想要我说的话。绝大部分人都强烈要求听到关于现状严重性的真相。然而，有一个电报表达了少数人的态度。他们表示不想看到也不要听到灾难临头，尽管他们内心知道它的存在。那个电报求我不要再轻易说出，美国城市可能会受到敌国的轰炸，并且他们已经在西半球建立了根据地。那个电报的主要意思是：“总统先生，请不要说出实情吓唬我们。”直言不讳地说，危险迫在眉睫，我们必须准备应对这种危险。而我们也清楚地知道，不是爬上床，用被子蒙住头就可以逃避危险或摆脱恐惧。

欧洲的一些国家因与德国签署过严正的互不干涉条约而被束缚。德国还向另外一些国家保证过，它们永远不必担忧被入侵。但不管有没有签署过互不干涉条约，事实上这些国家都被攻占，被蹂躏，成了现代奴隶。它们有的在一小时前才收到宣战书，有的则是不宣而战。有一天，那些被侵略国家中的一个流亡领袖告诉我：“下宣战书的时间就是负数。我们政府是在德军涌入国家上百个地方两小时后才收到宣战书。”那些国家的命运告诉我们生活在纳粹枪口下意味着什么。

纳粹用各种虚伪的谎言为这种行径开脱。其中之一是声称它们是为了“恢复秩序”而占领一个国家。另一种诡辩是它们为了“保护”一个国家免遭其他国家的侵略而占领或控制这个国家。比如，德国称占领比利时是为了从不列颠手里把比利时人民拯救出来。难道德国以后还会有顾忌地对任何一个南美国家说：“我们占领你们是为了让你们不受美国侵略。”如今，比利时已被用作进攻不列颠的基地，尽管它现在还在为生存而奋战。任何一个被纳粹控制的南美国家都会成为德国进攻这个半球的任何一个共和国的跳板。

你们自己分析一下，如果纳粹在这场战争中获胜，离德国更近的其他两个地方将来会怎样。爱尔兰能幸存吗？在这个失去自由的世界里，德国会因为将爱尔兰当成玩物，而例外地保留爱尔兰的自由吗？经过五个世纪，葡萄牙的旗帜仍然飘扬在亚述尔群岛之上，这片群岛能幸存吗？我们都会认为夏威夷是太平洋上的防卫前哨，但亚述尔群岛在大西洋上比另一边的夏威夷离我们的海岸更近。

有些人说轴心国绝无进攻西半球的欲望。这种一厢情愿的想法也是危险的，它已摧毁了许多被征服人民的抵抗能力。显而易见的事实是，纳粹分子已一再声明其他民族都是劣等民族，因而都得对德国唯命是从。最为重要的是，辽阔富饶的美洲被视为世界上最有吸引力的掠夺目标。

我们不能再对不争的事实视而不见了。邪恶势力已经镇压、破坏、摧毁了如此多的国家，而现在已闯入我们的国门。对此政府了如指掌并且每天四处搜寻他们的踪迹。他们的秘使正在我国和邻国频繁活动，试图挑起猜疑和争端，以引起内乱。他们企图使资本家和劳动者相互敌对，让原已在这个国家平息多时并销声匿迹的种族和宗教敌对死灰复燃。他们活跃在每个令人厌恶的团体中，利用我们对战争本能的憎恶来达到自己的目的。这些麻烦制造者的唯一目的就是要离间我们的人民，把我们分化为对立的集团，然后破坏我们的团结，最终摧毁我们保卫自己的决心。

还有些美国公民，他们中很多人身居高位，在大多数情况下还糊里糊涂地协助和帮助那些中介者的工作。我并不是指责那些美国人与外国代理人勾结在一起，但要谴责他们做那些独裁者正想在美国做的事情。那些人仅认为我们能够对他国的命运视而不见以求明哲保身。更有甚者认为我们可以也应该成为轴心国的朋友甚至伙伴。有些人甚至建议我们应该效仿独裁国家的做法，但美国人永远不会也不愿意那样做。

过去两年的经历毫无疑问地证明，任何国家都平息不了纳粹分子。谁也不能靠抚摸一只老虎就把它驯服成小猫。对残暴行为是不能姑息的，也无法和一颗燃烧弹讲道理。

现在我们知道，一个国家只有彻底投降才能够同纳粹分子和平共处。即使意大利人民被迫与纳粹同盟，但此刻它们也不知道多久之后会被它们的同盟者扼杀。美国的绥靖主义者对奥地利、捷克斯洛伐克、波兰、挪威、比利时、荷兰、丹麦和法国的命运所发出的警告视而不见。他们会说不管怎样轴心国都会胜利，全世界的杀戮会被制止，美国也同样可以介入所谓的和平，并发挥最大的作用。他们称之为“协商和平”。这简直就是胡说八道！如果一帮歹徒包围了你们的社区，然后架着刀子来让你对得以自保感天谢地，难道那样是协商和平吗？如果是这样的所谓的和平，那么就根本不会和平。那只是另一种形式的停火，只会导致历史上最庞大的军备竞赛和最令人震惊的贸易大战。在这些竞赛中，美国人民会对轴心国进行一次真正的抵抗。

他们自负于自己的效率，吹嘘在这场战争中虚伪的目的，但在他们的背后仍然有集中营和被囚禁的牧师。最近几年来的历史证明：枪杀、镣铐和集中营不仅仅是现代独裁者的权宜之计，他们已将此奉若神明。也许，他们在口头上还奢谈世界“新秩序”，而他们内心想的只是恢复最古老、最野蛮的暴政——没有自由，没有宗教信仰，没有希望。他们提出的“新秩序”恰与所谓的“欧洲联合国”或“亚洲联合国”背道而驰。这类政府的建立没有经过被统治者的认可。这类政府也不是一个由具有自尊心的普通人所组成的、用来保护自己、让自由和尊严免遭压迫的联盟。它是一个邪恶的企图统治和奴役人类的政权与财团的联盟。

今天的英国人民和他们的盟友正在为反抗这一邪恶的同盟而奋战。我们将来的安全在很大程度上取决于这场战斗的结果。我们能否有能力“置身于战争之外”将受到这个结果的影响。思考今天，展望未来，我直言不讳地告诉美国人民，美国要想尽可能不卷入这场战争，现在就要不遗余力地支持那些正在保卫自己抗击轴心国的国家，不能对它们的失败袖手旁观。也不能屈服于轴心国的胜利，等待它在下一次战争中对我们发起进攻。

实事求是地讲，我们必须承认，我们采取的任何方针都有风险。但是我深信我国绝大多数人都会同意我所提议的方针。这个方针是现在风险最小的，将来会给世界和平带来最大的希望。欧洲人民正在自卫，并不要求我们帮他们打仗。他们要求我们供给作战工具，飞机、坦克、大炮、货船，使他们能为自己的自由和我们的安全而战。我要强调的是，我们必须尽快向他们提供数量充足的武器，这样，我们和我们的孩子就不必承受别人已经遭受的战争伤痛。

别让失败主义者来告诉我们为时已晚。不要拖到明天，现在正是时候。

有些事实是不言自明的。

从军事上说，大不列颠和不列颠帝国今天是抵抗世界征服行动的先遣部队。他们正在浴血奋战，将在人类英勇行为的历史上永垂不朽。他们并不要求美国派远征军到国外去。你们政府的任何官员也不想派出这样一支军队。所以，这就揭露出任何关于派兵去欧洲的谣传都是故意捏造的。我们国家的政策并非走向战争，其唯一目的是让我们的国家和人民远离战争。

民主制度对抗世界征服的斗争正得到巨大援助，而且必须得到更多的帮助。美国重整军备，并把我们尽可能省下来的每一两、每一吨军火和供给品送去帮助在前线的防卫部队。我们这种做法并不比瑞典、俄罗斯和与德国为邻的其他国家天天把钢铁、矿砂、石油和其他作战物资运到德国去的做法更有违中立。

我们正在十万火急地制订本国的防卫计划。在这个规模庞大的计划中，我们必须把英国和其他抵抗侵略的自由国家在作战方面的种种需要也包括在内。这与情感或具争议的个人意见无关。这是一个务实的实用军事策略，是以熟知这场战争的军事专家们提供的建议作为基础的。这些军事专家、海军专家、议员和行政官员只有一个目标——保卫美国。

这个国家正尽一切努力并用最快的速度来生产所有急需物品。这样的努力需要做出巨大的牺牲。我不会让任何人来保卫民主，因为民主也不会保护国家的每个公民免受贫穷和贫困。即使政府无法维护公民的经济福利，国力也不能衰弱。如果我们的生产力受制于机器，那么你们一定要记住这些机器依靠工人的技术和体力来进行操作。

正如政府一心维护工人的权利，国家也有权要求操纵机器的工人对防卫急需品负起全责。与工程师、经理或是店主一样，工人也有个人尊严、有权捍卫自己的地位，因为工人们可以提供人力来生产出驱逐舰、飞机和坦克。国家希望我们的国防工业持续运作，不受罢工或停工的干扰。国家也要求并坚持管理者和工人能用自愿的或合法的手段调和矛盾来持续生产急需供给品。如你所知，在大规模防御计划的经济方面，我们正尽最大努力来维持物价以稳定生活成本。

九天前，我宣布建立一个更高效的组织来指导我们更加努力地提高军需品的产量。巨款的大量拨付，防御的严密布置，这些还远远不够。枪支、飞机、轮船和许多其他物资必须由美国的工厂和兵工厂生产。它们必须由工人、管理者和工程师依靠机器来生产，而机器也必须要由全国成百上千的工人生产。

政府与工业和劳动力之间已经有了杰出的合作，这让我十分感激。美国工业界的天才解决生产问题的能力举世无双，他们已被唤起，将以其聪明才智在战斗中一展风采。手表厂、农具厂、成型活字铸造厂、现金出纳机厂、缝纫机厂、割草机厂和机车制造厂等等，现在纷纷转而生产导火线、炸药箱、望远镜底座、炮弹、手枪和坦克。

但是我们目前的一切努力还不够，我们必须有更多的船只、更多的枪炮、更多的飞机，更多的一切物品。我们只有摒弃“照常办事”的观念，才能达到上述目标。仅仅依靠现有的生产设备，附加一些国防的需要是不能实现这一目标的。我们的防卫努力绝不能因为那些担心将来工厂生产能力过剩的人而受到阻碍。而我们目前的防卫努力若是失败，其后果才更令人担忧。当目前的国防需求不再的时候，对国家和平时期需求的正确处理将需要全新的生产能力，如果不是更多的话。任何对美国前途悲观的政策都会耽误国防所需各种工业的立即扩展。

我想让大家明白，我们的目的是现在尽快建立我们需要用来制造国防物资的每部机器、每个兵工厂、每个工厂。我们具备这种人员、这种技术、这种财富，尤其是这种决心。我确信，如果某些工业需要使用国防方面所需的机器和原料去生产消费品和奢侈品，那么这种生产必须而且应该心甘情愿地让步于我们主要的和紧急的目标。因此我号召工厂的所有者、经理、工人、我们自己的政府官员把点滴的努力都用于生产军火。要迅速，要不遗余力。同时，我也向你们保证，我们所有政府官员也将同样全心全意地献身于当前这项艰巨的任务。

飞机、军舰、大炮和炮弹生产出来之后，你们的政府和国防专家就能决定如何最妥当地使用它们来保卫这个半球。必须根据我们全面的军事需要，来决定把多少运到国外，多少留在国内。

我们必须成为民主国家的兵工厂。

对我们来说，这是一项同战争本身一样严肃的紧急任务。我们必须以如同亲身作战一样的决心、一样的迫切心情、一样的爱国和牺牲的精神，来致力于完成我们的任务。我们已经提供给英国人巨大的物资支持，在未来我们还会提供更多。我们协助大不列颠的决心没有瓶颈。没有一个独裁者或独裁者联盟能够威胁我们，以削弱我们的决心。

英国人已从英勇的希腊军队和其他流亡政府军那里获得了无价的军事帮助，他们的实力在增强。这股力量是来自那些珍视自由重于生命的人们。

基于最新和最详细的情报，我相信轴心国不会在这场战争中获胜。

我们不要为失败主义寻找借口。我们有充分的理由期盼和平，是的，期盼我们的文明得到保卫，期盼在未来建设一个更好的文明。我深信，美国人民现在正坚定不移地以前所未有的努力来增加各种防卫物资的生产，迎击我们民主信仰所受到的威胁。

作为合众国总统，我号召全民努力。我以这个国家的名义发出这个号召，因为我们热爱这个国家，尊敬这个国家。能为这个国家服务，我们感到荣幸和自豪。我以绝对的自信号召我们的人民取得巨大的成功。

第三节  精彩语录

No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb.

谁也不能靠抚摸一只老虎就把它驯服成小猫。对残暴行为是不能姑息的，也无法和一颗燃烧弹讲道理。

We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope —hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future.

我们不要为失败主义寻找借口。我们有充分的理由期盼和平，是的，期盼我们的文明得到保卫，期盼在未来建设一个更好的文明。

I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this nation which we love and honor and which we are privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common cause will greatly succeed.

我号召全民努力。我以这个国家的名义发出这个号召，因为我们热爱这个国家，尊敬这个国家。能为这个国家服务，我们感到荣幸和自豪。我以绝对的自信号召我们的人民取得巨大的成功。

第七章  对日宣战演说

第一节  背景介绍

偷袭珍珠港之前，日本在亚洲大陆已经进行了连续四年的战争，目的就是为了掠夺亚洲大陆丰富的自然资源。日本对亚洲国家的侵略，显然对美国的远东利益构成了威胁，然而美国国内的孤立主义也使当时的罗斯福政府左右为难，孤立主义分子认为，一方面不能向世界上受战争威胁的国家提供军事援助，另一方面也不能对侵略国家实行经济制裁。而且，在英国政府以及美国国会的压力下，罗斯福总统被建议不能在太平洋与日本发生军事冲突，以免今后无法向盟国提供援助，而且这也会导致公众注意力转移，无暇顾及希特勒的侵略计划。

1940年7月，美国通过《出口控制法案》，这正好给罗斯福总统找到了一个报复日本在亚洲肆意扩张的借口。当日军于1940年9月开始入侵印度支那北部时，罗斯福总统借助该法案对日本实施废铁和钢材出口禁令。不久，他又实行航空燃料和润滑油禁运，声称这些物资只能出口到英国和其他西半球国家。

与此同时，日本人也在思索，并开始重新评估其外交政策。日本军方，尤其是军队高层，自从在中国东北成立伪满洲国之后，对外交政策施加了很多恶劣影响。同时，军队高层也是支持与德国和意大利结盟的主要力量，他们主张延长在中国的战争，并进一步向亚洲南部进军，从而实现其能源自给的帝国梦想。1940年夏天，公爵近卫文磨担任日本首相。近卫内阁一方面默认军方在亚洲进一步扩张，另一方面又致力于与美国达成和解。然而，近卫内阁授权军方占领法属印度支那基地，并与德、意签署三国盟约，这使罗斯福总统和国务卿赫尔无法在谈判中做出任何让步。东京方面的政策这时也开始左右摇摆。近卫内阁派亲美的野村吉三郎为驻美大使，向华盛顿提出一些新的谈判要点，国务卿赫尔同意探讨这些计划，然而经过五十次秘密会晤，最终仍然没有达成任何协议。美国拒绝就细节展开进一步探讨，他们提出谈判只有在日本同意“四项原则”的条件下才能继续进行。日本则认为这四项原则无疑是美国在谈判方面所设置的障碍，谈判因此陷入僵局。石油储备的下降迫使日本政府做出与美国交战的最后决策。

1940年冬季，英国跨大西洋能源供给线遭到德国潜水艇毁灭性的打击，美国因此越发关注事态发展。1941年4月，德国攻占了南斯拉夫和希腊，并在克里特岛和北非重创英军。罗斯福总统不得不下令延长美国在大西洋的中立区，并将巡航线进一步向东延伸，以防止希特勒进攻。5月，罗斯福总统宣布进一步增强该地区潜艇追踪和护航的力度，并调遣太平洋舰队增援大西洋舰队，美国因此宣布国家处于紧急状态，华盛顿因此将支援英国置于无可争议的重要地位。

1941年4月，日本和苏联签署了令世人震惊的《日苏中立条约》，6月，德国开始攻打苏联。这些事态的发展最终促使日本军方高层确信他们不会与苏联在伪满洲国边境地区发生正面冲突。美国开始停止从东海岸和其他一些港口向日本出口石油。日本政府则开始进行秘密会谈，日本军方高层与近卫首相在一次御前会议上向日本天皇提议向亚洲南部继续扩张，因为他们已经别无选择。天皇对此也表示同意，于是入侵马来西亚、菲律宾、荷属东印度和香港地区的计划开始实施，同时日本还开始着手准备与美国、英国和荷兰交战。但是具体的期限并没有定下来，与美国的谈判仍在继续。7月24日，在法国维希政府勉强同意之下，日军占领了法属印度支那的关键要塞。

7月26日，罗斯福总统下令冻结日本在美国所有的资产，同时向日本的石油出口只可通过许可证贸易方式。英国和荷兰政府也立即仿效美国政府的做法。历史文件并没有说明罗斯福总统对于做出该项决定所蕴涵的内在意义。从罗斯福总统幕僚的备忘录来看，总统只是试图通过石油许可证贸易作为外交手段，以争取更多的谈判筹码。然而冻结日本在美国的资产则已经使得日本无法像以前那样支付石油美元。总之，这对于美国政府强硬派而言无疑是一场胜利，他们一直认为只有这样，才能迫使日本做出让步。

在如此政治环境之下，日本因此只能动用其石油储备。历史学家赫伯特·菲思曾经这样写道：“日本没有任何途径获取或者控制石油供给。石油储备的下降在促使日本政府做出与美国交战的最后决策。”

对于美军而言，罗斯福总统在这个时机做出的决策无疑是种失败。美国海军一直在强调美军在太平洋的劣势，相对于拥有十艘航空母舰的日本海军而言，美国航母只有区区三艘。而且美国海军一直敦促美国应该拖延与日本交战的时间，因为菲律宾军事基地的空军和地面部队力量尚未得到加强。美国驻日大使约瑟夫·格鲁也一直向华盛顿发出警告，如果将日本逼入死胡同，日军将会做出没有任何暗示的猛烈还击，因为这是日本人的民族特性。然而罗斯福总统依然坚持认为，尽管有些冒险，但这不会给美国带来严重后果。他的幕僚看似一致的看法更加促使总统认为战争依然十分遥远。即便日本攻打马来西亚和荷属东印度，也丝毫不会影响美国本土安全。

美国对日本实施财产冻结和石油禁运使日本大为震惊。战后出版的一些历史记录表明，日本当时已经陷入绝望。到1941年8月为止，日本石油储备只能维持日本陆军十二个月、海军十八个月。9月份提前召开的御前会议将战争提到议事日程上，10月近卫内阁倒台，陆军大臣东条英机出任内阁首相。11月5日召开的最后一次御前会议促使犹豫不决的日本天皇对美宣战，除非在谈判最后一分钟取得外交解决的途径。

美国割断了日本的能源供给线，使得日本法西斯狗急跳墙，孤注一掷。

日本在谈判中佯装做出让步，表示同意立刻从印度支那撤军，然而日本一刻也没有放弃在亚洲进一步扩张的战略，因此美日谈判举步维艰，然而与美国不断延期的谈判正好帮助日军部署完兵力。11月26日，日本又在印度支那攻占了一些地方，国务卿赫尔对此极为愤怒，在谈判中要求日军完全从中国撤出。

而罗斯福总统与其幕僚则一直通过截取日军无线电信号，关注日军的一举一动。但他们并不知道日军将会在何时何地采取何种行动。更糟糕的是，美国始终无法破译日本陆军和海军的密码。

1941年12月7日，日本偷袭珍珠港，成为美国历史上最为惨痛的战争灾难，演绎了一场人间悲剧。对于美国而言，不幸中万幸的是，太平洋舰队的航空母舰在日军偷袭的当天正好不在港内。然而对于日本而言，偷袭珍珠港最终表明是一场更大的失败，它正好给主战的罗斯福总统找到了对日宣战的最好借口，他再也不用说服国会以保护英国和荷兰殖民地的名义向日本宣战，而本来对参战与否犹豫不决的美国人民也立即团结一致加入抗日行列。

第二节  罗斯福于1941年针对偷袭珍珠港发表演讲

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives，

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941—a date which will live in infamy—the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

As Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph—so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员：

昨天，1941年12月7日——必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意进攻。

美国和日本是和平相处的，根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋地区的和平。

实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。

历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。

昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。

昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了香港。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了关岛。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。

昨夜，日本人进攻了威克岛。

今晨，日本人进攻了中途岛。

因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。

作为陆海军总司令，我已指示采取一切措施进行自卫。但是，我们整个国家都将永远记住日本对我们这次进攻的恶劣性质。

不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次蓄谋已久的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定会赢得绝对的胜利。

我声明，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信已表达了国会和人民的意志。

敌对行动已经存在。毋庸讳言我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。

相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心——我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝保佑我们！

我请求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。

第三节  精彩语录

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次蓄谋已久的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定会赢得绝对的胜利。

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

我声明，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信已表达了国会和人民的意志。

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

敌对行动已经存在。毋庸讳言我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph.

相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心——我们将取得必然的胜利。

第八章  四大自由

第一节  背景介绍

富兰克林·罗斯福的“四大自由”思想是在1941年l月6日对国会发表的国情咨文中具体阐述的，具体是指要在世界范围内保障人类的言论自由、信仰自由、经济自由和安全自由。“四大自由”的阐述以纲领性的高度描绘了美国民主政治和美国理想的蓝图，并在罗斯福的一系列内政外交的政策和举措中体现出来。二战后期以美国为首的盟国在构建战后世界的新秩序时更是深受“四大自由”思想的影响。考虑到罗斯福是在受命于国家危难之际同时也是处于世界历史上少有的转折点的情况下提出该思想的，所以人们把它和华盛顿的告别演说、“自罗主义”“自户开放”政策等并列为美国历史上最重要的对外政策。

文化、政治思想和国家制度，生于美国上层社会的罗斯福自小就生活在这种氛围之中，不可能不受其潜移默化的影响，这些正是罗斯福形成其个人思想的关键性因素。罗斯福创新性地把这些传统思想以“四大自由”的新面貌公诸于世的贡献，很难从表面上判断他的政策倾向。

罗斯福的“四大自由”是在1941年初提出的，其具体内容如下：

“在我们力图保持安宁的今后的生活中，我们期盼有一个建立在四项人类基本自由的世界。

第一是言论和发表意见的自由——遍及世界各地。

第二是每个人以自由的方式崇奉上帝的自由——遍及世界各地。

第三是免于匮乏的自由——从全世界角度来谈，这就意味着可以使每个国家保证其居民过上健康的和平时期的生活——遍及世界各地。

第四是免于恐惧的自由——从全世界角度来谈，这就意味着世界范围的裁军，并使之如此全面达到这样的程度，以至任何国家都不会处于能对别国采取有形侵略行为的地位——遍及世界各地。”

在罗斯福作这次国情咨文时，第二次世界大战早已爆发。在欧洲，英国成为在希特勒铁蹄之下唯一幸免的民主国家。在东亚，日本已控制中国最富庶的国土并且已准备下一步向美英等国在远东地区的势力发起挑战。而美国，在传统的孤立主义的影响下对战争的事态却持冷漠的态度。有着深远政治眼光的罗斯福早已认识到：尽管美国试图把自己置身于战争之外，可是美国的实力以及在全球的利益关系将使得这种努力是徒劳的。最终，无论是否情愿，美国都将被拖入这场战争之中。况且，这次战争和以往的大战相比有着新的特点，这不仅是一次单纯的争夺领土、资源、霸权的战争，更是一次意识形态的较量——专制对民主的较量。美国有着极为深厚的民主传统，所以对民主国家支持的倾向已经表现得非常明显。但是对于即将走向战场的美国来说这还是不够的。美国必须在精神上，在意识形态上有自己的判断，这样才能和法西斯的意识形态做斗争，才能鼓舞、武装自己以及盟国，才能奠定战后世界秩序的行为准则。“四大自由”在此时应运而生，它标志着罗斯福（某种意义上也是美国）已把其政治理想扩展到最高阶段世界秩序的建立。同时“四大自由”也是罗斯福“新政”的必然逻辑的发展。

这四种自由中的每一种都和法西斯主义国家所信奉的意识形态针锋相对，这两种水火不容的思想是无法共存的。如果非要为“四大自由”和法西斯的意识形态找共同点的话，那就只有“遍及世界各地”这一点。罗斯福在此暗示在面对法西斯国家疯狂的对外武力扩张和将自己的意识形态输出全世界的情况下，美国将带领民主国家奋起反抗，为消灭法西斯主义的思想不惜决一死战的决心。我们可以认为，这是一种美国还没有在战场上与法西斯主义国家正面交锋，但却在意识形态的领域率先向法西斯国家的宣战。无论如何，美国与法西斯国家在战场上的正面交锋终于在这一年的年末成为现实。

追根溯源，这四大自由可在《独立宣言》中找到其最初的思想根源：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等，他们被造物主赋予某些不可转让的权力，其中包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权力……我们的政府必须以这样的原则为基础，并且用这样的方式组织其权力，以使人民认为这样最可能实现他们的安全和幸福。”

杰斐逊在起草《独立宣言》时，把“财产”改为“追求幸福”，但在美国人心目中依然是“生命、自由和财产”。因此，哈佛大学教授詹姆斯·威尔逊认为保护“生命、自由、财产”这些基本权利，不仅是美国革命的目的，也是美国宪法的目的。

《独立宣言》中所提到的生存权与安全和“四大自由”中提到的政治的自由也是有一致性的。当初北美人民就是因为不满英国的统治，认为他们的自由已经受到践踏后，才奋起反抗并最终取得胜利的。《独立宣言》表达的就是这些自由的权利是天赋的、是不容侵犯的，如果这些自由受到威胁，那么就有足够的理由去为捍卫这些自由而战。

“四大自由”也表达了这种思想，即现在人类正在面临一场前所未有的危险，优秀的民主国家受到信奉专制主义排斥个人基本自由的法西斯国家的挑战。民主国家已经岌岌可危，如果任其发展下去，最终也将危害到美国，危及到每个美国公民的基本自由，威胁到美国传统的自由信仰。所以每个美国人民都有权利和义务去捍卫自己的自由！

如果说《独立宣言》只是表达一种思想、一种理想的话，那么《美国宪法》则把这种理想、这种思想给现实化。它用国家的根本大法——宪法的形式确保并保护这些自由。

宪法中的这种对言论自由以及信仰自由的保护，深深地植根于美国人的精神之中，并已成为美国赖以立国的根基之一。“四大自由”中的言论自由和信仰自由即来源于此。值得注意的是1791年12月通过的宪法十项修正案（也就是通常所说的《权利法案》）中才给予确定的。这说明刚开始的《美国宪法》并没有这些条款，但是美国人民对此不满，通过斗争而获得这些权利的。北美人民的思想及价值取向中从一开始就有言论自由这一项。我们平时都说往往宪法或法律能造就或培养一个民族的法制、自由、民主等思想，可是在这里，我们似乎不得不承认一个国家的宪法和法律也必须依靠有觉悟的社会民众的争取和斗争才能获得。

就任于美国历史上最大的危机时期的罗斯福把战胜经济大萧条、恢复美国经济、使美国人民能有稳定的甚至是富余的收入作为新政府的首要目标。1935年11 月29 日罗斯福在佐治亚州亚特兰大做感恩节演说时称：“……我感到自豪，因为我清楚地看到在城市和乡村中恢复物质上的繁荣，特别是我感到一种日益增长的精神上的繁荣，这将给我们人类带来更大的帮助和幸福。”

“……但是经济复兴不只限于国家有盈余。你们和我都不想简单地回到过去的情况。我们都要相信，今后的人类将会比以往任何时候都要好的生活条件下，享受人生更丰富的美好事物。在过去的这两年半时间里，美国人的生活得到改善，如果说在这方面我要起什么作用的话，那就是我将尽全力使之在今后得到进一步的改善……”

不止这次演讲，罗斯福从上任之始就一直在强调保护人民的生活和经济自由，这种思想是贯穿于罗斯福的每一次演讲、炉边谈话、国情咨文之中的。罗斯福一再强调经济任务是首要的任务，而且罗斯福的观点是一种发展的观点，即不光是保障人民的基本生活，更要使人民越来越富裕。“四大自由”中的经济自由也是这种思想的表达，只不过把这种经济自由的范围扩大到全人类而已。

罗斯福一开始多少抱有孤立主义的想法，他认为这样做最能保证美国人民的自由与安全。可是随着世界局势的恶性发展，罗斯福认识到传统的孤立主义并不能使美国摆脱战火，相反会使美国成为法西斯最后的、共同的目标。美国具有深厚的民主传统，美国人民具有坚定的自由信仰，罗斯福自然是站在民主国家一边的。于是他谈话的语气和态度产生很大的转变。1940年1月4日在对国会的演说中说：“不介入战争，与佯称战争与己无关是截然不同的两回事。我们必须看到，如果世界上所有的小国都丧失独立，这会给我们自己的前途带来什么影响……”

而到1941年时，欧洲大陆上以法国为首的民主国家纷纷沦陷，只剩下英国在孤单且奋勇地抵抗着，这时罗斯福在1941年1 月6 日对国会的年度咨文上这么说：“任何现实主义的美国人都不能期望，按照独裁者意旨所取得的和平会导致国际间慷慨地相互对待，或者真正恢复独立，或者世界裁军、言论自由、信仰自由——乃至有好生意可做。”

罗斯福也意识到美国最终必将成为反法西斯盟国的领袖，所以必须要有一种理念，一种信仰来领导盟国。所以他把原先反复提到的保障每个美国公民安全自由的思想在此扩大，成为在四大自由中的第四个自由——保障世界上每个国家的安全自由！

在具体措施上，罗斯福在四大自由中提出如何给予民主国家以支援，如何扩大军事工业的生产，如何转变经济结构等措施。同时坚决地反对孤立主义以及反对在政府工作中因为党派的偏见而影响工作的行为。

1940年末法西斯的势力已几乎占领大半个欧洲和大半个中国。在这种情况下，罗斯福提出“四大自由”的思想，它代表罗斯福最高的政治理想。美国参战后罗斯福在各种场合又大谈自由、安全、繁荣、和平等理想，俨然一副世界领导的模样（虽然事实上也的确是），可是在一些重大的会议中他又私下签订很多秘密协定，其中有很多是和他的“四大自由”思想相抵触的。罗斯福的这种“多变性”似乎使我们对其思想是如何形成所做的解释变得毫无意义。

这也是罗斯福在当时受到国内外环境的限制所致。在一个国内矛盾重重，国外环境日益恶化的状况下，采取掩饰自己理想而发表一些使不同派别都满意的言论，对一位急需获得国内支持与团结的领导人来说不失为上上之选，有很好的现实感正是罗斯福的一大优点。正如罗斯福本人所说：“我们的立场对于明显对立的孤立主义者和国际主义者来说，似乎都能接受。孤立主义者赞成我们，是因为我们不要战争。国际主义者赞成我们，是因为我们同英法合作”。罗斯福是真的不要战争吗？其实他从一开始就觉察到和法西斯国家的战争也许是不可避免的，罗斯福认为“法西斯是一种罪恶的思想和制度，因此要建立理想的国际秩序，必须根除法西斯主义，惩罚其倡导者，使他们名誉扫地，改造其追随者”。1939年3月，他也告诉国会，像美国这样的代议制政府不会允许专制政体的兴起。不过他对于这场也许不可避免的战争的残酷性也有深刻的认识，所以他反复引用威尔逊在一战时说的话：“当我们要同德国打仗时，我们必须弄清楚，全国不仅同我们一起打，而且还愿意同我们一起打到底”。罗斯福认为必须保持这种模棱两可的态度直到全国人民都抛弃那种不切实际的孤立主义的思想，否则他认为这是极其危险的。他经常饶有回味地说：“你一心想带领人们前进，可是掉头一看，没有一个跟着，这真可怕。”他在等待，一旦时机成熟，他的理想必将成为在重大危机下美国人民最有力的思想武器。

美国社会是一个多元化的社会，持有各种思想、观点、文化和宗教信仰的公众在美国社会中都能找到。我们在这里所提到的公众并不是指有一个作为整体的公众，而是指“把公众看作在特定时间对于特定问题实际上形成并表示意见的个人集合体”。在美国的政治生活中由公众而产生出的舆论则对政府的决策会产生重大的影响。如果考虑到这点，我们就更能理解罗斯福在那样的社会背景下做法的合理性。

在对待欧洲和亚洲所出现的战争危机的问题上，当时美国主要有两种主流的社会舆论。一种是传统的孤立主义，另一种则是“新兴”的国际主义。这两种思想在美国都有深厚的历史，从开国之初就影响着美国的对外政策。

如果说孤立主义在二十世纪头三十年处于顶峰一点也不为过，其势力强大到威尔逊使美国加入国联的企图无功而返。不过究其根源在美国刚建国时“国父”华盛顿的告别演说中可找到：“欧洲有一系列基本利益和我们根本没有关系，或者只有很远的关系。因此它老是陷在争议之中，而这些争议的根源实质上同我们关心的事物是毫不相干的……为什么要将我们的命运同欧洲任何一部分的命运交织起来，将和平和繁荣同欧洲的野心、对抗、利益、情绪或任性牵涉在一起？”

后来的美国孤立主义者们总是不断地引用华盛顿的这段讲话来作为其政策的出发点。到十九世纪二十年代，自罗总统提出“美洲是美洲人的美洲”的名言，此即为“自罗主义”。孤立主义者把华盛顿告别演说和自罗主义糅合起来，终于形成孤立主义思想的一套体系。他们认为美国国家政策的重点应该只限于国内事务，最多也只应限制于阻止欧洲在西半球扩张的企图这一范围而已。在随后的几十年中美国也的确照着这条路走着，并且获得了迅猛的发展。

关于孤立主义的历史地位问题及对本世纪初美国的外交政策的影响上，诺德林格指出大多数历史学家都认定，直到十九世纪后期之前，孤立主义都很适合美国，并对当前普遍存在的观点——在美国取得大国地位之后需要更多国际主义的和干预的战略——表示怀疑。他认为，当时世界上发生的重大变化不需要拒绝战略上的孤立主义或者为其辩解。新的现实并没有使美国的战略免疫力遭到危害。

可是即使在这样的情况下孤立主义在美国还是开始遭到一部分人的怀疑和指责，也许是因为到十九世纪末期，美国的经济总量已居世界第一，领土也已扩张到太平洋沿岸，以美国现有的实力可以在更广阔的范围内寻求利益。

相对于孤立主义，国际主义似乎在道德上看起来显得更加高尚。特别是威尔逊式理想的国际主义曾使得罗斯福热血沸腾，并最终改变他一生的思想。但美国的国际主义是一种很特别的东西，它似乎根植于美国人那种天生的优越感之中。独特的地理位置、丰富的自然资源、根深蒂固的理想主义和思想意识倾向、独特的三权分立政治制度等等使美国人认为自己与众不同，总之美国人自认为他们是这个世界的一个例外！

“四大自由”实质上是罗斯福为扩展美国的国家利益、伸张美国价值观而举出的一面美丽的理想主义大旗，当然也不能否认其中也的确含有罗斯福个人的美好理想在其中。不过这种要“遍及世界”的带有强烈普世主义色彩的国际主义理想——“四大自由”也为以后的冷战埋下伏笔。

第二节  罗斯福于1941年致美国国会的第八次国情咨文演讲

The Four Freedoms

Delivered 6 January, 1941

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents.  We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.  But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.  And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.  If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Australasia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature—and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.  Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas.  Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril.  For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all—inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.  And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today’s best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up. We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.  We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons—a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense. For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever—increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.” In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid—Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be. And when the dictators—if the dictators—are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.

Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation’s hands must not be tied when the nation’s life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need. A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group. The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for. The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.  Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment—The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation. If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

四大自由

1941年1月6日

参议院议长、众议院议长、第77届国会的各位议员：

我向这届新的国会议员发表的咨文是在美国历史上史无前例的。我用“史无前例”这个词是因为在以前任何时候美国的安全都没有像今天这样严重地受到外来威胁。

自1789年根据宪法建立起永久的政府后，我国历史上大部分的危机时刻都关乎内政。但幸运的是只有那次四年内战对我们的国家统一造成过威胁。感谢上帝，四十八个州的一亿三千万美国人民如今已经忘却了国家内部的分歧。

在1914年以前，美国确实经常受到其他几个大陆所发生事件的干扰。为了维护美国的权力与坚持和平贸易，我们甚至一度陷入与欧洲国家的两场战争以及与西印度群岛、地中海和太平洋地区的多次不宣之战之中。但没有一次严重威胁到我们的国家安全或我们的继续独立。

我想要传达的是一个历史事实：当文明的进程已完成，美国作为一个国家在任何时间都明确地、坚决地反对任何将我们禁锢在古中国长城之后的企图。今天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的下一代，我们要对强制孤立我们或美洲其他地方予以反对。

过去的这些年里，比如在法国革命后的二十五年战争的早期，我们已表明决心。尽管因法国在西印度群岛和路易斯安那的稳固地位而使拿破仑战争威胁到了美国的利益，尽管我们为维护美国和平贸易的权利而卷入了1812年的战争，但显然法国、英国或其他任何国家都没打算统治全世界。

同样的，自1815年至1914年这九十九年中，欧洲或亚洲没有一个战争对我们或美洲其他国家的将来真正造成威胁。

除了在墨西哥的马西米连诺，没有外强企图在这个半球确立自己的地位。而且英国舰队在大西洋的兵力一直以来都较温和，现在仍然是。

即使当1914年世界战争爆发时，他们似乎对我们美国未来的威胁也很小。但随着时间的推移，我们还记得，美国人民也开始设想民主国家的垮台对我们国家的民主制度意味着什么。

我们不必过分强调《凡尔赛和约》的不足之处。我们也不必喋喋不休地谈论民主国家无法解决国际重建的问题。我们应该牢记，早在慕尼黑会议之前就有了和解，而1919年的停战协议远比那个公平得多。暴政新秩序的触角如今企图伸向每个大陆，在这种情况下，那样的和解还在继续。美国人民坚决反对那样的暴政。

我想每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式此刻正在世界各地遭受着直接攻击，或被武力攻击，或被秘密散布的恶毒言论攻击。那些人企图制造分裂，在和平国家中挑拨离间。漫长的十六个月以来，这种进攻已在为数众多的大小独立国家中摧毁了整个民主的生活方式。攻击者仍步步逼近，威胁着其他大大小小的国家。

因此，作为总统，我要履行宪法规定的职责，向国会报告联邦的情况。我必须很遗憾地报告：我们国家和民主制度的前途和安全已和远在我国边界之外发生的事件休戚相关。

四大洲的人民正为保卫民主制度的生存，而英勇地进行武装保卫战。如果这场保卫战失败，那么征服者将占有欧洲、亚洲、非洲与澳大拉西亚的所有人口和一切资源。我们要记住，这四大洲的总人口和资源远远超过整个西半球的人口和资源的总和多好几倍。

在这样的时期，美国毫无准备，犹如一只手被绑在了背后。要是任何人吹嘘说这样的美国可以对抗全世界，那么他就是幼稚的，也是随口说说不可信的。

任何现实的美国人都不会指望从独裁者的和平中得到国际的宽容，或恢复真正的独立，或世界裁军，或言论自由，或信仰自由，或公平贸易。这种和平绝不会给我们和邻国带来安全。那些为了一时安全而甘愿放弃基本自由的人是不配得到自由和安全的。

作为一个国家，我们可以自诩自己的仁慈；但是，我们却不能头脑糊涂。我们必须时时刻刻提防那些说空话、大肆宣传绥靖主义的人。我们必须特别提防要把美国国徽上的白头海雕的翅膀剪下来装饰自己巢穴的一小撮自私的人。

最近我曾指出，现代战争能很快将武力攻击蔓延到我国。如果独裁国家打赢了这场战争，我们就必须意识到武力攻击总有一天会到来。

有些人闲聊说，我们不会立即受到来自海外直接的入侵。显然，只要英国海军维持现有力量，受到入侵的危险就不会存在。即使没有英国海军，在未夺得可用于发动攻击的战略基地之前，也不太可能有敌军愚蠢到跨越几千里重洋登陆美国来袭击我们。

但是，我们从欧洲的过去几年中得到了很多教训，特别是挪威，挪威所有的重要海港都是被敌人连续多年步步为营设下的诡计和出其不意的进攻夺去的。要入侵这个半球的第一步不是派遣普通部队，关键策略的要点在于先让特务和他们的伪装人员渗入，他们中的大部分已经在这里和拉丁美洲了。只要侵略国保持攻势，发动攻击的时间、地点和方法将由他们而不由我们来选择。

所以，美洲各个共和国的前途如今面临着严重的危险。所以，这次的年度国会咨文在我国历史上独一无二。所以，政府行政部门的每名官员和国会的每名议员都要责无旁贷、背负重任。当务之急是我们的行动和政策都必须以应对这场外来危险为首要的甚至唯一的任务。因为我们所有的国内问题现在都成为这场重大危机的一部分。

我们在内政方面的国家政策从来都以适度尊重国内所有国民的权利和尊严为基础。同样，外交上的国家政策也一直以适度尊重所有大小国家的权利和尊严为基础。道德的正义最终必须而且一定会胜利。

我们的国策是：

第一，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，致力于全面的国防。

第二，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，致力于对世界各地坚决抵抗侵略而使我们半球免受战祸的人民给予全力支持。我们以此来表达对民主事业必将胜利的决心，我们以此来加强本国的国防和安全。

第三，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，坚持我们的观点，即以道德的原则和对我们本身安全的考虑将绝不容许我们默认侵略者所强加的和绥靖主义者所提倡的那种和平。我们知道，持久的和平绝不能以牺牲别国人民的自由来换取。

在最近的一次大选中，两大党派就国家政策而言没有实质上的分歧。在美国选民面前也没有就这条政治路线发生分歧。现在足可证明全美公民都要求并支持立刻完全投入到应对重大危机的行动中去。

因此，我们亟需迅速强劲地增加军备的生产。工业和劳动部门的官员们已经响应了我们的号召。他们设定了目标产量完成的时间。有一些部门提前完成了任务，还有一些在规定的时间内完成了任务，另外其他的一些完成任务的时间虽然有些滞后但不是很严重。但是，我必须遗憾地说我们仍然十分担心一些重要的生产任务无法在计划的时间内完成。

尽管陆军和海军在过去一年取得了巨大的进步。每天都在提升经验和改进生产方式。但是今天的最好对于明天仍然是不够的。我对目前取得的进步仍然是不满意的。项目的负责人们被认为是在训练和能力方面最优秀的人以及最具有爱国主义精神的人，他们对目前所取得的进展不满意。在所有的项目完成之前，我们任何人都不会满意。无论原先的目标是设定的太高或者太低了，我们的目的都是为了更好更快地完成任务。

下面我将给你们列出两个例子：我们在飞机制造任务的完成进度上滞后了。于是为了赶工，我们夜以继日地工作并解决了无数的难题。我们在战舰的建造的任务上已经超前了，但是我们会继续努力使任务完成的时间更加超前。

将整个国家的生产从和平时期的产量要求提升到战争时期的要求不是一项简单的任务。最大的困难就在于项目的初期，因为那时必须首先建造新的工具，新的工厂设备，新的生产线，新的造船台，之后才会有源源不断的产品从中输出来。

当然，国会必须时刻知晓项目的进度。但是国会也能够认识到对于一些关乎我国和其他盟国安全的信息则必须要保密。

新的国际环境对我们国家的安全提出了新的要求。我要求国会大量增加拨款并且授权政府继续实施已经开展了的项目。我还想要求国会的授权和拨付充足的资金用于制造各种各样的军需品，并将其交给那些正在与侵略者交战的国家。我们最有效和最直接援助他们的方法即是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需要人力，但是他们需要数十亿美元的用于防卫的武器。

可能到时候他们无力用现金偿还。我们不能也不会告诉他们，仅仅是因为现在无法支付这些对于他们很必要的武器，他们就必须要向侵略者投降。我不建议为他们提供购买这些武器贷款——将来他们要偿还的贷款。我建议让这些国家持续地从美国获得战略物资，并且将他们的订单拟入我国的生产项目中。因为一旦时机来临，他们所有的战略物资都会用于防卫我们自己的国家。

通过咨询军事专家们，综合考虑最有效的防御方案，我们可以决定需要留下多少武器装备，有多少可以被送到国外支援我们的友国，正是由于他们坚决英勇的抵抗，我们才能有足够的时间准备国防。我们捐献给友国的战备物资最终会得到回报，这种回报即是在敌人来临之前我们将有足够的时间，也可能是以同样的物资或他们能够生产而且我们又需要的其他各种物资。

让我们告诉民主国家们：我们美国人十分关注你们捍卫自由的斗争，我们将尽全力为你们提供物质和军队，帮助你们维护自由世界。我们将送给你们无数的舰船、飞机、坦克和枪炮。那是我们的目的也是我们的承诺。为了实现这一目的，我们不会惧怕独裁者的威胁。他们认为我们这种援助其他抵抗侵略民主国家的行为是违反国际法的，或者说是战争行为。 这样的援助并不是战争行为，只是独裁者们单方面地这样认为。而且如果当独裁者们准备对我们发动战争了，他们不会等到我们先发动战争。他们没有等挪威比利时和荷兰先发动战争。

他们唯一的兴趣即是建立单向的国际法，这样的国际法由于缺乏相互性而成为了他们压迫其他国家的工具。未来美国人民的幸福取决于我们的援助是否及时有效。没有人能告诉我们可能面临怎样的紧急情况。这个国家的生命在受到威胁时，一定不要绑缚住双手。

是的，在如战争一样紧急的情况下，我们所有的人必须准备做出必要的牺牲。任何阻碍我们进行快速有效国防的事情都必须让道给国家的需要。一个自由的国家有权希望各个群体之间的全面合作。一个自由的国家有权期望商业、劳动力、农业领域的领袖带头努力，不是在其他的行业，而是在他们自己的行业中。对于那些懒汉和麻烦制造者们，最好的方法即是通过爱国主义的事例羞辱他们。如果那都不起作用，那就是用政府的权利来拯救政府。

正如人们不能只依靠面包生活，他们也不能只依靠武器进行战斗。那些保卫国家和支持保卫国家的人们还必须要有精力和勇气。这些精力和勇气应该来自于他们对他们所捍卫的生活方式的坚定信仰。我们所呼吁的强有力的行为，不应该是基于弃所有值得奋斗的事情于不顾。在让人民意识到他们在保卫美国的民主生活中所需要做的事情的方面，这个国家对于我们十分满意，并且从中获得了力量。这些事情让人们开始紧张起来，重新激发了他们的信仰，加强了他们对于所要保护的国家的奉献。

当然我们所有的人在这个时候都不应该停止思考作为社会革命根源的经济问题。社会革命是造成当今世界格局的首要因素。因为一个富强的民主政权的基础应该是没有什么神秘的。

人民所希冀的政治和经济体系都很简单，他们包括：

年轻人与其他人群平等的机会。

所有可劳动的人都可以得到工作。

需要安全的人可以得到安全。

终结少数人的特权。

所有的人享有公民自由。

享受科技进步的成果所带来的增长的生活水平。

这些简单基础的东西是在当今错综复杂的世界中绝不可缺少的。我们的政治和经济系统中内在的和持久的力量就是取决于对人民这些期望的完成程度。

许多与社会经济相关联的项目都需要立即得到改善。例如：

我们需要将更多的老年人纳入到养老保险和失业保险的体系中。

我们应该开放医疗保险的机会。

我们应该计划一个更好的体系，通过这个体系那些想要或应该获得工作的人都可以获得工作。

我已经向国民号召进行个人奉献了，而且我很肯定的是美国人民都会很愿意响应我的号召。一部分的奉献意味着将更多的收入用于缴税。在预算方面，我建议应该将这些多征收的税收用于大的国防项目的一部分开支，没有人应该会尝试着或被允许通过该项目发财。所缴纳税收应该与支付能力相符合的缴税原则将继续指导着我们的立法。如果国会能够遵循这些原则，那么那些将爱国主义置于经济利益之上的选民们将会为你们鼓掌。

在未来的日子里，我们将努力谋求安全，期待着一个建立在人类四种基本自由之上的世界来临。第一是在世界各地都有言论和表达的自由。第二是在世界各地人人都能以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由。第三是免于匮乏的自由。这从全世界来说，指经济上的和谐，保证全世界每个国家的居民生活在健康与和平的时期。第四是免于恐惧的自由。这从世界范围来说，指全世界的军备裁减，以达到全世界任何国家都完完全全没有能力对其邻国发起武装侵略的程度。

这不是对一个遥远的幸福时代的梦想。这是我们这个时代、我们这一代人可以实现的一种世界的必须基础。这种世界与独裁者企图用炸弹建立起来的所谓暴政的“新秩序”完全相反。

我们提出一种更伟大的理念——道德秩序来反对那种新秩序。一个完善的社会同样可以毫不畏惧地应对世界统治和国外革命的阴谋。

美国有史以来，我们一直都致力于变革，一种长久的和平革命。这种革命随着环境的变化而悄无声息地不断自我调节，再没有集中营，也不用生石灰填沟壑。我们所追求的世界秩序是自由国家在一个友好、文明的社会里互相合作，共同努力。

我们国家已将自己的命运放在亿万自由男女的手中、脑中和心中，把对自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味着处处人权至上，我们支持那些为获得和维护这些权利而奋斗的人们。我们的力量在于我们有共同的目标。

为这个崇高的信念而奋斗，不达胜利，誓不罢休。

第三节  精彩语录

The justice of morality must and will win in the end.

道德的正义最终必须而且一定会胜利。

We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom.

我们知道，持久的和平绝不能以牺牲别国人民的自由来换取。

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

在未来的日子里，我们将努力谋求安全，期待着一个建立在人类四种基本自由之上的世界来临。

The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.

第一是在世界各地都有言论和表达的自由。

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.

第二是在世界各地人人都能以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由。

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.

第三是免于匮乏的自由。这从全世界来说，指经济上的和谐，保证全世界每个国家的居民生活在健康与和平的时期。

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

第四是免于恐惧的自由。这从世界范围来说，指全世界的军备裁减，以达到全世界任何国家都完完全全没有能力对其邻国发起武装侵略的程度。

第九章  论欧洲战争

第一节  背景介绍

1941年，是法西斯国家疯狂侵略扩张进一步升级和反法西斯联盟逐步形成的一年。这期间随着苏德战争爆发和日本偷袭珍珠港，美苏两个大国卷入战争，参战各方彼此宣战，欧亚战场紧密联系起来，使战争演变为世界规模的大战。

希特勒侵略扩张的计划中最重要的内容是向东扩张，从苏联手中夺取生存空间。1940年12月18日，希特勒签署了第21号作战命令，“在对英作战尚未结束之前，德国三军即应准备用速战速决方式来击败苏联。”该指令代号为“巴巴罗萨”，即十字军东征时神圣罗马帝国皇帝腓特烈一世的绰号（意即红胡子）。最初进攻日期定在1941年5月15日。但由于德国1941年4月发动对巴尔干的进攻，进攻苏联日期推迟。1941年4月30日，希特勒将进攻日期定在6月22日。

1941年6月22日，德国如期发动了对苏联的进攻，当时，德军动用了150个师的兵力，其中包括匈牙利、罗马尼亚、斯洛伐克和意大利的近40个师的军队，共计550万人，坦克4300辆，飞机5000架，在长达2000英里的战线上全面推进。

战争初期苏军损失惨重，当天苏军66个飞机场被炸，1200多架飞机被摧毁。一个月内又有7564架飞机被击毁。头三个星期，苏军28个师被击溃，德军侵入苏联300～500公里。到7月8日，苏军109个师被消灭，其中坦克师20个，步兵师89个。到11月苏军损失700万人，300万被俘，损失坦克24000辆，飞机16000架。11月，德军侵入苏联850～1200公里。

苏军在苏德战争爆发初期的溃败原因是多方面的，但是苏联政府主观上对德国战略意图的判断失误是重要的原因之一。事实上，战前有确切的情报表明德国的侵略迫在眉睫，但是斯大林过分相信苏德互不侵犯条约的约束力，对于英国提供的情报更是怀有偏见。他曾表示：“你看，他们是怎样千方百计地拿德国人吓唬我们，又拿我们当作怪物去吓唬德国人，这显然是要挑唆我们互相残杀。”

1941年9月6日，希特勒签订“台风”作战计划，集中78个师，180万人，坦克1700辆，飞机近1390架进攻莫斯科。10月15日，苏联政府开始撤离，斯大林留守莫斯科，并于11月7日照常举行阅兵式鼓舞士气。

在苏联军民的顽强抵抗下，德军的进攻受阻。同时由于冬季提前来临，德军没有装备御寒冬装，所以非战斗减员严重。从11月16日到12月5日，德军损失15.5万人，坦克777辆，大炮数百门。12月8日，德军因严冬全线转入防御。“台风”作战计划破产。此后苏军抓住战机，从1942年1月8日开始，苏军全线反击，到1942年4月，德军损失83万人，坦克1300多辆，大炮2500门，汽车15000多辆。德军溃败100～250公里。莫斯科保卫战是德国陆军在战争中遭到的第一次沉重打击，它标志着德国闪击战的破产，迫使德国进入持久战。

1940年德国在欧洲的胜利鼓舞了日本，认为英法荷的败退是日本南进的好时机，1940年7月日本决定南进，9月23日派部队进入法属印度支那北部。日本的侵略引起了美国的反应，9月26日美国宣布对日本实行钢铁禁运。但日本在27日与德意签署三国军事同盟条约后，有恃无恐继续向南挺进。1941年7月24日，再次进兵印度支那南部，以作为南进的桥头堡。对此，美国于8月1日宣布禁运石油等全部物资（除棉花和粮食）给日本。美日关系行将破裂。

10月，日本主战派代表东条英机出任首相，决心在12月初对英美开战。为此，根据山本五十六的计划，日本组建特遣舰队远途偷袭美国太平洋舰队基地珍珠港。

1941年12月7日，由山本五十六指挥的特混舰队经过十二昼夜，3500海里的长途航行，抵达珍珠港附近。

清晨7时55分开始，从6艘巨型航母上起飞的300多架飞机对停留在港内的美国舰队发起了两轮猛烈的空袭。当时停泊在珍珠港内的美国战舰包括8艘战列舰，7艘巡洋舰，28艘驱逐舰，5艘潜艇在内的大小86艘舰只。结果美国损失了18艘战舰，包括8艘战列舰（4艘战列舰被炸沉，4艘遭重创），3艘巡洋舰和3艘驱逐舰，188架飞机被炸毁，159架被炸伤，仅剩43架可以作战。伤亡3615人，其中死亡2343人，伤1272人，另有961人失踪。日本只有29架飞机和5艘潜水艇被击毁击沉，人员伤亡不足100人。

这是二战中继德国进攻苏联后又一次举世震惊的突然袭击，它宣告了太平洋战争的爆发。1941年12月8日，美国正式对日宣战，此后，中国、英国、加拿大、澳大利亚、荷兰、自由法国也先后对日宣战。

在偷袭珍珠港的同时，日本还于12月8日开始进攻菲律宾、泰国、马尼拉、香港。同时，天皇表示对英美直接宣战。三天后，12月11日，德意对美宣战。同日下午，美国对德意宣战。自此，欧洲战场与亚洲战场连为一体，战争变成了真正意义上的世界大战。

1941年苏德战争爆发后，英美都表示援助苏联。丘吉尔在6月22日当天晚上发表声明说要给予苏联力所能及的一切援助。他说“在过去的二十五年中，没有一个人像我这样始终一贯地反对共产主义。我并不想收回我说过的话。但是这一切，同正在我们眼前展现的情景对照一下，已黯然失色了。因此苏联人的危险就是我们的危难，也是美国人的危难，正如苏联人为保卫家乡而战的事业是世界各地的自由人民和自由民族的事业一样。” 7月12日，苏英签订《关于在对德战争中联合行动的决定》，约定双方相互援助，不单独媾和。这是英美苏三大国走向军事同盟的第一步。

8月10日至13日，罗斯福、丘吉尔在大西洋的军舰上进行秘密会晤，14日发表《大西洋宪章》，宣称两国不承认法西斯国家通过侵略所造成的领土变更，表示了反纳粹暴政的决心。

9月29日到10月1日，美英苏三国在莫斯科举行三国会议，签订了一项美英向苏联提供武器装备的议定书。10月30日，美国宣布给苏联10亿无息贷款，11月7日，美国宣布租借法案扩大到苏联。上述事实表明，随着战争的扩大，三大国的联合日益紧密。这为反法西斯阵营的最终建立奠定了前期基础。

珍珠港事件爆发后，欧亚战场从此联系起来，参战双方都在加强自己的联盟。12月11日，德意日三国外长在柏林签订共同作战军事协定《德意日联合行动的协定》，内容共四条：一，宣布三国坚持对英美作战直至胜利，否则决不收兵；二，三国允诺不单独与对手媾和；三，三国在战争胜利后重建新秩序的过程中应根据1940年9月27日的同盟条约紧密合作；四，条约立即生效。法西斯同盟加强迫使民主国家加快了联盟的步伐。

1941年12月22日，美英首脑在华盛顿举行会议，商讨作战计划。为协调各同盟国联合作战，美国草拟了一项《联合国家宣言》，其内容是：各缔约国支持《大西洋宪章》的宗旨和原则，保证使用全部资源与德意日三国及其仆从国作战，相互约定不与敌人单独缔结停战协定或和约。该方案经英、苏等国修改后，通告当时的二十六个盟国大使。1942年1月1日，二十六国代表在华盛顿举行签字仪式。二十六国《联合国家宣言》的签订标志着世界反法西斯同盟的形成。

第二节  罗斯福于1941年在白宫发表演讲

On the War in Europe

March 15, 1941

This dinner of the White House Correspondents’ Associational is unique. It is the first one at which I have made a speech in all these—eight years. It differs from the press conferences that you and I hold twice a week, for you cannot ask me any questions tonight; and everything that I have to say is word for word on the record.

For eight years you and I have been helping each other. I have been trying to keep you informed of the news of Washington, of the Nation, and of the world, from the point of view of the Presidency. You, more than you realize, have been giving me a great ducal of information about what the people of this country are finking and saying.

In our press conferences, as at this client tonight, we include reporters representing papers and news agencies of many other lands. To most of them it is a matter of constant amazement that press conferences such as ours can exist in any Nation in the world. That is especially true in those lands where freedoms do not exist—where the purposes of our democracy and the characteristics country and of our people have been seriously distorted.

Lich misunderstandings are not new. I remember that, a quarter of a century ago, in the early days of the first World War, the German Government received solemn assurances from their representatives in the United States that the people of America were disunited; that they cared more for peace at any price than for the preservation of ideals and freedom; that there would even be riots and revolutions in the United States if this Nation ever asserted its own interests. Let not dictators of Europe or Asia doubt our unanimity now.

Before the present war broke out on September 1, 1939, I was more worried about the future than many people—indeed, than most people. The record shows that l was not worried enough. That, however, is water over the dam. Do not us waste time in reviewing the past, or fixing or dredging the blame for it? History cannot be rewritten by wishful thinking. We, the American people, are writing new history today.

The big news story of this week is this: The world has been told that we, as a united Nation, realize the danger that confronts us and that to meet that danger our democracy has gone into action.

We know that although Prussian auto was bad enough in the first war, Nazism is far worse in this. Nazi seeks in modification in colonial maps orcas are not song mere inions iron in minor European boundaries. They openly seek the destruction of all elective systems of government on every continent—including our own; they seek to establish systems of government based on the regimentation of all human beings by a handful of individual rulers who have seized power by force. Yes, these men and their hypnotized followers call this a new order.  It is not new and it is not order. For ordered among Nations presupposes something enduring—some system of justice under which individuals, over a long period of time, are willing to live. Humanity will never permanently accept a system imposed by conquest and based on slavery.

These modern tyrants find it necessary to their plans to criminate all democracies—eliminate them one by one. The Nations of Europe, and indeed we ourselves, did not appreciate that purpose. We do now. The process of the elimination of the European Nations proceeded according to plan through 1939 and well into 1940, until the schedule was shot to pieces by the unbeatable of Britain deface he enemies of democracy were wrong in their calculations for a very simple reabsorb.

They were wrong because they believed that democracy could not adjust itself to the terrible reality of a world at war. They believed that decoy, because of its profound accuracy respect for the rights of man, would never arm itself to fight. They believed that democracy, because of its will to live at peace with its neighbors, could not mobilize its energies even in its own defense.

They know now that democracy can still remain democracy. And curacy speaks, reach conclusions, and arm itself adequately for defense.

From the bureaus of propaganda of the Axis powers came the confident prophecy that the conquest of our country would be “an inside job”—a job accomplished not by overpowering invasion from without, but by disrupting confusion and disunion and moral disintegration from within.

Those who believed that knew little of our history. America is not a country which can be confounded by the, the defeatists, the backstairs manufacturers of panic. It is a country that talks out its problems in the open, where any man can hear them.

We have just now engaged in a great debate. It was not limited to the halls of Congress. It was argued in every newspaper, on every wave length, over every cracker barrel in all the land, and it was finally settled and decided by the American people themselves.

Yes, the decisions of our democracy may be slowly arrived at. But when that decision is made, it is proclaimed not with the voice of any one man but with the voice of one hundred and thirty millions. It is binding on us all. And the world is no longer left in doubt. This decision is the end of any attempts at appeasement in our land; the end of urging us to get along with dictators; the end of compromise with tyranny and the forces of oppression.

And the urgency is now. We believe firmly that when our production output is in full swing, the democracies of the world will be able to prove that dictatorships cannot win. But now—now the time element is of supreme importance.

Every plane, every other instrument of war, old and new, Every instrument that we can spare now, we will send overseas because that is the common sense of strategy. The great task of this day, the deep duty that rests upon each and every one of us is to move products from the assembly lines of our factories to the battle lines of democracy—now.

We can have speed, we can have effectiveness, if we maintain our existing unity. We do not have and never will have the false unity of a people browbeaten by threats, misled by propaganda. Ours is a unity that is possible only among free men and women who recognize the truth and face reality with intelligence and courage.

Today at last—today at long last—ours is not a partial effort. It is a total effort and that is the only way to guarantee ate safety. Ultimo Beginning a year ago, we started the erection of hundreds of plants; we started the training of millions of men.

Then, at the moment that the Aid to Democracies Bill was passed, this week, we were ready to recommend the seven-billion-dollar appropriation on the basis of capacity production as now planned. The articles themselves cover the whole range of munitions of war and of the facilities for transporting them across the seas. The Aid to Democracies Bill  warded. Congress last Tuesday afternoon, I signed it one half hour later. Five minutes after that I approved a list of articles for immediate shipment; and today—Saturday night—many of them are on their way. On Wednesday, I recommended an appropriation for new material to the extent of seven billion dollars; and the Congress is making patriotic speed in making the money available.

Here in Washington, we are thinking in terms of speed and speed now. And I hope that watchword “Speed, and speed now”—will find its way into every home in the Nitwit shall have to make sacrifices—every one of us. The final extent of those sacrifices will depend on the speed with which we act.

Now, must tell you tonight in plain language what this undertaking to you—to you in your daily life. Mean whether you are in the armed services; whether you are a steel worker or a stevedore; a machinist or a housewife; a farmer or a banker; a storekeeper or a manufacturer—to all of you it will mean sacrifice in behalf of your country and your liberties. Yes, you will feel the impact of this gigantic effort in your daily lives. You will feel it in a way that will cause to you, many inconveniences.

Profits, to profits You will have to be content with lower power business because obviously your taxes will be higher Formby vow will have to work longer at your bench, or your power machine, or your desk, or let me make it clear that the Nation is calling face the sacrifice of some privileges, not for the sacrifice of fundamental rights. And most of us will do it willingly. That kind of sacrifice is for the common national protection and welfare; for our defense against the most ruthless brutality in all history; for the ultimate victory of a way of life now so violently menaced.

A half hearted effort on our part will lead to failure. This is no part-time job. The concepts of “business as usual,” of “normalcy,” must be forgotten until the task is finished. Yes, it is an all-out effort—and nothing short of an all-out effort will win. Therefore, we are dedicated, from here on, to a constantly increasing tempo of production—a production greater than we now know or have ever known before—a production that does not stop and should not pause.

Tonight, I am appealing to the heart and to the mind of every man and every woman within our borders who loves liberty. I ask you to consider the needs of our Nation and this hour to put aside all personal differences until the victory is wick.

The light of democracy must be kept burning. To the perpetuation of this light, each of us must do his own share. The single effort of one individual may seem very small. But there are 130 million individuals over here. And there are many more millions in Britain and elsewhere bravely shielding the great flame of democracy from the blackout of barbarism. It is not enough for us merely to trim the wick, or polish the glass. The time has come when we must provide the fuel in ever-increasing amounts to keep that flame alight.

There will be no divisions of part sector nationality or try or race, There is not one among us who does not have a stake in the new of the effort in which we are now engaged.

Few weeks ago I spoke of four freedoms—freedom of speech and expression, freedom of every person to worship God in his own way, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. They are the ultimate stake. They may not be immediately attainable throughout the world but humanity does move toward those glorious ideals through democratic processes. And if we fail—if democracy is superseded by slavery—then those four freedoms, or even the mention of them will become forbidden things. Centuries will pass before they can be revived.

By winning now, we strengthen the meaning of those freedoms, increase the stature of mankind, we establish dignity of human life.

I have often thought that there is a vast difference between the word “loyalty” and the word “obedience”. Obedience can be obtained and enforced in a dictatorship by the use of threat or extortion or blackmail or it can be obtained by a failure on the part of government to tell the truth to its citizens. Loyalty is different. It springs from the mind that is given the facts, that retains ancient ideals and proceeds without coercion to give support to its own government.

That is true in England and in Greece and in China and in the United States, today, and in many other countries millions of men and women are praying for the return of a day when they can give that kind of loyalty.

Loyalty cannot be bought. Dollars alone will not win this war.

Let us not delude ourselves as to that.

Today, nearly a million and a half American citizens are hard at work in our armed forces, the spirit—the determination of these men of our Army and Navy are worthy of the highest traditions of our country. No better men ever served under Washington or John Paul Jones or Grant or Lee or Pershing. That is a boast, I admit but it is not an idle one.

Upon the national will to sacrifice and to work depends the output of our industry and our agriculture.

Upon that will depends the survival of the vital bridge across the ocean—the bridge of ships that carry the arms and the food for those who are fighting the good fight.

Upon that will depends our ability to aid other Nations which may determine to offer resistance?

Upon that will may depend practical assistance to people now living in Nations that have been overrun, should? They find the opportunity to strike back in an effort to regain their liberties and may that day come soon!

This will of the American people will not be frustrated, either by threats from powerful enemies abroad or by small, selfish groups or individuals at home.

The determination of America must not and will not be oobstructed by war profiteering. It must not be obstructed by unnecessary strikes of workers, by shortsighted management, or by the third danger—deliberate sabotage.

For, unless we win there will be no freedom for either management or labor. Wise labor leaders and wise business managers will realize how necessary it is to their own existence to make common sacrifice for this great common cause.

There is no longer the slightest question or doubt that the American people recognize the extreme seriousness of the present situation.That is why they have demanded, and got, a policy of unqualified, immediate, all-out aid for Britain, for Greece, for China, and for all the Governments in exile whose homelands are temporarily occupied by the aggressors. And from now on that aid will be increased—and yet again increased—until total victory has been won. The British are stronger than ever in the magnificent morale that has enabled them to endure all the dark days and the shattered nights of the past ten months. They have the full support and help of Canada, of the other Dominions, of the rest of their Empire, and the full aid and support of non-British people throughout the world who still think in terms of the great freedoms.

The British people are braced for invasion whenever such attempt may come—tomorrow—next week—next month.

In this historic crisis, Britain is blessed with a brilliant and great leader in Winston Churchill. But, no one knows better than Mr. Churchill himself that it is not alone his stirring words and valiant deeds that give the British their super morale. The essence of that morale is in the masses of plain people who are impolitely clear in their minds about the one essential fact—that they would rather die as free men than live as slaves.

These plain people—civilians as well as soldiers and sailors and airmen, women and girls as well as men and boys—they are fighting in the front line of civilization at this moment, and they are holding that line with a fortitude that will forever be the pride and the inspiration of all free men on every continent, on every isle of the sea.

The British people and their Grecian allies need ships. From America, they will get ships. They will get planes. From America they need food. They need planes. From America food. From America, they will get. They need tanks and guns and ammunition and supplies of all kinds. From America, they will get tanks and guns and ammunitions and supplies of all kinds.

China likewise expresses the magnificent will of millions of plain people to resist the dismemberment of their historic Nation. China, through the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, asks our help. America has said that China shall have our help.

And so our country is going to be what our people have proclaimed it must be the arsenal of democracy. Our country is going to play its full part.

And when I didn’t say if, I said when—dictatorships disintegrate—and pray God that will be sooner than any of us now dares to hope— then our country must continue to play its great part in the period of world reconstruction for the good of humanity.

We believe that the rallying cry of the dictators, their boasting about a master-race stuff and nonsense. There never, will prove to be pure has been, there isn’t now, and there never will be, any race of people on the earth fit to serve airs over their fellow men, master. The world has no use for any Nation which, because of size or because of military might, asserts the right to goosestep to world power over the bodies of other Nations or other races. We believe that any nationality, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood.

We believe that the men and women of such Nations, no matter what size, can, through the processes of peace, serve themselves and serve the world by protecting the common man’s security; improve the standards of healthful living; provide markets for manufacture and for agriculture. Through that kind of peaceful service every Nation can increase its happiness, banish the terrors of war, and abandon man’s inhumanity to man.

Never, in all our history, have Americans faced a job so well worthwhile. May it be said of us in the days.

论欧洲的战争

1941年3月15日

白宫记者协会的宴会是独一无二的。这是我这八年来第一次在宴席上发表演说。比起我们每周两次的记者招待会，今天的演说将有所不同，因为今晚你们不能向我提问，而我不得不说的每一个字都会被记录在案。

八年以来，我和你们互相帮助，我一直尽力让你们知道，作为美国总统我对华盛顿、美国乃至世界上的事情所持的态度。你们一直以来也给予我大量关于美国人民所思所言的信息，比你们意识到的要多得多。

来自其他国家的报纸和通讯社的记者们，也像参加今晚的宴席一样，出席我们的记者招待会。他们中绝大部分人都始终感到吃惊，因为世界上居然存在像我们这样的记者招待会。在那些国家，确实毫无自由可言。在那里，我们所谓民主的目的、国家和人民的性质已经被严重扭曲了。

这样的误解并不新鲜。我记得二十五年前，第一次世界大战之初，德国政府从他们的驻美代表那里得到严正确认：美国人民已经是一盘散沙，他们为了和平，宁愿放弃理想与自由，一旦美国起来为维护自身利益参战，暴动和革命就会发生。现在不要让欧洲或者亚洲的独裁者们怀疑我们的团结一致。

在1939年9月1日这场战争爆发之前，我比许多人,事实上是比绝大部分人，更担心战争的前景。历史证明我当时的担心还是不足够的。然而这已经无法挽回了。我们无需浪费时间缅怀历史，或者弥补或者逃避责任。历史不会因为一厢情愿而被改写。今天我们美国人民正在书写新的历史。

这个星期的新闻大事是：全世界都将知道，美国作为一个团结的民族，已经意识到我们所面临的危机，并且这个民主国家已采取行动来应对危机。

尽管我们知道普鲁士独裁在第一次世界大战中已经极其邪恶，但纳粹主义在这次战争中更是变本加厉。纳粹军队期望的不是殖民地图的些许改变或是欧洲版图的稍稍变化。他们公然要摧毁每一块大陆上的所有由选举产生的政府体系，也包括我们的在内；他们试图建立的政府组织体系是由一小撮以武力攫取权力的独裁者来统治全人类。是的，纳粹及其盲从者称之为新秩序。这种秩序并不新，也谈不上是秩序。因为国际秩序必须以某种持之以恒的东西为先决条件，也就是说在某种合理制度下，人们愿意长久生存下去。人类绝不可能永远接受依靠强权和建立在奴役上的制度。

这些当代暴君认为要实施他们的计划，就必须一个接着一个根除民主制度。欧洲国家实际上也包括我们在内，对此不敢苟同。现在我们一直在采取行动。按照他们覆灭欧洲国家的计划，应是在1939年展开，1940年深入，然而这一计划被不列颠不可战胜的保卫者粉碎。

民主制度的敌人打错了算盘，因为一个很简单的理由：他们错以为民主国家难以应付世界大战中的混乱局面。他们错以为民主国家对人权高度尊重，就不会武装起来反抗。他们错以为民主国家期望与邻国和睦相处，就算为了自卫也不会动员有生力量。

现在他们知道，民主国家仍然可以保持民主，可以说话，可以做出结论，可以通过充分武装来保卫自己。

轴心国宣传部门有这样一个自信满满的预言，说是征服美国将是一个“内部任务”。这项任务不是靠来自外部的排山倒海式的侵略来完成，而是靠来自内部的，让人惶惶不可终日的混乱、分裂和道德崩溃来完成。

相信这个预言的人们太不了解我们的历史。美国可不是一个可以被绥靖主义者、失败主义者和恐慌的秘密缔造者所能击败的国度。这个国家可以公开谈论问题，任何人都可以听到。

我们刚刚卷入一场巨大的争论之中。这场争论不只发生在国会大厅之内。在每一张报纸上，在每一个电台里，在全国的每一个地方都有这样的争论。争论的最终平息和结果都是依靠美国人民自己。

是的，民主国家的抉择可能来得迟些。但是一旦有了决定，这个决定不是由一个声音来宣布，而是由一亿三千万个声音来共同宣布。这个决定约束我们所有人，而世界也不再对此感到疑虑。这个决定宣告了在这片土地上任何绥靖主义的终结，宣告任何劝服我们与独裁者和睦相处，与暴行、压迫妥协的计划的破产。

眼下已是迫在眉睫。我们坚信一旦我们的行动全面实施，世界上的民主国家将有能力证明独裁不可能获胜。但是现在，就在现在，时间至关重要。

每一架飞机，其他每一件战争装备，无论新旧，只要我们现在能够拿出来的每一件，都要派往海外，因为那是战略常识。今天的重大任务，我们每一个人身上的重大职责就是将我们工厂流水线上的产品运输到民主战线上去——就在现在！

我们可以有速度，我们也可以有效率，只要我们坚持现有的团结。我们没有也不会有那种被威胁所逼迫、被宣传所误导的所谓团结一致。我们的团结只存在于那些可以以智慧和勇气辨认虚假、面对现实的自由的人民之中。

今天终于——今天我们终于——我们的努力没有任何保留。我们必须不遗余力，因为这是我们保证最终安全的唯一途径。一年以前，我们着手建立成百上千个工厂，开始培训数以百万计的人员。

然后，就在《资助民主国家法案》通过之后不久，这个星期我们已经准备按照现在计划的产量，建议拨付7亿美元。仅这些物资就囊括了战争军火以及运输它们穿越海峡的装备。上个星期二下午，《资助民主国家法案》被上下两院批准。一个半小时后，我签署同意。五分钟后，我批准一系列物资紧急运输。今天，星期六晚上，其中许多物资已经在路上了。星期三的时候，我还建议在7亿美元之外，另行拨款用以购买新的物资，而国会正以爱国者的速度运作来拨付这一笔新的款项。

在华盛顿，我们现在一切都为了速度考虑。我希望“一切为了速度”的口号可以深入千家万户。我们每一个人都必须做出牺牲。而最终牺牲多少就取决于我们现在行动的速度。

今晚我必须明白无误地告诉你们这一艰巨任务将对你们，将对你们的日常生活意味着什么。无论你是否在军队服役；无论你是钢铁工人，还是装卸工人；无论你是机修工，还是家庭主妇；无论你是农民，还是银行家；无论你是小店主，还是制造商——对你们来说都意味着你们必须为你们的国家和你们的自由做出牺牲。是的，你们会在日常生活中体会到这种巨大努力带来的影响。你们会感到那会给你们带来很多不便之处。

你们将不得不忍受低收入，因为你们显然会缴更高的税金。你们将不得不或在议员席上，或在犁具边，或在机器旁，或在书桌边工作更长的时间。让我澄清一点：国家呼吁的是牺牲某些特权，而并非牺牲基本权益。我们中的大多数人会心甘情愿地做出牺牲。这种牺牲是为了保卫国家，维护民众的福利，是为了抵制有史以来最为惨无人道的暴行，是为了我们正遭受严重威胁的生活方式赢得最终胜利。

如果我们懒懒散散，失败将是注定的。这不是兼职。所谓“一如既往”或者“一切正常”的概念必须被抛诸脑后直至胜利。是的，我们必须全情投入，否则，我们难以成功。因此，从此刻起，我们要献身于效率不断提高的生产力。这种生产规模远大于我们现在所知道的或者说是前所未有的，它要一刻不停也不该停下来。

今晚，我向我们领土上热爱自由的每一位先生和女士的内心发出请求。我请求你们考虑我们国家的需要，就在这个时刻，请大家在取得最后的胜利前摒弃所有私人分歧。

民主之光必须保持不灭。为了民主之光的永存，我们每一个人都必须尽自己的一份力。单独一人的努力可能很不起眼，但是我们这里有一亿三千万人。而在英国和其他地方有更多的人正在英勇地抵制野蛮行径的封锁以保护民主的万丈光芒。我们不只是剪剪灯芯，或者擦擦玻璃就够了。这一次我们必须提供越来越多的燃料来维持火焰永不熄灭。

为此，我们没有党派、阶层、种族、国籍、宗教之分。我们之中没有人可以不为我们现在投入的这项事业付出努力。

几个星期之前，我曾经说过四大自由——言论和表达的自由，个人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由，免于匮乏的自由，免于恐惧的自由。这些都是首要利益。要在全世界立即实现这些自由是不太可能的，但是通过民主进程，人类确实在朝着那些光辉理想前进。如果我们失败——如果民主制度为奴隶制度所取代——那么这四大自由甚至连提及它们，也将成为禁忌。重获自由恐怕要等上几个世纪。

通过现有的胜利，我们加强了那些自由的意义，我们提升了人类的境界，我们也建立了人类生活的尊严。

我常常想“忠诚”一词与“顺从”一词之间有着天壤之别。顺从可以在独裁统治下通过威胁、敲诈、勒索等手段得到，或者作为政府却无法告诉公民真相，而只能要求顺从。忠诚则不同。忠诚发自心底，带着某种古老的淳朴理想意味，因而无需任何强迫，忠诚者会自发地支持自己的政府。

这些在今天的英国、希腊、中国和美国都是事实。并且在其他许多国家，数以百万计的男男女女都在祈盼重获那种忠诚的一天。

忠诚是买不来的。光靠金钱也无法赢得这场战争。

我们不要自欺欺人。

今天，将近一百五十万的美国公民在我们的兵工厂辛勤工作。这种精神——我们陆海军的这种决心符合我们国家最高尚的传统。没有人比在华盛顿号，或者约翰·保罗·琼斯号，或者格兰特号，或者李号，或者潘兴号上服役的战士更优秀。我承认这是在夸下海口但绝不是光说不做。

做出牺牲、投入工作的国家意志决定了我们工业和农业的产量。

这种意志决定了这座跨越海洋的重要桥梁得以幸存。那是船队组成的桥梁，它们将武器和粮食运送到战争正义一方的手中。

这种意志决定了我们有多大能力去援助那些坚持抵抗的其他国家。

这种意志决定了是否可以切实帮助那些被颠覆国家的人民。如果他们有机会努力反击，就会重获自由。期望这一天的早日来临！

美国人民的意志绝不会因为国外强大敌人的威胁，也不会因为国内那些渺小、自私的团体或个人而受挫。

美国的决定不能也不会被战争投机所阻碍。美国的决定也不能因为毫无必要的罢工，或者没有远见的管理，或者第三种危险——蓄意破坏而遭受阻碍。

因为除非我们胜利，否则无论对资方，还是对劳方，都毫无自由可言。明智的工人领袖和明智的企业经理都会意识到这是为了他们自己的生存，才必须为这一共同的伟大事业做出共同的牺牲。

已经无需再问或者怀疑，美国人民承认目前的状况已经极端严重。这就是为什么他们已经要求并且已经得到一个无条件的、立即行动的、全面展开的援助政策，去帮助英国、希腊、中国以及所有那些国土暂时被侵略者占领而流亡的政府。并且从现在开始，这样的援助将被增加——甚至一而再地被增加——直到取得完全的胜利。英国人凭借卓绝的士气在过去的十个月里忍受所有的暗无天日的白天和令人心碎的黑夜，这也使得他们现在史无前例的强大。加拿大、其他领地、帝国的其他版图、其他非大不列颠国家的人民给予英国全力支持和帮助，因为他们仍然期盼伟大的自由。

英国人民已经做好了随时应对侵略的准备，无论这种企图是明天，还是下周或是下个月发生。

在这次的历史危机中，英国很幸运，因为它有一位高明而伟大的领袖温斯顿·丘吉尔。然而，了解他的人知道，没有人比丘吉尔先生本人更清楚这一点，并不仅仅是他激动人心的言辞和英明果断的决定赋予了英国超强的斗志。这种斗志的精华所在，就是广大普通民众内心都非常清楚这一重要事实：宁可作为自由的人死去，也不愿作为奴隶活着。

这些普通民众——百姓、士兵、海员和飞行员——男女老少，他们此刻都在文明抗争的前线战斗着，他们在斗争中凭借着坚忍不拔的意志。这种意志将永远激励、鼓舞世界上每一块大陆、每一个海岛上的自由人类。

英国人民和他们的希腊盟军需要船只，他们会从美国得到船只；他们需要飞机，他们会从美国得到飞机；他们需要从美国得到食物，他们会从美国得到食物；他们需要坦克、弹药以及各种补给，他们会从美国得到坦克、弹药以及各种补给。

与此同时，中国表现了强大意志，数百万的普通民众奋起抵抗，避免他们古老国家被肢解的命运。中国通过他们的最高统帅蒋介石请求我们的帮助。美国已经承诺，中国会得到我们的帮助。

因此，我们的国家将要成为我们的人民已经宣告必须成为的那样——成为民主的兵工厂。我们的国家将要全力以赴。

并且当——不，我不是说如果，我是说当独裁统治瓦解——但愿上帝的计划比我们现在敢于期待的更早——然后我们的国家就必须为了人类的福祉，在世界重建期间发挥巨大的作用。

我们相信，独裁者的战斗口号，他们关于优等种族的自吹自擂，都会被证明是纯粹胡说八道的玩意儿。在地球上从未有过，现在没有，将来也不会有一个种族能够做他同胞们的主人。世界上没有任何一个国家，可以因为国家大小，或者军事实力，而正大光明地去攫取世界霸权，去奴役其他国家或种族。我们相信任何国家，无论有多小，作为一个独立的国家都是天生的权利。

我们相信，这些国家的男男女女，无论国家大小，通过和平进程，可以通过保护普通民众的安全去为他们自己和世界服务，提高健康生活的标准，提供制造业和农业市场。通过这样的和平服务，每一个国家都可以增加它的幸福感，驱除战争的恐惧，并消灭人们之间的残暴行径。

有史以来，美国人从来没有面对过如此有意义的事业。但愿历史会记住我们。

第三节  精彩语录

I have often thought that there is a vast difference between the word “loyalty” and the word “obedience”. Obedience can be obtained and enforced in a dictatorship by the use of threat or extortion or blackmail or it can be obtained by a failure on the part of government to tell the truth to its citizens.

“忠诚”一词与“顺从”一词之间有着天壤之别。顺从可以在独裁统治下通过威胁、敲诈、勒索等手段得到，或者作为政府却无法告诉公民真相，而只能要求顺从。

Loyalty is different. It springs from the mind that is given the facts, that retains ancient ideals and proceeds without coercion to give support to its own government.

忠诚则不同。忠诚发自心底，带着某种古老的淳朴理想意味，因而无需任何强迫，忠诚者会自发地支持自己的政府。

The world has no use for any Nation which, because of size or because of military might, asserts the right to goosestep to world power over the bodies of other Nations or other races. We believe that any nationality, no matter bow small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood.

世界上没有任何一个国家，可以因为国家大小，或者军事实力，而正大光明地去攫取世界霸权，去奴役其他国家或种族。我们相信任何国家，无论有多小，作为一个独立的国家都是天生的权利。

We believe that the men and women of such Nations, no matter what size, can, through the processes of peace, serve themselves and serve the world by protecting the common man’s security; improve the standards of healthful living; provide markets for manufacture and for agriculture. Through that kind of peaceful service every Nation can increase its happiness, banish the terrors of war, and abandon man’s inhumanity to man.

我们相信，这些国家的男男女女，无论国家大小，通过和平进程，可以通过保护普通民众的安全去为他们自己和世界服务，提高健康生活的标准，提供制造业和农业市场。通过这样的和平服务，每一个国家都可以增加它的幸福感，驱除战争的恐惧，并消灭人们之间的残暴行径。

第十章  面对灾难

第一节  背景介绍

四年一届的总统大选引起了美国人极大的关注，罗斯福的继任成了最大的关注焦点。罗斯福决定竞选连任总统的主意传出后，在民主党内外引起了极大的震动。多数人支持，少数人反对。

为防止在连任三届时的争论影响提名，罗斯福的支持者们打算指定他为总统候选人，而不采取点名投票的方式。但是，这种方法有一些问题：一是违反常规，在美国自华盛顿以来，总统不得连任三届已成了不成文的法律；二是必须征得现任副总统加纳和民主党主席吉姆·法利的同意。因为他们两人一直坚持出任下一届总统的候选人。

7月7日，即民主党代表大会在芝加哥开幕前一个星期，法利驱车前往海德公园会见罗斯福。最近几年，由于他认为罗斯福的激进思想日益严重，他和总统不知不觉地疏远了。他已不再被邀请到白宫参加清晨的床边会议，他为此感到痛苦，因为他怀疑罗斯福在社交方面并不一视同仁。开始两人对坐气氛有些紧张，后来还是罗斯福打破了僵局。他首先向法利解释了他以前表示的不争取第三个任期的打算不能兑现的原因是国际危机。“要是那样做，我就不能在我国设法应付在欧洲蔓延的严重灾难的时刻，有效地领导全国人民。”罗斯福点了一支香烟，仔细地权衡了这番话对客人所起的作用。打破沉默之后，法利直率地对总统说，他反对连任三届，一是出于个人的考虑，二是因为民主党始终反对这样做的。在11月份的选举中还有别人可能当选，如果与会代表们能够自行决定的话，这些人就会被提名。罗斯福的笑容消失了。显然，法利不愿退出竞选，那只能让代表大会以鼓掌的方式提名罗斯福为总统候选人了。

关于竞选伙伴问题，双方没有达成一致的协议。他们提到的加纳、麦克纳特、萨姆等人都被—一拒绝了。在交谈中没有提到法利本人的名字。当罗斯福提出亨利·华莱士时，法利却骂这位农业部长是个“激进的家伙”，不会在党的代表会上获得通过。在他们之间的交往中，罗斯福第一次提到他的身体残废问题。他说：“同我一道竞选的人必须身体健康，因为谁也不知道我能坚持多久。吉姆，你可知道，一个身体瘫痪的人随时都可能垮下来。人的一生中任何事情都不是肯定的。”说着，他站起来，解开衣扣，让法利看看他左肩下的肿块和肌肉。他说，这是由于整天不得不坐着造成的。“十分重要的是，同我一道竞选的人应该随时准备接受我的职务。”罗斯福进一步解释道。

在民主党举行代表大会期间，罗斯福没有去芝加哥。他认为，他出席会议将被人们视为试图迫使代表们表态，而且人们会要他做出他不应该做出的承诺。罗斯福说：“如果我不做出承诺，我就会树立新的敌人。如果我真的做出承诺，那会铸成大错。我就会被束缚在我现在不想被束缚的问题上面了。”为了便于代表们开诚布公地进行讨论，罗斯福特为大会发表了一个声明，他说他不想再当总统候选人，代表们可以“随心所欲地投票选举任何人”。

大会主席将这一声明宣读后，会场立即哗然。首先是芝加哥选区的代表立即在走廊里喊起来：“我们要罗斯福！我们要罗斯福！”参议员艾尔本·巴克利接过一幅总统的巨幅画像，在主席台上挥舞起来。从会场里面又传出一阵又一阵的吼声：“芝加哥要罗斯福！”“伊利诺斯要罗斯福！”“纽约要罗斯福！”“美国要罗斯福！”投票结果，罗斯福以946票压倒多数获得了民主党的总统候选人提名。

但是，会议却在罗斯福选定亨利·华莱士为竞选伙伴的问题上发生了严重分歧。特别是在法利等人的鼓噪下，会议气氛相当紧张。按照罗斯福的解释，现任副总统加纳所以没有被选中，是因为他思想保守，特别是在最高法院斗争中没有帮忙，并反对他连任三届。罗斯福首先挑选的副总统候选人是国务卿科德尔·赫尔，但赫尔断然拒绝。华莱士工作刻苦，致力于新政的理想，支持对英国的援助，并且有农场主和工会的支持。然而，民主党领袖们抱怨说，华莱士不可思议，政治上无知，以前曾是共和党人，而且现在变得越来越激进。罗斯福把反对华莱士一事归咎于保守分子，并且坚决强迫代表大会接受他挑选的候选人。“让保守分子见鬼去吧！”他咆哮道，“他们要么提名华莱士，要么我就不参加竞选！”

罗斯福的夫人埃莉诺为解决会议的分歧作了卓有成效的工作。她的讲话受到代表们的喝彩和鼓掌欢迎。她强调指出，这次大选是在国际形势异常紧张的情况下进行的。身为在职总统的候选人，不能像通常那样进行竞选。“因此，你们当中赋予富兰克林·罗斯福这种责任的每一个人，在把这种责任交给他时就等于亲自承担着一种非常重大的责任，因为你们将为他进行竞选。你们得摆脱种种狭隘的党派考虑。这是我们为美国而奋斗的时刻。”在法利看来，埃莉诺的直率而又雄辩的讲话，帮助华莱士过了难关。到她讲话结束时，骚乱已经平息下来，可以严肃地进行点名投票了。投票结果，华莱士以626票获胜。过了午夜，罗斯福才开始发表接受提名的演说。

在总统登上主席台时，一盏强烈的聚光灯照射着悬挂在体育场钢梁上的一张巨幅画像。烟雾和灰尘在不断变化的灯光中回旋。罗斯福讲话的语气既平和又有说服力，像磁石一样吸引着与会代表。他对他为什么认为有必要违背不准连任三届的悠久传统作了解释：“在许多不眠之夜，我曾经反问过自己，作为海陆军总司令，我是否有权号召男男女女为国效劳，或者接受训练准备为国效劳，而同时我却不肯以自己个人的地位为国效劳，如果我国人民请求我这样做的话。”

“如今，由于一种压倒一切的国际危险，所有的私人计划，所有的私人生活，从某种意义上说，都已经被置之度外。在国家面临危险的情况下，所有能够为共和国效劳的人都没有别的抉择，只能为国尽力而为。”

“我为自己作过计划，为私人生活作过计划，但是我的良心不允许我拒绝要我为国效劳的请求。”

罗斯福虽然获得了民主党竞选连任总统的提名，但是在前进道路上还面临着许多阻力和斗争。温德尔·L·威尔基已被共和党提名为总统候选人。他是一个公用事业的巨头，势力很大，能言善辩，几乎同罗斯福一样是一位惹人注目、富有吸引力的人物。威尔基身材魁梧，面目清秀，和蔼可亲，是一位典型的美国人。他穿着起皱的西装，讲演时一团蓬乱的头发被落在前额上，就好像从他的原籍印第安纳来的一个乡下人。但是，他一直是巨大的公用事业控股公司“联邦和南方公司”的总经理，在华尔街深受尊重，被视为精明的经营者。他是在带头反对公用事业控股公司法的斗争中第一次引起全国注意的，这项法律的目的就是为了拆散这种联合企业。作为老民主党人，威尔基曾在1932年投票支持过罗斯福。他不打算废除新政，但是指责新政未能结束经济萧条，并且认为各项新政计划本可以在减少政府控制的情况下更有效地得到执行。

威尔基的活动能量很大，他的竞选速度使人头晕目眩，有时一天发表演讲多达十五次，他的声音很快就变得嘶哑了。而罗斯福却巧妙地置身于竞选之外。他无视他的对手的挑战，照常行使总统的职能。他的行动和关于世界情况的评论使威尔基的竞选黯然失色。总统把绝大部分注意力集中在即将爆发的不列颠战役上。英国人正在遭受轰炸和围困，已经处于破产的边缘。德国潜艇四处活动，正在消灭作为英国生命线的运输船队的主要力量。早在5月15日，丘吉尔就要求借用第一次世界大战遗留下来的正在重新装备的四五十艘驱逐舰，但罗斯福鉴于国内的反对，没有立即答应。他不愿为那些指责他有独裁野心的孤立主义者提供新的弹药。他确信在当时的情况下，美国国会也不会批准这样的非中立行动。然而到了7月份，英国首相进一步提出了这一要求。

丘吉尔建议，美国用这些驱逐舰换取租借从加拿大到加勒比海的一连串八个空军和海军基地为期九十年的权利，以便使美国公众容易接受这项交易。到了9月2日，罗斯福终于以非凡的勇气，冲破政治上和法律上的重重限制，靠行政命令将这些驱逐舰转让给英国人。总统对国会的反对派说，“哪怕再推迟一天，都可能意味着文明的消灭。”孤立主义者们指责他“采取了战争行动”，但是他辩解说，采取这样一种明显的非中立行动是进行自卫，也是对希特勒一再违反国际法进行的报复。经过广泛的宣传和解释，驱逐舰交易得到了公众的赞成和谅解，特别得到了陆军部长史汀生和海军部长诺克斯两位共和党元老的坚决支持，罗斯福对此感到十分欣慰。

共和党总统候选人威尔基，根据美国人民怕打仗的心理，极力在政治上诋毁罗斯福。他指责说，投票选举罗斯福，等于投票派美国青年到欧洲战场上送死。如果罗斯福重新当选总统，美国部队将在4月份以前被派到海外。在大选之后威尔基承认，他的一些煽动性的言论，只不过是“竞选言词”而已。但是这些言论，却提高了他在民意测验中的地位，煽动了孤立主义、和平主义和极右势力对罗斯福的围攻。

随着大选日期的临近，罗斯福认为该是“提醒全国人民注意有意或无意歪曲事实的行为”的时候了。10月份，他开始了一次竞选巡回旅行，走遍所有的工业州，往西远至克利夫兰。罗斯福在讲演中主要讲了三个问题：第一，1940年对美国男女劳动人民假装慈悲的共和党人，在1932年却愿意让他们挨饿；第二，同共和党的说法相反，在重新武装美国方面正在取得进展；第三，共和党人反对加强美国防务的一切努力。罗斯福始终是在政治活动中奚落对方的老手，他指责共和党头目口是心非，置群众利益于不顾，当欧洲人民遭受法西斯蹂躏时，他们却见死不救。

在竞选活动后期，罗斯福已经看出舆情的变化。随之，他讲话的调子也就逐步升高了。在1940年10月12日以西半球防务问题为主旨的一次演说中，他说：“我们的方针是明确的。我们的决心已经下定。我们将继续增强防务和军备。我们将继续援助那些抵抗侵略的人们，继续援助离我们海岸很远的抑制侵略者的人们。”“美国人民，美洲各国人民，反对绥靖主义。他们认识到绥靖主义是怎么回事——一是侵略国的主要武器。”这是罗斯福对1940年9月27日德意日签订三国公约的答复。在演说中罗斯福还对保卫西半球的概念做出新的解释：不仅包括北美、中美和南美的领土及其邻近的岛屿，而且还包括“和平利用大西洋和太平洋的权利”。

两星期后，也就是投票前一星期，罗斯福对共和党孤立派进行了指名道姓的批评。由于美国公众舆论倾向于加强军事准备以应付法西斯国家对西半球的威胁，国会中的共和党孤立派领袖为了哗众取宠，转而指责罗斯福忽视国防建设。罗斯福针锋相对地回答说：“国会记录，白纸黑字，既改不掉，也禁不了。”接着他点了共和党副总统候选人麦克纳里和范登堡、奈伊、约翰逊等人的名，揭露他们反对加强军备，反对废除禁运条款的一贯言行。罗斯福在投票前夕采取的进攻姿态，说明他摸准了舆论的脉搏。投票那天，罗斯福照例来到海德公园同家庭成员和亲朋挚友们一起等待大选的结果。罗斯福的母亲和几位老太太在靠近房子前门的一间小客厅里，一边织毛衣一边聊天，几乎没有注意电台广播的投票结果；总统穿着衬衫，在餐厅里准备好了计票单和新闻自动收报机。埃莉诺从一个房间到另一个房间照看着所有的客人，似乎根本没有注意电台的广播。最初的结果表明威尔基的票数出乎人们的预料，但到10点钟结果清楚了，罗斯福在三十个州获胜，获得选举人票449张；威尔基在十个州获胜，获得选举人票82张。在选民投票中，罗斯福领先500万张。在庆祝胜利时，总统对朋友们说：“我们似乎防止了一场暴动。”要是他落选，那就可能被视为绥靖政策的胜利。

1940年的大选结果，不仅打破了美国一百多年来的政治传统，而且成了第二次世界大战期间的一次有重大战略意义的搏斗。罗斯福第三次受任，比他在大危机年代临危受命，担当起挽救资本主义体系免于崩溃的任务来说，有着更重大的意义。

罗斯福理所当然地把他第三次当选作为美国人民对他的政策的认可。如今，总统可以比较放手地执行他的外交政策了。1941年1月中旬的民意测验表明，70%的人支持援助英国，哪怕冒战争危险也好。实际上，从1941年1月29日开始到3月29日，英美参谋人员在华盛顿进行秘密会商，制订美国日后参战的蓝图——《ABC－l》，计划集中力量于大西洋打击德国，在太平洋方面采取守势。这一战略原则的出发点是打垮了德国，日本和意大利则无法坚持下去；打垮日本和意大利，德国仍能打下去。

如果说一年前，罗斯福正在为废除中立法中武器禁运条款而苦战，那么，1940年12月29日发表炉边谈话时，他已能提出“我们必须成为民主国家的伟大兵工厂”的口号了。

在这次谈话中，罗斯福首先将目前这场危机同八年前的世界经济危机作了回忆对比。他说：“今天晚上，面对着一场世界性危机，我脑中回想到八年前一场国内危机中的一个晚上。那时，美国工业的轮子正在戛然欲止，我国整个银行体系已经停止活动。我清楚地记得，我坐在白宫的书房里，准备对合众国人民讲话时，我眼前出现了听我讲话的所有美国人的形象。我看到工厂矿山里的工人，柜台后边的女售货员、小店主，正在进行春耕的农场主、寡妇和为自己一生积蓄发愁的老头。我试图向广大的美国人民群众说明银行危机对于他们的日常生活意味着什么。”

“今天晚上，在美国面临这一新的危机时，我还是要对广大的美国人民群众说明这次危机对于他们的日常生活意味着什么。”罗斯福指出，“自从詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯礁石一直到现在，我们美国文明还从来没有遭逢过这样的危险。因为1940年9月27日，三个强国——两个欧洲的和一个亚洲的——在柏林签订协定，联合起来发出威胁说，如果美利坚合众国干预或阻挠它们三国的扩张计划——旨在统治世界的计划——它们就要联合起来对合众国采取最后的行动。”

总统说：“由于这一无可否认的威胁的性质，我们可以有理由明确断言：合众国没有权利，也没有理由，鼓励谈论和平，除非有一天侵略国一方清楚地表明打算放弃支配或征服世界的一切想法。”

“过去两年的经验已经无可怀疑地证明，任何国家都不能够姑息纳粹。任何人都不能靠抚摸来把老虎驯服成小猫。不能姑息残忍的行为。对于燃烧弹是不能讲道理的。我们知道，一个国家只有以彻底投降为代价才能同纳粹有和平。”罗斯福进一步强调说。

总统对国内的孤立主义进行了严厉的批评。他说：“美国爱姑息的人不顾奥地利、捷克斯洛伐克、波兰、挪威、比利时、荷兰、丹麦和法国的命运所提供的警告。他们对你们说，轴心国家反正都会胜利的，世界原可以避免这一场流血牺牲，合众国还不如施加自己的影响去促进强制的和平，来争取我们所能够得到的最好结果。他们把这叫‘谈判和平’，完全是胡说！如果一伙亡命徒把你们的居民点包围起来，以杀光相威胁，迫使你们交纳钱物以赎一死，这算得上谈判和平吗？！”

“考虑到今天和明天，我向美国人民直截了当地声明，”罗斯福说，“如果我们现在竭尽全力支援保卫自己反对轴心国进攻的国家，或者默认他们失败、驯服地屈从于轴心国的胜利，等待在以后另一场战争中自己挨打，两相对比，在前一种情况下合众国卷入战争的机会要少得多。”因此，总统呼吁工厂的老板、经理和工人们，政府的职员们，都要急速地、毫不吝惜地把每一份力量投入生产这些军火上。“我们必须成为民主制度的伟大兵工厂。对我们来讲，这是同战争本身一样严重的紧急状况。我们必须以同样的决心，同样的紧迫感，同样的爱国主义和牺牲精神来致力于我们的任务，就好像我们处在战争中会表现的那样。”

作为合众国的总统，罗斯福号召全国人民做出这种努力。他说：“我以我们热爱和引以为荣的、为之服务而感到光荣自豪的国家的名义发出这个号召。我带着我们共同事业必将大胜的绝对信心向我们的人民发出这个号召。”

随着战争和军火生产的加紧进行，“新政”面临的许多难题都开始解决。工厂不再担心开工不足，就业也不再是一个爆炸性的问题。整个美国的工业实际上已向“兵工厂”过渡。罗斯福及其政府的注意力已由国内问题转到国际事务上去了。后来他在一次记者招待会上说，“新政大夫”用特别的药方来医治内部的严重无秩序的失调状态。当它复原以后，病人遭到一次很糟糕的意外事件——珍珠港事件，遭受很严重的打击，“新政大夫”对此就无能为力了。他不擅长于治腿、臂的毛病，他就请他的同伴来治，这是一名外科矫形大夫——“打胜战争大夫”。新政从此宣布“光荣退役”。动员各方面的力量，积极支援战争，打败法西斯已成为当务之急了。击败法西斯成为了罗斯福这届总统继任的首要目标。

第二节  罗斯福于1944年在竞选晚宴上的演讲

Address to the Democratic National Convention

in Chicago

July 20, 1944

I have already indicated to you why I accept the nomination that you have offered me—in spite of my desire to retire the quiet of private life.

You in this Convention are aware of what I have sought to gain for the Nation, and you have asked me to continue.

It seems wholly likely that within the next four years our armed forces, and those of our allies, will have gained a complete victory over Germany and Japan, sooner or later, and that the world once more will be at peace—under a system, we hope that will prevent a new world war. In an event, whenever that time comes, new hands will then have full opportunity to realize the ideals which we seek.

In the last three elections the people of the United States have transcended party affiliation. Not only Democrats but also forward-looking Republicans and millions of independent voters have turned to progressive leadership—a leadership which has sought consistently—and with fair success—to advance the lot of the average American citizen who had been so forgotten during the period after the last war. I am confident that they will continue to look to that same kind of liberalism to build our safer economy for the future.

I am sure that you will understand me when I say that my clerisies, expressed to you formally tonight, is based solely on a sense of obligation to serve if called upon to do so by the people of the United States.

I shall not campaign, in the usual sense, for the office. In these days of tragic sorrow, I do not consider it fitting. And besides, in these days of global warfare, I shall not be able to find the time. I shall, however, feel free to report to the people the facts about matters of clone to them and especially to correct any misrepresentations.

During the past few days I have been coming across the whole width of the continent, to a naval base where I am speaking to you now from the train.

As I was crossing the fertile lands and the wide plains and the Great Divide, I could not fail to think of the new relationship between the people of our farms and cities and villages and the people of the rest of the world overseas—on the islands of the Pacific, in the Far East, and in the other Americas, in Britain and Normandy and Germany and Poland and Russia itself.

For Oklahoma and California, for example, are becoming a part of all these distant spots as greatly as Massachusetts and Virginia were a part of the European picture in 1778. Today, Oklahoma and California are being defended in Normandy and on Sampans; and they must be defended there—for what happens in Normandy and Sampans vitally affects the security and well-being of every human being in Oklahoma and California.

Mankind changes the scope and the breadth of its thought and vision slowly indeed. In the days of the Roman Empire eyes were focused on Europe and the Mediterranean area. The civilization in the Far East was barely known. The American continents were unheard of. And even after the people of Europe began to spill over to other continents, the people of North America in Colonial days new only their Atlantic seaboard and a tiny portion of the other Americas, and they turned mostly for trade and international relationship to Europe. Africa, at that time, was considered only as the provider of human chattels. Asia was essentially unknown to our ancestors.

During the nineteenth century, during that era of development and expansion on this continent, we felt a natural isolation—geographic, economic. and political—an isolation from the vast world which lay overseas. Not until this generation—roughly this century—have people here and elsewhere been compelled more and more to widen the orbit of their vision to include every part of the world. Yes, it has been a wrench perhaps—But a very necessary one.

It is good that we are all getting that broader vision. For we shall need it after the war. The isolationists and the ostriches that plagued our thinking before Pearl Harbor are becoming lowly extinct. The American people now know that all Nations of the world—large and small—will have to play their appropriate part in keeping the peace by force, and in deciding peacefully the disputes which might lead to war.

We all know how truly the world has become one—that if Germany and Japan, for example, were to come through this war with their philosophies established and their armies intact, our own grandchildren would again have to be fighting in their day for their liberties and their lives.

Some day soon we shall all be able to fly to any other part of the world within twenty-four hours. Oceans will no longer figure as greatly in our physical defense as they have in the past.  For our own safety and for our own economic good, therefore—if for no other reason—we must take a leading part in the maintenance of peace and increase of trade among all the Nations of the world.

That is why your Government for many, many months has been laying plans, and studying the problems of the near future preparing itself to act so that the people of the United States may not suffer hardships after the war, may continue constantly to improve their standards, and may join with other Nations in doing the same. There are even now working toward that end, the best staff in all our history men and women of all parties and from every part of the Nation.

I realize that planning is a word which in some places brings forth sneers. But, for example, before our entry into the war it was planning, which made possible the magnificent organization and equipment of the Army and Navy of the United States which are fighting for us and for our civilization today. Improvement through planning is the order of the day. Even military affairs, things do not stand still. An army or a navy trained and equipped and fighting according to a 1932 model would not have been a safe reliance in 1944.

And if we are to progress in our civilization, improvement is necessary in other fields—in the physical things that are a part of our daily lives, and also in the concepts of social justice at home and abroad.

I am now at this naval base in the performance of my duties under the Constitution. The war waits for no elections. Decisions must be made—plans must be laid—strategy must be carried out. They do not concern merely a party or a group. They will affect the daily lives of Americans for generations to come.

What is the job before us in 1944? First, to win the war—to win the war fast, to win it overpoweringly, Second, to form worldwide international organizations, and arrange to use the armed forces of the sovereign Nations of the world to make another war impossible within the foreseeable future. And third, to build an economy for our returning veterans and for all Americans—which will provide employment and provide decent standards of living.

The people of the United States will decide this fall whether they wish to take over this 1944 job—this worldwide job—to inexperienced or immature hurls, to those who opposed lend-lease and international cooperation against the forces of aggression and tyranny, until they could read the polls of popular sentiment; or whether they wish to leave it to those who saw the danger from abroad, who met it head-on, and who now have seized the offensive and carried the war to its present stages of success—to those who, by international conferences and united actions have begun to build that kind of common understanding and cooperative experience which will be so necessary in the world to come.

They will also decide, these people of ours, whether they will entrust the task of postwar reconversion to those who offered the veterans of the last war breadlines and apple-selling and who finally led the American people down to the abyss of 1932; or whether they will Leave it to those who rescued American business, agriculture, industry, finance, and labor in 1933, and who have already planned and put through much legislation to help our veterans resume their normal occupations in a well-ordered reconversion process.

They will not decide these questions by reading glowing words or platform pledges—the mouthing of those who are willing to promise anything and everything—contradictions, inconsistencies, impossibilities—anything which might snare a few votes here and a few votes there.

They will decide on the record—the record written on the seas, on the land, and in the skies.

They will decide on the record of our domestic accomplishments in recovery and reform since March 4, 1933.

And they will decide on the record of our war production and food production—unparalleled in all history, in spite of the doubts and sneers of those in high places who said it cannot be done.

They will deicide on the record of the International Food Conference of U.N.R.R.A., of the International Labor Conference, of the International Education Conference, of the International Monetary Conference.

And they will decide on the record written in the Atlantic Charter, at Casablanca, at Carom, at Moscow, and at Teheran.

We have made mistakes. Who has not? Things will not always be perfect. Are they ever perfect, in human affairs?

But the objective at home and abroad has always been clear before us. Constantly, we have made steady, sure progress toward that objective. The record is plain and unmistakable as to that—a record for everyone to read.

The greatest wartime President in our history, after a wartime election which he called the most reliable indication of public purpose in this country, set the goal for the United States, a goal in terms as applicable today as they were in 1865—terms which then mind cannot improve: human with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right. Let us strive on to finish the work we are seek; to bind up the Nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may.

全国代表大会

于芝加哥

1944年7月20日

我已经向你们表明我为何要接受你们对我的提名，尽管我自己希望能够退下来，回去过我平静的私人生活。

在场的诸位都知道，一直以来我始终为美国寻求利益，你们也希望我能继续如此。

从整体来看，在接下来的四年中，我们的部队，以及我们的联军，迟早会赢得对德国和日本的彻底胜利，而世界将在一种体系下重归和平。在那种体系下，我们希望能够避免新的世界大战。无论那一天什么时候到来，新的一代都会有充分的机会去实现我们的夙愿。

在我过去的三届任期中，美国人民超越了党派的界限。不仅是民主党人，还有有远见的共和党人以及数百万的独立投票人依靠的都是不断前进的领导阶层——这个领导阶层不断寻求并且相当成功地提升那些自上次世界大战以来被遗忘的大量普通美国公民的地位。我相信他们可以继续依靠同样的自由主义去建设我们未来更加安全的经济制度。

我相信你们会理解我今晚要正式告诉各位的决定。这一决定主要是受美国人民召唤而做出，我感到有责任如此行动。

通常我不会为了职位而参加竞选。在这些惨痛的日子里，我认为这并不合适。况且在全球处于战争的时期，我也无暇分身。然而，我应该随时向人民汇报他们关注的事件，特别要更正那些误传。

在过去几天中，我穿越了美洲大陆来到这个海军基地，现在在火车上同你们说话。

当我经过肥沃的土地、辽阔的平原和大分水岭，我不能不想起我们在农场、城市、村庄的人民和世界上其他地方的人民之间的关系。这些人民有的在太平洋的岛屿上，有的在远东，有的在美洲其他地方，有的在英国，在诺曼底，在德国，在波兰，也在俄国本土。

以俄克拉荷马与加利福尼亚为例，它们已经成为所有这些遥远的地方的一部分，正如马萨诸塞与弗吉尼亚曾是1778年欧洲图景的一部分。现在，俄克拉荷马与加利福尼亚在诺曼底与塞班岛上被保卫着，它们必须在那里得到防卫。因为在诺曼底与塞班岛上发生的一切将严重影响在俄克拉荷马与加利福尼亚生活的每一个人的安全与福利。

人类非常缓慢地改变着思想与梦想的广度与宽度。在罗马帝国时代，人们的视野局限于欧洲与地中海流域。远东文明鲜有人知，而美洲大陆更是闻所未闻。甚至在欧洲人开始大量涌入其他大陆的时候，殖民时代的北美人民知道大西洋沿海地区以及美洲的其他一小部分地方，他们大多是为了与欧洲进行贸易，并建立国际关系。在那个时代，非洲只是被当成奴隶的产地。而我们的祖先对亚洲根本就是一无所知。

十九世纪，在美洲经历发展和扩张的时代，我们感到一种自然的隔绝——地理上的，经济上的，以及政治上的——那是一种独悬海外、与世隔绝的状况。直到这一代——差不多这个世纪——这里和其他地方的人们才不得不更多地开放他们的视野，去容纳世界的每一部分。是的，这也许很折磨人，但却非常必要。

值得庆幸的是我们的视野越来越广阔，而战后我们将需要更为广阔的视野。在珍珠港事件之前祸害我们思想的孤立主义者与逃避主义者慢慢绝迹。现在美国人民知道世界上所有国家——无论大小——都必须适当地参与依靠军事力量来维持和平，同时和平地解决可能引发战争的争端。

我们都知道世界已经成为一个整体是不争的事实——举个例子，如果德国和日本赢了这场战争，他们的观念得以建立，他们的军队毫发无损，那么我们的子孙，为了他们的自由和生命，终有一天会再次起来战斗。

很快我们就可以在二十四小时之内飞抵世界上任何一个地方。海洋不会再像过去那样被我们当做足以阻敌的天然屏障。为了我们的安全，也为了我们的经济利益，如果没有其他理由的话，我们就必须领导全世界去维护和平与保持贸易增长。

这就是为何你们的政府连月来一直在制订计划，研究眼前的难题，随时准备行动，这样美国人民在战后才能不用遭受苦难，可以持续不断地提高生活水准，可以与其他国家一同重建家园。我们史上最好的员工正朝着这个目标努力，他们来自各个党派，来自美国的各个地方。

我认识到计划是这样一个词，有时候它会遭到冷嘲热讽。但是举个例子，当在我们正式投入战争之后，它就不仅仅是计划了。正是这个计划让美国海陆军组织严密，装备精良，他们现在就在为我们以及我们的文明而战。在计划中不断改善是时代的命令。即使是军事行动，事情也并非一成不变。一支按照1932年模式训练和装备的陆军或海军部队到了1944年在安全方面就并不值得信赖。

如果我们的文明在不断进步，那么其他领域的改善也是必需的。这不仅仅是指作为我们日常生活一部分的物质方面，也包括国内外社会正义方面的一些概念。

我现在就在这个海军基地，遵照宪法执行我的职责。战争不会等什么选举。必须做出决定，必须制订计划，必须实施战略。这些事情并不仅仅关系一个政党或者一个团体，而将影响几代美国人的日常生活。

1944年摆在我们面前的任务是什么？首先要赢得这场战争——必须迅速地拿下这场战争，要以压倒性的优势去获胜。其次，建立世界性的国际组织，利用世界上主权国家的武装力量，避免战争在可预见的未来再次发生。第三，建立一个可以为我们的退伍军人以及所有的美国人提供就业机会和体面生活的经济体系。

美国人民将在今年秋天做出决定，是否要将1944年的任务——这一世界性的任务——交给没有经验或者不成熟的人，这些人直到他们看到反映民众情绪的民调之前，还在反对租界法案，反对国际合作以抵抗侵略和暴政；美国人民也可以将这一任务留给另一些人，这些人看到来自国外的危险，继而亲身感受危险，而现在又抓住了攻势的良机，从而主导战争转入取得胜利的阶段；美国人民也可以将任务交给另一些人，这些人通过国际会议和联合行动开始建立未来世界所必需的那种共识与合作经验。

我们的人民，他们也可以决定，他们是否有信心将战后重建的任务交给那些让一战老兵挣扎在贫困线上，最后还让美国人民堕入1932年的深渊的人；他们也可以将任务交给在1933年拯救美国商业、农业、工业、财政与劳动力的人，这些人已经计划并推行多项法案以帮助我们的退伍军人按照秩序井然的重建程序恢复他们的正常职业。

人民不会根据热情洋溢的讲话或者在讲坛上的赌咒发誓来做出决定——那些愿意允诺一切的人，他们的承诺往往是自相矛盾，破绽百出，无法兑现的——他们的目的只是东拉几张选票，西拉几张选票而已。

他们将根据记录，根据海陆空的记录来做出决定。

他们将根据自1933年3月4日以来我们在复兴与改革方面所做出的国内成就的记录来做出决定。

他们将根据我们的军工生产与粮食生产的记录来做出决定——这一记录是史无前例的，尽管那些身居高位者曾经怀疑和讥笑，认为这是根本不可能完成的。

他们将根据国际粮食大会、联合国善后救济总署、国际劳工大会、国际教育大会与国际货币大会的记录来做出决定。

他们将根据在《大西洋宪章》上、在卡萨布兰卡、在开罗、在莫斯科、在德黑兰的记录来做出决定。

我们都犯过错。谁又没有做错过事情呢？事情并不总是完美的。人类活动曾经完美过吗？

然而，我们国内外的目标总是清楚地呈现在我们眼前。一直以来，我们始终迈着稳健的步伐朝着目标前进。这一记录是清晰明白、显而易见的——它可以让每一个人阅读。

我们历史上最伟大的战时总统，在一次他称之为最能代表这个国家民意的战时选举后，为美国确立了目标。这一目标直到今天还是与1865年一样适用——这一目标是人类思想中最顶尖的：坚持正义，正如上帝让我们看到正义那样，让我们努力完成我们所做的工作，包扎好国家的伤。为纪念战死的军人，去照顾他的遗孀和遗孤——去做我们可以做的一切。

第三节  精彩语录

What is the job before us in 1944? First, to win the war—to win the war fast, to win it overpoweringly；Second, to form worldwide international organizations, and arrange to use the armed forces of the sovereign Nations of the world to make another war impossible within the foreseeable future.  And third, to build an economy for our  returning  veterans and for all Americans—which will provide employment and provide decent standards of living.

1944年摆在我们面前的任务是什么？首先要赢得这场战争——必须迅速地拿下这场战争，要以压倒性的优势去获胜。其次，建立世界性的国际组织，利用世界上主权国家的武装力量，避免战争在可预见的未来再次发生。第三，建立一个可以为我们的退伍军人以及所有的美国人提供就业机会和体面生活的经济体系。

They will not decide these questions by reading glowing words or platform pledges—the mouthing of those who are willing to promise anything and everything—contradictions, inconsistencies, impossibilities—anything which might snare a few votes here and a few votes there.

人民不会根据热情洋溢的讲话或者在讲坛上的赌咒发誓来做出决定——那些愿意允诺一切的人，他们的承诺往往是自相矛盾，破绽百出，无法兑现的——他们的目的只是东拉几张选票，西拉几张选票而已。

But the objective at home and abroad has always been clear before us. Constantly, we have made steady, sure progress toward that objective. The record is plain and urunistakable (显而易见的) as to that—a record for everyone to read.

然而，我们国内外的目标总是清楚地呈现在我们眼前。一直以来，我们始终迈着稳健的步伐朝着目标前进。这一记录是清晰明白、显而易见的——它可以让每一个人阅读。

Let us strive on to finish the work we are iri; to bind up the Nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may.

坚持正义，正如上帝让我们看到正义那样，让我们努力完成我们所做的工作，包扎好国家的伤。为纪念战死的军人，去照顾他的遗孀和遗孤——去做我们可以做的一切。

第十一章  反法西斯战争

第一节  背景介绍

雅尔塔会议是第二次世界大战末美、英、苏三国首脑罗斯福、丘吉尔和斯大林在苏联克里米亚半岛雅尔塔举行的会议，又称克里米亚会议。会议时间为1945年2月4日至2月11日。雅尔塔会议对于缓和盟国之间的矛盾、加强反法西斯统一战线、协调对德日的作战行动、加速反法西斯战争胜利进程以及战后惩处战争罪犯、消除纳粹主义和军国主义势力影响等起了重要作用，对战后世界格局的形成产生了深远影响。

1943年底，第二次世界大战已经进入了最后结束的阶段，日德意败局已定，随着反法西斯德国军事行动的发展，结束战争和安排战后世界而产生的一系列政治问题需要迅速解决。特别是应该制定盟军在反希特勒德国战争最后阶段的协同一致的军事行动计划，处置战败的德意志“帝国”的基本原则。对日作战，实现战后世界国际安全问题的基本原则，客观上愈加迫切地需要三大盟国举行新的最高级会晤。1944年7月19日，美国总统罗斯福正式提出了举行新的最高级会晤的建议。罗斯福致斯大林的信中写道：“鉴于事情进展得如此迅速和顺利，我认为应该尽快由您、首相和我举行一次会晤”。丘吉尔同意这种想法并确定会晤日期在1944年9月的第二个星期左右，以苏格兰北部作为会晤地点。斯大林在1944年8月2日给罗斯福的信中写道：“遗憾的是……与我们前线战事有关的情况使我不能指望有可能在最近举行这种会晤。”9月11日至9月16日魁北克会议之后，丘吉尔和罗斯福再次向斯大林建议举行三方会晤。9月30日斯大林在给丘吉尔信中写道：“从我们共同事业的利益出发，我对此极为重视。但是就我来说，我不得不作一点保留。医生劝我不要作长途旅行。在一定时期内，我不能不考虑到这一点。”10月，丘吉尔启程去莫斯科，罗斯福虽然“完全理解”丘吉尔同斯大林举行会谈的“愿望”，但他表示关心在莫斯科可能讨论每一个问题。罗斯福在给斯大林的信中写道：“我坚信，我们三人，而且只有我们三人才能够找到解决尚未解决的问题的办法。”他把即将举行的莫斯科会谈看作是“三巨头”会议的预备会议。斯大林在给罗斯福总统的信中写道：“我希望这次莫斯科会谈也有助于我们三人会晤时就我们共同关心的一切迫切问题做出具体的决定”。

莫斯科会谈之后，美、英、苏三国政府首脑在来往信函中就召开新的三国最高级会议问题交换意见，决定“三巨头”会晤于1944年11月在苏联沿海岸举行雅尔塔会议。由于罗斯福总统就职典礼，会议延期到1945年1月底至2月初在克里米亚举行。根据丘吉尔的提议，确定会议代号为“阿尔戈航海者”。罗斯福明白代号暗中的含义，对丘吉尔提出的“阿尔戈航海者”的名称特别欢迎。该代号名称，依据传说一些古希腊的勇士曾到黑海沿岸去寻找金羊毛的故事。雅尔塔会晤就是美英两国领导人到黑海沿岸来寻金羊毛的机会。苏联对当时在西战场陷入困境的盟军的援助，以及最终同意对日作战就是金羊毛（King sheep wool）。

1944年12月，德军在西战场的阿登地区（比利时）对盟军发动了强大的反攻，美英军队陷入了困境。1945年1月6日，英国首相丘吉尔不得不向斯大林求援。1月12日，苏军从波罗的海到喀尔巴阡山的整个战线上连续不断地给德军强有力的打击，德军被迫停止了在西线的进攻，缓和了阿登地区盟军的处境。在1月战役中，苏军朝柏林方向推进500公里，2月1日已达奥得河的屈斯特伦地区，进入了德境，从而为继续进攻取得了有利的战略地位。从欧洲战场的全局看，最后击溃德国的日子已经在望。这时，英美两国在太平洋和东南亚集结了大量海空军，但要进攻日本本土，其兵力明显不足，这就激发了美国政府要抓住苏联“金羊毛”的企图。正如罗斯福在三大国“巨头”会晤“提要”中所述：“为了击败德国，我们应该有苏联的支持。在欧洲战争结束后，为了同日本作战，我们更是绝不可没有苏联。”罗斯福决心争取在雅尔塔得到苏联关于参加远东战争的“书面保证”。

2月2日，美英两国领导人前往克里米亚的雅尔塔途中，在马耳他岛讨论了有关结束对德、日战争的一些问题。丘吉尔强调不宜“让俄国人占领的西欧地区超出必要”，对是否要执行早先通过的艾森豪威尔计划上与美国代表发生了激烈的争论。由于丘吉尔的坚持，决定把原先准备调往其他地区的一些军队仍继续留驻地中海。丘吉尔矢志不做“大英帝国的掘墓人”，他认为地中海也是英帝国的一部分。丘吉尔令其军队干预希特勒的内战，必要时可以在希腊首都“像在一个被征服的城市那样”行动。罗斯福曾抗议英国在希腊的行动，但没有防止它。美国的专家认为，当时正在出现的英苏冲突有可能引起第三次世界大战，罗斯福决意要防止这种事情发生。斯大林对罗斯福表现得很尊敬，并在觥筹交错之中加紧同丘吉尔斗智。罗斯福充当不列颠和苏联之间的仲裁人，可是却常常在一些完全合乎苏联心意的措施上实行退让策略。

1945年2月3日，美国总统罗斯福和英国首相丘吉尔偕同他们的外长及参谋长，来到苏联克里米亚半岛南岸疗养胜地雅尔塔与苏联人民委员会主席斯大林举行二次大战期间最重要的一次三巨头会议，这就是世界现代史上著名的雅尔塔会议(亦称为克里米亚会议)。在2月4日到2月11日的八天时间里，三国政府代表团通过全体会议、领导人私下会晤、参谋长或外长分组会议等途径，对上述重大问题进行了时而紧张、时而宽松妥协的讨论，最后发表了会议公报，签订了《雅尔塔议定书》和秘密的《雅尔塔协定》。

在雅尔塔会议上，三巨头首先重点研究了处置战后德国的问题。他们一致同意对德国实行分割政策。战后德国由苏美英法分区占领。后来分区占领发展成为东西两个德国，并且以东西德的分界为界限，东德划入苏联势力范围，西德划入美国势力范围。关于向德国索赔问题，英美同意苏联提出的“战争赔偿总额为290亿美元，其中50%归苏联”的建议。

接着，三国领导人就对日作战条件达成协议并签了字。根据这个协定，苏联要在德国投降及欧战结束后两个月或三个月内参加作战，其条件是：一，外蒙古(今蒙古共和国)现状须予维持；二，库页岛南部及邻近一切岛屿须交还苏联；大连商港须国际化，苏联在该港的优越权益须予保证，苏联租用旅顺港为海军基地须予恢复；苏中共同经营中东铁路和南满铁路，但苏联的优先权益须予保证，中国可保持在“满洲”的全部主权；三，千岛群岛须交予苏联。显然，这个协定是美苏在亚洲划分势力范围相互妥协的产物。他们背着当时作为四大盟国之一的中国政府和人民，做出了侵犯中国主权和利益的协定。这完全是大国沙文主义与强权政治的一种丑恶行径，是雅尔塔会议最不光彩的一页。

由于非洲、拉美及亚洲很大一部分地区战前曾是西方国家的殖民地、半殖民地或附属国，美英认为这些地区理所当然是西方势力范围，所以会上没有涉及。雅尔塔会议无疑为战后世界以美苏两极为主导的战略格局奠定了基础。因而后来人们惯常称这种格局为雅尔塔格局或雅尔塔体系。

当然，总的来说，雅尔塔会议协调了反法西斯盟国彻底打败德日侵略者的军事行动计划，而且就如何处置战败国及建立战后世界和平秩序等问题做出了一系列重大决定，它对于巩固反法西斯联盟、推动反法西斯战争的最后胜利起到了重要的作用。

第二节  罗斯福向国会报告雅尔塔会议情况的演讲

Address to Congress on the Yalta Conference

March 1, 1945

I hope that you will pardon me for the unusual posture of sitting down during the presentation of what I want to say, but I know that you will realize it makes it a lot easier for me in not having to carry about ten pounds of steel around on the bottom of my legs and also because of the fact that I have just completed a 14,000-mile trip.

First of all, I want to say that it is good to be home. It has been a long journey and I hope you all will agree that it has been, so far, a fruitful one. Speaking in all frankness, the question of whether it is entirely fruitful or not lies to a great extent in your hands. For unless you here, in the halls of the American Congress—with the support of the American people—concur in the general conclusions reached in the place called Yalta, and give them your active support, the meeting will not have produced lasting results.

And that is why I have come before you at the earliest hour I could after my return. I want to make a personal report to you, and at the same time to the people of the country. Many months of earnest work are ahead of us all, and I should like to feel that when the last stone is laid on the structure of international peace, it will be an achievement for which all of us in America have worked steadfastly and unselfishly-together.

I am returning from this trip, which took me so far, refreshed and inspired. I was well the entire time. I was not ill for a second until I arrived back in Washington. There I heard all of the rumors which occurred in my absence. Yes, I returned from the trip refreshed and inspired—the Roosevelts are not, as you may suspect, averse to travel; we seem to thrive on it.

And far away as I was, I was kept constantly informed of affairs in the United States. The modern miracle of rapid communications has made this world very small; we must always bear in mind that fact when we speak or think of international relations. I received a steady stream of messages from Washington, I might say not only from the executive branch with all its departments, but also from the legislative branch—its two departments. And, except where radio silence was necessary for security purposes, I could continuously send messages any place in the world. And, of course, in a grave emergency we could even have risked the breaking of the security rule.

I come from the Crimean Conference with a firm belief that we have made a good start on the road to a world of peace.

There were two main purposes in this Crimean Conference. The first was to bring defeat to Germany with the greatest possible speed and with the smallest possible loss of Allied men. That purpose is now being carried out in great force. The German army and the German people are feeling the ever increasing might of our fighting men and of the Allied armies and every hour gives us added pride in the heroic advance of our troops in Germany, on German soil, toward a meeting with the gallant Red Army. The second purpose was to continue to build the foundation for an international accord which would bring order and security after the chaos of the war and would give some assurance of lasting peace among the nations of the world. In that goal, toward that goal, a tremendous stride was made.

After Teheran, a little over a year ago, there were long-range military plans laid by the chiefs of staff of the three most powerful nations. Among the civilian leaders at Teheran, however, at that time, there were only exchanges of views and expressions of opinion. No political arrangements were made and none was attempted. At the Crimean Conference, however, the time had come for getting down to specific cases in the political field. There was on all sides at this conference an enthusiastic effort to reach an agreement.

Since the time of Teheran, a year ago, there had developed among all of us a—what shall I call it—a greater facility in negotiating with each other, which augurs well for the peace of the world. We know each other better. I have never for an instant-wavered in my belief that an agreement to insure world peace and security can be reached.

There are a number of things that we did at the conference that was definite. For instance, the lapses of time between Teheran and Yalta without conferences of civilian representatives of the three major powers have proved to be too long—fourteen months. During this long period local problems were permitted to become acute in places like Poland and Greece and Italy and Yugoslavia. Therefore we decided at Yalta that, even if circumstances made it impossible for the heads of the three Governments to do it, to meet more often in the future, and to make that sure by arranging that there would be frequent personal contacts for the exchange of views between the Secretaries of State, the Foreign Ministers of these three powers. We arranged for periodic meetings, at intervals of three or four months. I feel very confident that under this arrangement there will be no recurrence of the incidents which this winter disturbed the friends of world—wide cooperation and collaboration.

When we met at Yalta, in addition to laying our strategic and tactical plans for the complete, final military victory over Germany, there were other problems of vital political consequence.

For instance, there were the problems of occupational control of Germany after victory, the complete destruction of her military power, and the assurance that neither the Nazis nor Prussian militarism could again be revived to threaten the peace and civilization of the world.

Secondly, again for example, there was the settlement of the few differences which remained among us with respect to the international security organization after the Dumbarton Oaks Conference. As you remember at that time, I said afterward we had agreed 90 per cent. A pretty good percentage. I think the other 10 per cent was ironed out at Yalta.

Thirdly, there were the general political and economic problems common to all of the areas that would be in the future, or which had been, liberated from the Nazi yoke. There are special problems—we over here find it difficult to understand the ramifications of many of these problems in foreign lands. But we are trying to.

Fourth, there were the special problems created by a few instances, such as Poland and Yugoslavia.

Days were spent in discussing these momentous matters. We argued freely and frankly across the table. But at the end, on every point, unanimous agreement was reached. And more important even than the agreement of words, I may say we achieved a unity of thought and a way of getting along together.

Of course we know that it was Hitler’s hope—and German war lords’—that we would not agree, that some slight crack might appear in the solid wall of Allied unity, a crack that would give him and his fellow-gangsters one last hope of escaping their just doom. That is the objective for which his propaganda machine has been working for many months.

But Hitler has failed.

Never before have the major Allies been more closely united—not only in—their war aims but also in their peace aims. And they are determined to continue to be united—to be united with each other—and with all peace-loving nations—so that the ideal of lasting peace will become a reality.

The Soviet, British and United States Chiefs of Staff held daily meetings with each other, they conferred frequently with Marshal Stalin, with Prime Minister Churchill and with me, on the problem of coordinating the strategic and tactical efforts of the Allied powers. They completed their plans for the final knockout blow to Germany.

At the time of the Teheran Conference the Russian front, for instance, was removed so far from the American and British fronts that, while certain long-range strategic cooperation was possible, there could be no tactical, day-by-day coordination. They were too far apart. But Russian troops have now crossed Poland, they are fighting on the eastern soil of Germany herself, British and American troops are now on German soil close to the Rhine River in the west.

It is a different situation today from what it was fourteen months ago. A closer tactical liaison has become possible—for the first time in Europe, and, in the Crimean Conference, that was something else that was accomplished.Provision was made for daily exchange of information between the armies under command of General Eisenhower, on the western front, and those armies under the command of the Soviet marshals on that long eastern front, and also with our armies in Italy—without the necessity of going through the Chiefs of Staff in Washington or London, as in the past.

You have seen one result of this exchange of information in the recent bombing by American and English aircraft of points which are directly related to the Russian advance on Berlin. From now on, American and British heavy bombers will be used—in the day-by-day tactics of the war—and we have begun to realize, I think, that there is all the difference in the world between tactics on the one side and strategy on the other. Day by day tactical war, in direct support of Soviet armies, as well as in the support of our own in the Western Front. They are now engaged in bombing and strafing in order to hamper the movement of German reserves, German materials, to the Eastern and Western Fronts from other parts of Germany or from Italy.

Arrangements have been made for the most effective distribution of all available material and transportation to the places where they can best be used in the combined war effort—American, British and Russian.

Details of these plans and arrangements are military secrets. But they are going to hasten the day of the final collapse of Germany. The Nazis are learning about some of them already, to their sorrow, and I think all three of us at the conference felt that they will learn more about them tomorrow and the next day—and the day after that. There will be no respite for these attacks. We will not desist for one moment until unconditional surrender.

You know I have always felt that common sense prevails in the long run, quiet overnight thinking. I think that’s true in Germany, just as much as it is here. The German people, as well as the German soldier, must realize the sooner they give up and surrender, surrender by groups or by individuals, the sooner their present agony will be over. They must realize that only with complete surrender can they begin to re-establish themselves as people whom the world might accept as decent neighbors.

We made it clear again at Yalta, and I now repeat—that unconditional surrender does not mean the destruction or the enslavement of the German people. The Nazi leaders have deliberately withheld that part of the Yalta declaration from the German press and radio. They seek to convince the people of Germany that the Yalta declaration does mean slavery and destruction for them—they are working at it day and night—for that is how the Nazis hope to save their own skins, how to deceive their people into continued and useless resistance. We did, however, make it clear at the Conference just what unconditional surrender does mean to Germany.

It means the temporary control of Germany by Great Britain, Russia, France and the United States. Each of these nations will occupy and control a separate zone of Germany—and the administration of the four zones will be coordinated—coordinated in Berlin by a control council composed of representatives of the four nations.

Unconditional surrender means something else. It means the end of nazism and of the Nazi party—and all of its barbaric laws and institutions. It means the termination of all militaristic influence in public, private and cultural life of Germany. It means for the Nazi war criminals a punishment that is speedy and just—and severe. It means the complete disarmament of Germany, the destruction of its militarism, of its military equipment; the end of its production of armament; the dispersal of all armed forces; the permanent dismemberment of the German General Staff, which has so often shattered the peace of the world. It means that Germany will have to make reparations—reparations in kind for the damage which has been done to the innocent victims of its aggression.

By compelling reparations in kind—in plants, in machinery, in rolling stock and raw materials—we shall avoid the mistake that we and other people made after the last war, the demanding of reparations in the form of money, which Germany could never pay. We do not want the German people to starve, or to become a burden on the rest of the world. Our objective in handling Germany is simple—it is to secure the peace of the rest of the world, now and in the future. Too much experience has shown that that objective is impossible if Germany is allowed to retain any ability to wage aggressive warfare.

Now these objectives will not hurt the German people. On the contrary, it will protect them from a repetition of the fate which the General Staff and Kaiserism imposed on them before and which Hitlerism is now imposing upon them again a hundredfold. It will be removing a cancer from the German body, which for generations has produced only misery and only pain for the whole world.

During my stay in Yalta I saw the kind of reckless, senseless fury, this terrible destruction, that comes out of German militarism. Yalta, on the Black Sea, had no military significance of any kind, and no defenses. Before the last war it had been a resort, a resort for people like czars, princes and aristocracy, and their hanger-one. However, after the war, after the Red Revolution, until the attack on the Soviet Union by Hitler a few years ago, the palaces, the villas of Yalta had been used as a rest and recreation center by the Russian people.

The Nazi officers took these former palaces and villas, took them over for their own use. They are the only reasons that the so-called former palace of the Czar was still habitable when we got there. It had been given, or had thought to have been given, to a German general for his own property and his own use. And when Yalta was so destroyed he kept soldiers there to protect what he thought would become his own nice villa.

It was a useful rest and recreation center for hundreds of thousands of Russian workers, farmers and their families, up to the time it was taken again by the Germans. The Nazi officers took these places for their own use, and when the Red Army forced the Nazis out of the Crimea, just almost a year ago—last April, I think it was—all the villas were looted by the Nazis, and then nearly all of them were destroyed by bombs placed on the inside. And even the humblest of homes of Yalta were not spared. There was little left in Yalta except blank walls, ruins, destruction.

Sevastopol, that weather-fortified port, about forty or fifty miles away—there again was a scene of utter destruction—a large city with its great navy yards, its fortifications. I think less than a dozen buildings were left intact in the entire city. I had read about Warsaw and Lidice and Rotterdam and Coventry—but I saw Sevastopol and Yalta. And I know that there is not room enough on earth for both German militarism and Christian decency.

Of equal importance with the military arrangements at the Crimean Conference were the agreements reached with respect to a general international organization for lasting world peace. The foundations were laid at Dumbarton Oaks. There was one point, however, on which agreement was not reached. It involved the procedure of voting, of voting in the Security Council. I want to try to make it clear by making it simple. It took me hours and hours to get the thing straight in my own mind. At the Crimea Conference the Americans made a proposal on this subject which, after full discussion, I am glad to say, was unanimously adopted by the other two nations.

It is not yet possible to announce the terms of it publicly, but it will be in a short time. With respect to voting, I made known, I think and I hope, that you will find them a fair solution of this complicated and difficult problem. You might almost say it’s a legislative problem. They are founded in justice, and will go far to assure international cooperation in the maintenance of peace.

There is going to be held in San Francisco a meeting of all United Nations of the world, on the 25th of April, next month. There, we all hope, and confidently expect, to execute a definite charter of organization upon which the peace of the world will be preserved and the forces of aggression permanently outlawed.

This time we are not making the mistake of waiting until the end of the war to set up the machinery of peace. This time, as we fight together to win the war finally, we work together to keep it from happening again.

As you know, I have always been a believer in the document called the Constitution of the United States. I spent a good deal of time in educating two other nations of the world in the Constitution of the United States. The charter has to be, and should be, approved by the Senate of the United; States under the Constitution. I think the other nations all know it now—I am aware of that fact, and now all the other nations are, and we hope that the Senate will approve of what is set forth as Charter of the United Nations, when they all come together in San Francisco, next month.

The Senate of the United States, through its appropriate representatives; has been kept continuously advised of the program of this Government in the creation of the International Security Organization. The Senate and the House will both be represented at the San Francisco Conference. The Congressional delegates will consist of an equal number, and the Senatorial will consist of an equal number of Republicans and Democratic members. The American delegation is—in every sense of the word—bipartisan.

But I think that world peace is not exactly a party question—I think that Republicans want peace just as much as Democrats. It is not a party question any more than is military victory. When our Republic was threatened, first by the Nazi clutch for world conquest back in 1940, and then by the Japanese treachery in 1941, partisanship and politics were laid aside by nearly every American; and every resource was dedicated to our common safety. The same consecration to the cause of peace will be expected, I think, by every patriotic American, by every human soul overseas, too.

The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation, it cannot be just an American peace, or British peace, or a Russian, or a French or a Chinese peace. It cannot be a peace of large nations—or of small nations. It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.

It cannot be what some people think—a structure of complete perfection at first. But it can be a peace, and it will be a peace, based on the sound and just principles of the Atlantic Charter—on the concept of the dignity of the human being—and on the guarantees of tolerance and freedom of religious worship.

As the Allied Armies have marched to military victory, they have liberated peoples whose liberties had been crushed by the Nazis for four long years, whose economy had been reduced to ruins by Nazi despoilers. There have been instances of political confusion and unrest in these liberated areas—that is not unexpected—as in Greece or in Poland or in Yugoslavia, and maybe more. Worse than that, there actually began to grow in some of these places queer ideas of “spheres of influence” which were incompatible with the basic principles of international collaboration. If allowed to go on unchecked these developments might have had tragic results, in time. It is fruitless to try to place the blame for this situation on one particular nation or another. It is the kind of development which is almost inevitable unless the major powers of the world continue without interruption to work together and assume joint responsibility for the solution of problems which may arise to endanger the peace of the world.

We met in the Crimea determined to settle this matter of liberated areas. Things that might happen that we can’t see at this moment might happen suddenly, unexpected, next week or next month. And I am happy to confirm to the Congress that we did arrive at a settlement—and incidentally, a unanimous settlement.

The three most powerful nations have agreed that the political and economic problems of any area liberated from Nazi conquest, or any former Axis satellite, are a joint responsibility of all three Governments. They will join together during the temporary period of instability after hostilities, to help the people of any liberated area, or of any former satellite state, to solve their own problems through firmly established democratic processes. They will endeavor to see—to see to it that interim governing, and the people who carry on the interim government between occupation by Germany and true independence—that such an interim government will be as representative as possible of all democratic elements in the population, and that free elections are held as soon as possible thereafter.

Responsibility for political conditions thousands of miles away can no longer be avoided, I think, by this great nation. Certainly, I don’t want to live to see another war. As I have said, the world is smaller—smaller every year. The United States now exerts a tremendous influence in the cause of peace. What we people over here are thinking and talking about is in the interest of peace, because it’s known all over the world. The slightest remark in either house of the Congress is known all over the world the following day. We will continue to exert that influence only if we are willing to continue to share in the responsibility for keeping the peace. It would be our own tragic loss if we were to shirk that responsibility.

Final decisions in these areas are going to be made jointly, therefore, and therefore they will often be a result of give-and-take compromise. The United States will not always have its way 100 per cent, nor will Russia, nor Great Britain. We shall not always have ideal answers, solutions to complicated international problems, even though we are determined continuously to strive toward that ideal. But I am sure that under the agreements reached at Yalta there will be a more stable political Europe than ever before.

Of course, once there has been a true expression out of the people’s will in any country, our immediate responsibility ends, with the exception only of such action as may be agreed on by the international security organization we will set up.

The United Nations must also begin to help these liberated areas adequately to reconstruct their economy—I don’t want them starving to death—so that they are ready to resume their places in the world. The Nazi war machine has stripped them of raw materials and machine tools, and trucks and locomotives and things like that. They have left the industry of these places stagnant, and much of the agricultural areas are unproductive—the Nazis have left a complete ruin, or a partial ruin, in their wake.

To start the wheels running again is not a mere matter of relief. It is to the national interest that all of us see to it that these liberated areas are again made self-supporting and productive, so that they do not need continuous relief from us. I can say that as an argument based on plain common sense.

One outstanding example of joint action by the three major Allied powers was the solution reached on Poland. The whole Polish question was a potential source of trouble in post-war Europe, as it had been some time before, and we came to the conference determined to find a common ground for its solution, and we did. Our objective was to help create a strong, independent and prosperous nation. That’s the thing we must always remember, those words, agreed to by Russia, by Britain and by me, the objective of making Poland a strong, independent and prosperous nation, with a Government ultimately to be selected by the Polish people themselves.

To achieve that objective it is necessary to provide for the formation of a new government, much more representative than had been possible while Poland was enslaved. Accordingly, steps were taken at Yalta to reorganize the existing provisional government in Poland on a broader democratic basis, so as to include democratic leaders now in Poland and those abroad. This new reorganized government will be recognized by all of us as the temporary government of Poland.

However, the new Polish provisional government of national unity will be pledged to hold a free election as soon as possible on the basis of universal suffrage and a secret ballot.

Throughout history Poland has been the corridor through which attacks on Russia have been made. Twice in this generation Germany has struck Russia through this corridor. To insure European security and world peace a strong and independent Poland is necessary to prevent that from happening again.

The decision with respect to the boundaries of Poland was quite a compromise. I didn’t agree with all of it by any means, but we could go as far as Britain wanted in certain areas, go as far as Russia wanted in certain areas and we could go as far as I wanted in certain areas. It was a compromise. The decision was a compromise under which the Poles will receive compensation in territory in the north and west in exchange for what they lose by the Curzon Line in the east.

The limits of the western border will be permanently fixed in the final peace conference. We know roughly that it will include in the new strong Poland quite a large slice of what is now called Germany. And it was agreed also that the new Poland will have a large and long coastline and many a new harbor. Also that East Prussia, most of it, will go to Poland and the corner of it will go to Russia. Also (what shall I call it) that the“amanuensis”of the Free State of Danzig, I think Danzig would be a lot better if it were Polish.

It is well known that the people east of the Curzon Line are predominantly White Russian and Ukrainian. They are not Polish, to a very great majority. And the people west of the line are predominantly Polish, except in that part of East Prussia and East Germany which will go to new Poland. As far back as 1919 the representatives of the Allies agreed that the Curzon Line represented a fair boundary between the two peoples. You must also remember there was no Poland, there had not been any Polish Government, before 1919, for a great many generations.

I am convinced that this agreement on Poland, under the circumstances, is the most hopeful agreement possible for a free, independent and prosperous Polish state.

Now the Crimean conference was a meeting of the three major military powers on whose shoulders rest the chief responsibility and burden of the war. Although, for this reason, another nation was not included—France was not a participant in the conference—no one should detract from the recognition that was accorded there to her role in the future of Europe and the future of the world. France has been invited to accept a zone of control in Germany, and to participate as a fourth member of the Allied control council of Germany. She has been invited to join as a sponsor of the international conference at San Francisco next month. She will be a permanent member of the International Security Council together with the other four major powers. And, finally, we have asked that France be associated with us in our joint responsibility over the liberated areas of Europe.

Agreement was reached on Yugoslavia, as announced in the communique and we hope that it is in process of fulfillment. But it is not only that, but in some other places we have to remember there are a great number of prima donnas in the world, all who wish to be heard. Before anything will be done we may have a little delay while we listen to more prima donnas.

Quite naturally, this conference concerned itself only with the European war and with the political problems of Europe, and not with the Pacific war.

In Malta, however, our combined British and American staffs made their plans to increase the attack against Japan. The Japanese war lords know that they are not being overlooked. They have felt the force of our B-29’s, and our carrier planes. They have felt the naval might of the United States, and do not appear very anxious to come out and try it again. The Japs know what it means to hear that “The United States Marines have landed.” And we can add, having Iwo Jima in mind, “that the situation is well in hand”.

They also know what is in store for the homeland of Japan now that General MacArthur has completed his magnificent march back to Manila, and that Admiral Nimitz is establishing his air bases right in their own back yard. But, lest somebody else lay off work in the United States, I can repeat what I have said, even in my sleep, a short sentence, “We haven’t won the wars yet,” with an “s” on wars. It is a long tough road to Tokyo. It is longer to go to Tokyo than it is to Berlin, in every sense of the word. The defeat of Germany will not mean the end of the war against Japan. On the contrary, we must be prepared for a long and costly struggle in the Pacific.

But the unconditional surrender of Japan is as essential as the defeat of Germany. I say that advisedly, with the thought in mind that that is especially true if our plans for world peace are to succeed. For Japanese militarism must be wiped out as thoroughly as German militarism.

On the way back from the Crimea I made arrangements to meet personally King Farouk of Egypt, Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia, and King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia. Our conversations had to do with matters of common interest. They will be of great mutual advantage because they gave us an opportunity of meeting and talking face to face, and of exchanging views in personal conversation instead of formal correspondence. Of the problems of Arabia, I learned more about that whole problem, the Moslem problem, the Jewish problem, by talking with Ibn Saud for five minutes than I could have learned in exchange of two or three dozen letters.

On my voyage, I had the benefit of seeing our Army and Navy and Air Force at work. All Americans, I think would feel proud, as proud of our armed forces as I am, if they could see and hear what I did. Against the most efficient professional leaders, sailors and airmen of an history, our men stood and fought and won. I think that this is our chance to see to it that the sons and grandsons of these gallant fighting men do not have to do it all over again in a few years.

The conference in the Crimea was a turning point, I hope, in our history, and therefore in the history of the world. It will soon be presented to the Senate and the American people, a great decision which will determine the fate of the United States, and I think therefore of the world, for generations to come. There can be no middle ground here. We shall have to take the responsibility for world collaboration, or we shall have to bear the responsibility for another world conflict.

I know that the word “planning” is not looked upon with favor in some circles. In domestic affairs, tragic mistakes have been made by reason of lack of planning, and, on the other hand, many great improvements in living, and many benefits to the human race, have been accomplished as a result of adequate, intelligent planning—reclamations of desert areas, developments of whole river valleys, provision for adequate housing. The same will be true in relations between nations. For the second time in the lives of most of us, this generation is face to face with the objective of preventing wars. To meet that objective, the nations of the world will either have a plan or they will not.

The groundwork of a plan has now been furnished, and has been submitted to humanity for discussion and decision. No plan is perfect. Whatever is adopted at San Francisco will doubtless have to be amended time and again over the years, just as our own Constitution has been. No one can say exactly how long any plan will last.

Peace can endure only so long as humanity really insists upon it, and is willing to work for and sacrifice for it.Twenty-five years ago American fighting men looked to the statesmen of the world to finish the work of peace for which they fought and suffered. We failed them then. We cannot fail them again, and expect the world to survive again.

I think the Crimean Conference was a successful effort by the three leading nations to find a common ground of peace. It spells, it ought to spell, the end of the system of unilateral action and exclusive alliances and spheres of influence and balances of power and all the other expedients that have been tried for centuries, and have always failed. We propose to substitute for all these a universal organization in which all peace-loving nations will finally have a chance to join.

And I am confident that the Congress and the American people will accept the results of this conference as the beginning of a permanent structure of peace upon which we can begin to build, under God, that better world in which our children and grandchildren, yours and mine, the children and grandchildren of the whole world, must live and can live.

And that, my friends, is the only message I can give you, for I feel very deeply, and I know that all of you are feeling it today and are going to feel it in the future.

向国会报告雅尔塔会议情况的演说

1945年3月1日

希望你们可以原谅，我以这种不寻常的方式坐着来发表演说。但是我知道你们会意识到，对我而言，这远比大腿根部绑上十磅钢筋来得轻松。另外一个原因是我刚刚结束了一次一万四千英里的旅程。

首先，我想说的是，回家的感觉很好。我们已经经历长途跋涉，我希望你们会有同感，到目前为止，成果颇丰。说句老实话，这次会议是否真的硕果累累，很大程度上取决于你们。因为若不是你们在美国人民的支持下，在美国议会的大厅里，同意在雅尔塔达成的诸多决议，并积极支持这些决议，这次会议不会产生持久的效果。

这就是为何我要返程之后第一时间来到你们面前。我想为你们做一个私人报告——同时也是为美国人民。我们面前还有许多个月的艰苦工作要去完成，我想当国际和平结构被放上最后一块基石的时候，这将是我们所有美国人共同坚定无私的工作换来的成果。

我从长途旅行归来，精神振作，信心十足。那段时间我的状态一直都非常好。在我回到华盛顿之前我从未不舒服过。回来之后，我听说了当我不在的时候发生的所有传言。可我旅行回来了，精神振作，信心十足。罗斯福家族的人并不是你们想象的那样不喜欢旅行，恰恰相反我们热爱旅行。

尽管那时我远在他方，但我始终关注在美国所发生的一切。快速通讯的现代奇迹已经让这个世界变得非常小。当我们谈及或考虑国际关系的时候，我们必须时刻牢记这一事实。我定期从华盛顿收到各种消息——我想说不仅是从行政机构的各个部门收到消息，也从立法机构收到。除了一些因为安全因素而需要屏蔽无线电的地方，我可以从世界的任何一个角落不断发送消息。当然，如果在严重紧急情况下，我们甚至可以冒险打破安全规定。

我从克里米亚会议回来，坚信我们已经在通往世界和平的道路上迈出了成功的第一步。

克里米亚会议有两个主要目的。一是以联军可能的最小损失为代价，尽可能快地击败德国。为实现这一目的，现在已经全力以赴。德国部队和德国人民正在感受我们的战士和联军日益增长的实力。我们的部队每个小时都会在德国领土上荣耀地英勇前进，直至与英勇的苏联红军会师。二是继续为恢复战乱后的秩序与安全而制定的国际条约奠定基础，这样可以为全世界国家间的持久和平提供一些保障。也是为了这一目标，我们已经迈出了一大步。

一年多前在德黑兰，世界上最强大的三国总参谋长一起制订了长期的军事计划。然而，那时在德黑兰的平民领袖之中，只能进行想法的交流与意见的表达。没有任何政治安排，也根本就没有尝试过。然而在克里米亚会议上，时机终于到了，大家可以坐下来谈一谈政治领域的具体事宜。这次会议在各个方面大家都积极努力达成一致。

一年前在德黑兰的时候，我们中的所有人已经达成了一种——怎么说呢？一种彼此协商的良好机制，可以用来很好地保障世界和平。我们彼此也都更加了解对方了。我的信念从来没有动摇过。我坚信一个保障世界和平与安全的协议是可以达成的。

我们曾经做的许多事情都是具体的，也是确定的。比如说，在德黑兰与雅尔塔会议之间的这段时间内，没有举行过任何由三个大国平民代表参加的会议。事实证明会议间隔的时间太长了——长达十四个月。在那么长的时间里，地区问题开始凸显，比如波兰、希腊、意大利和南斯拉夫。因此，我们在雅尔塔决定，即使条件不允许三大国首脑将来进行更多的会晤，我们也将保证三大国的国务卿与外交部长之间会有更频繁的私人接触来交流看法。我们安排了每隔三四个月举行一次定期会议。我感到非常有信心，在这样的安排下，像今年冬天这样打搅全世界朋友通力合作的事件不会再次发生。

我们在雅尔塔会晤期间，除了部署我们的战略战术，以最终彻底击败德国之外，还有事关重要政治后果的其他问题。

比如说，首先就是胜利之后如何占领和控制德国的问题。彻底摧毁德国的军事力量，确保纳粹和普鲁士军国主义都无法死灰复燃，从而威胁世界和平与文明。

第二，再举个例子，自敦巴顿橡树园会议以来，关于国际安全组织问题，我们之间存在的一些分歧还有待解决。正如你们记得的，那个时候，我说过我们达成了90%的共识。好吧，这是一个很高的比例。我想在雅尔塔解决剩下的10%。

第三，几乎所有从纳粹奴役下解放出来的地方，普遍存在政治和经济问题。这是一个非常特殊的问题。我们在此发现很难理解境外诸如此类许多问题的细枝末节，但是我们将尽力而为。

第四，在有些国家，比如波兰和南斯拉夫产生了一些特殊问题。

那时，我们每天都会讨论重大事件，并在谈判桌上自由坦率地争辩。然而到最后各方就达成了一致意见而且比字面一致更重要的是，我可以说是我们形成了一整套思想，而且学会了和睦相处的方法。

当然我们知道，希特勒还有德国的战争狂们希望我们不会达成一致。他们希望盟国整体的坚固墙壁会产生一道细微的裂缝，而这道裂缝可以给他以及他的匪帮以逃脱他们注定下场的最后希望。这就是他的宣传机器开动许多个月来的目的。

但是希特勒失败了。

主要盟国从来没有比现在更加团结一致——不仅在战争目标方面，而且也在和平目标方面一致。他们决心继续团结在一起，同时与所有热爱和平的国家团结在一起——这样持久和平的理想就会成为现实。

苏联、英国和美国的总参谋长每天都在一起开会。他们经常与斯大林元帅、丘吉尔首相还有我，一起讨论盟国的战略战术合作问题。他们完成了最后击垮德国的计划。

在德黑兰会议的时候，俄国前线移到距离美英前线很远的地方。尽管某些长期的战略合作是可能的，但是一天一天的战术合作则是不可能的。因为相距实在太远了。但是现在俄军已经穿越了波兰。他们已经在德国东部作战，英美部队现在已经在德国西部靠近莱茵河的地方。

目前的形势与十四个月之前不可同日而语，欧洲战场的更密切的战术合作第一次成为可能。在克里米亚会议上，收获了不一样的成果。在西线作战的艾森豪威尔将军指挥的部队，在漫长东线作战的苏联元帅们指挥的部队，还有我们在意大利的部队，他们现在不需要像从前那样先通过华盛顿或伦敦的总参谋长，就可以每天交流信息。

你们已经看到这种信息交流的好处：最近的美英飞机轰炸直接配合了俄军向柏林推进。从现在开始，每天的战术运用都要算上美英的重型轰炸机——我想，我们已经开始意识到，一边是战术，一边是战略，两者到底是完全不同的。每天的战术运用直接给予了苏军支持，同时也是对西线我们自己部队的支持。他们现在正忙于轰炸和袭击，以阻止德军将来自德国其他地方或意大利的储备和物资运往东线与西线。

已经做好了安排，所有可以搜集的物资与交通工具，被最高效地分配到最需要的地方，以便美军、英军和俄军用于共同的战争努力。

这些计划与安排的细节当然是军事秘密，而所有一切联系在一起是为了加速德国的最后崩溃。让纳粹悲哀的是他们已经吃了些苦头。我想在大会上的三国首脑都感到纳粹明天或后天会吃更多的苦头，天天如此！他们不会得到任何喘息。除非他们无条件投降，否则我们片刻都不会停下来。

你们知道，我时常静静地彻夜思考，感到人还是要讲常识。我想这一点在德国也是正确的，德国人民也包括德国军人，必须认识到他们集体或个人越早投降，他们现在的痛苦就会越早结束。他们必须认识到，只有彻底投降他们才可以重塑他们自己，才可能被世界接受为正派的邻居。

我们在雅尔塔会议上又澄清一次。现在我还要重复一下，无条件投降并不意味着对德国人民实施屠杀或奴役。纳粹领导人故意从德国出版社和电台扣下雅尔塔宣言的那部分内容。他们企图让德国人民相信，《雅尔塔宣言》确实是要奴役并屠杀他们。他们在夜以继日地如此宣传，可见纳粹如何企图安然逃脱，企图哄骗他们的人民继续进行毫无意义的抵抗。然而我们确实在大会上澄清了无条件投降对德国意味着什么。

无条件投降意味着德国将被英国、俄国、法国和美国临时接管。每一个国家都将占据和控制德国的一块单独区域。这四个区域的管理将由四个国家代表在柏林组成的管控委员会来协调决定。

无条件投降还意味着别的东西。它意味着纳粹主义的末日，意味着纳粹党的末日，以及所有与纳粹有关的野蛮法律机构的末日。它意味着军国主义对德国公众、私人和文化生活影响的终结。它意味着纳粹战犯们将很快会得到其应有的、严厉的惩罚。它意味着德国将被彻底解除武装，军国主义以及所有军事设施将被摧毁，军工厂将停止生产，所有武装力量将解散，不时破坏世界和平的德军总参谋部将被永久瓦解。它意味着德国将必须对那些无辜的受害者进行物质赔偿，他们因为德国的侵略遭受了严重的打击。

通过强制以物质形式进行赔偿，比如赔偿工厂、机器、车辆、原材料等，我们会避免上一次大战之后我们与其他国家犯的错误。那时候我们要求德国以货币形式赔偿，而德国根本付不起这么多钱。我们并不想让德国人民挨饿，或者成为世界其他国家的负担。我们处置德国的目标很简单——就是要捍卫世界目前与未来的和平。太多经验表明如果我们允许德国保留发动侵略战争的能力，那么和平的目标就无法实现。

这些目标不会伤害德国人民。恰恰相反，它们会保护他们不再重复总参谋部和独裁统治曾经强加给他们的命运，也不重复现在希特勒主义成百倍地强加给他们的命运。这将会从德国政体上摘除一个恶性肿瘤。几代人以来，这个肿瘤给整个世界带来的只有悲惨与痛苦。

我在雅尔塔逗留期间，看到了那种鲁莽的无意义的愤怒以及来自于德国军国主义的恐怖袭击。在黑海边上的雅尔塔并没有任何军事意义，它甚至连防线都没有。在一战之前，雅尔塔是一个旅游胜地，专供如沙皇、皇子以及俄国的贵族们和随从游玩。然而，赤色革命之后，在希特勒进攻苏联之前，雅尔塔的宫殿与别墅一直被用作俄国人民的休闲娱乐中心。

纳粹军官占领了这些以前的宫殿和别墅，供他们自己使用。当我们到那里的时候，这些所谓的沙皇故居还是可以住人的。那其中唯一的原因是它已经被赠与，或者是那个德国将军自己认为已经赠与他了，成为他的私人财产，供他私人使用。当雅尔塔已经被破坏得不成样子的时候，德国将军还是让士兵去保护那栋漂亮的别墅，因为他认为那会是自己的东西。

在德国人再次占领别墅之前，它曾是一个实用的休闲娱乐中心，是为几十万的俄国工人、农民和他们的家庭建造的。纳粹军官们占领这些地方供他们自己使用。差不多一年之前，也就是去年四月，在红军将纳粹赶出克里米亚之时，所有这些别墅都被纳粹洗劫一空，几乎所有的别墅都被内部安装的炸弹毁坏，甚至雅尔塔最穷的人家也没有得以幸免。除了光秃秃的墙壁，几乎什么都没留下，到处都是废墟，真是满目疮痍。

塞瓦斯托波尔，距离雅尔塔四十或五十英里以外的一个军事港，是一个拥有大型海军工厂和防御工事的大城市，当时也被彻底毁坏了。我估计整个城市只有不到十栋楼房是完好无损的。我知道华沙、利迪泽、鹿特丹和考文垂，但我亲眼看到了塞瓦斯托波尔和雅尔塔！我知道世界上没有足够的空间让德国的军国主义与基督教的高贵共存。

与在克里米亚会议上进行的军事安排同样重要的是，我们达成了一项协议。此协议涉及了维持世界和平的一般性国际组织。基础工作在敦巴顿橡树园会议上已经完成，然而在敦巴顿橡树园会议上还有一点没有达成一致，这一点是有关安理会的投票程序。我想尽量简单明了些。我耗费了一个又一个小时在我自己的头脑中，也在许多会议上试图弄清楚这件事。在克里米亚会议上，美国人就这个议题提出了建议。我很高兴地说，经过充分讨论，为另两个国家一致接受。

现在还不可能公布协议的具体条款，但是很快就会。一旦大家知道了涉及安理会投票的有关决议，我想，同时也希望你们会发现这个复杂且困难的问题有了一个合理的解决方案。这些决议是公正的，它们将长期保证在维持和平前提下的国际合作。

1945年4月25日将在旧金山召开全世界范围的联合国大会。在那里我们希望，也自信地期望，将执行一种确定的组织章程。在这个章程的规定下，世界和平将得以维持，而侵略武装将永远被禁止。

这一次我们再不犯错，不会等到战争结束才着手建立和平机制。这一次，既然我们一起战斗来最终打赢这场战争，那么就让我们一起努力，让这样的战争不要再次发生。

正如你们所知，我一直是《美国宪法》文本的信徒。我花了好多时间向世界其他两个大国阐释《美国宪法》。章程必须也应该在《宪法》规定下，得到美国参议院的批准。我想其他国家现在都已经知道了这一情况。我意识到了这一事实，现在其他国家也是如此。我们希望当过几个月联合国宪章在旧金山出炉的时候，参议院会予以批准。

在创立国际安全组织方面，美国参议院的合法代表们一直在不间断地通报参议院美国政府的计划。美国的参议院和众议院都将参加旧金山大会。参加旧金山大会的议会代表团成员中共和党人与民主党人的人数将持平。美国代表团可谓真正意义上的两党制。

世界和平不是政党问题。我认为共和党人与民主党人一样渴望和平。这不是政党问题，就像军事上的胜利，赢得这场战争也不是政党问题。共和国曾受到过威胁。第一次是纳粹1940年瞬间发动战争要征服世界，再次是1941年日本人的背叛。那时，党派斗争与政治几乎被每个美国人搁置一边，所有资源都用以保障我们共同的安全。我认为每一个爱国的美国人，每一个海外的人类灵魂都将为和平事业做出相同的贡献。

世界和平格局的建立不会是为一个人，或者一个政党，或者一个国家服务的任务。它不可能只是美国的和平，或者英国的和平，或者俄国的和平，或者法国的和平，或者中国的和平。它不是大国的和平，也不是小国的和平。它是要依靠全世界合作努力来实现的和平。

它也不可能一开始就成为完善的结构。但它可以也将是一种建立在《大西洋宪章》合理的公正的原则上的和平，建立在人类尊严概念上的和平，建立在宽容的保障和宗教信仰自由之上的和平。

随着盟军部队向军事胜利推进，他们解放了被纳粹剥夺自由长达四年的人民，他们的经济已经被纳粹掠夺者毁灭殆尽。不曾料想，在这些解放区，比如希腊、波兰或者南斯拉夫，或许还有更多地方，发生了政治混乱和动荡。比这更糟的是，有些地方还滋长了古怪的念头，比如什么“势力范围”，这些都不符合国际合作的基本原则。如果这样的现象不能得到遏止，发展下去恐怕迟早会酿成悲剧。试图把造成目前情况的责任推到某一个国家身上是毫无意义的。除非世界上主要大国继续不受干扰地一起努力，共同承担解决可能危及世界和平的难题，否则这样的悲剧结果几乎是无法避免的。

我们在克里米亚聚首，决定解决解放区的问题。很多我们现在无法预料的事情可能就会在下周或下月突然间意外地发生。我很高兴能与国会保持一致，我们确实找到了解决之道，而且非常巧，又是一致通过。

三个大国已经同意，任何从纳粹铁蹄下解放出来的地区，或者任何轴心国的前附庸地区，它们的政治和经济问题将由三国共同承担。三国政府将在战后短暂的不稳定期内携手合作，通过稳固建立的民主程序，去帮助解放区人民，或者前附庸国人民，以解决他们自身的难题。他们将尽力做到，从被德国占领到真正独立期间的临时政府成员具有代表性，体现人民民主，此后则会尽快举行自由竞选。

我们这个伟大的国家不能再对几千英里之外的政治形势不闻不问。当然，我不想我有生之年再看到另一场战争。正如我说过的，世界变小了，每年都在变小。美国现在已经在全世界和平事业中发挥巨大的影响力。我们这里的人所思所言都是为了和平，因为举世皆知。在国会任何院中随便说上一句，第二天都会传遍全世界。只要我们愿意继续分担维持和平的责任，我们就要继续发挥这种影响。我想，如果我们逃避这样的责任，那么这将是我们自己巨大的损失。

对这些地区的最终决定是共同制定的，所以说这些决定常常是互相妥协的结果。美国并不总是能实现它的做法，俄国或者英国也是如此。尽管我们决心继续朝着理想努力，但并不总能得到理想的答案，或者说并不总能找到解决复杂国际问题的方法。但是我相信，在雅尔塔所达成的协议下，欧洲政治将会比以往更加稳定。

当然，一旦在任何国家人民都可以自由表达意愿，我们现在的责任就结束了，除了那些要由我们所希望建立的国际安全组织来做决议的行动。

联合国也必须很快开始行动，充分帮助这些解放区恢复经济，这样它们就可以在世界上重新恢复它们的地位。纳粹战争机器从它们身上掠夺了原材料、机床、卡车和杌车。它们所到之处，工业停滞不前，许多农业区成了不毛之地。纳粹所到之处，留下的就是一堆废墟。

让车轮重新开动起来并不仅仅是一种救援。举国关注的是我们所有人都期盼让这些解放区再次自立，拥有生产能力，这样他们就不需要我们持续不断的救援了。我想说，这一观点是基于常识的。

三个主要盟国对解放区采取了联合行动，其中一个突出例子就是对波兰问题的解决方案。整个波兰问题是战后欧洲潜在麻烦的源头，一直都是如此。我们在大会上决定找寻共同的解决方案，显然我们做到了，尽管不是每个人都和我们的意见一致。我们的目标是帮助创建一个强大的、独立的、繁荣的国家。我们必须始终记住俄、英、美三国曾一致同意：要将波兰建成一个强大的、独立的、繁荣的国家，波兰政府最终应由波兰人民自己选举产生。

为了实现这个目标，有必要形成一个新的政府，比起波兰被奴役时期，具有更广泛的代表性。因此，在雅尔塔，我们要在更广泛的民主基础上，采取行动来重组现在的波兰临时政府，这样就可以将波兰国内外的民主领袖都容纳进去。我们都会将这个新重组的政府视为波兰的临时政府。

然而，新的统一的波兰临时政府保证将尽快以全民选举和无记名投票的形式来举行自由选举。

在历史上，波兰一直是袭击俄国的必经之路。这代人以来，德国已经两次通过这条走廊袭击俄国。为了保障欧洲安全和世界和平，一个强大和独立的波兰有助于避免这种事情再次发生。

坦率地说，有关波兰边境的决议是妥协的产物。无论如何，我不是完全同意这一决议，然而在某些地方，决议与英国意见不同；在某些地方，决议与俄国意见分歧；在某些地方，决议不符合我的意愿。这就是妥协。然而，决议规定波兰人可以在北部和西部得到领土上的补偿，以交换因东部寇松线损失的领土。

西部边界的界限将在最终和平大会上勘定并长久保持下去。我们大概知道，新的强大的波兰将会包括一大片现在属于德国的领土，也允许新的波兰拥有漫长的海岸线和许多新建的港口。同时，大部分东普鲁士会并入波兰。东普鲁士的一个角落则会并入俄国。另外，比较特殊的但泽自由国将会消失，我想对但泽而言，成为波兰的一部分，会比现在好得多。

大家都知道住在寇松线东侧的人民——我就举个例子说明为何我会妥协——大多是白俄罗斯人和乌克兰人，他们不是波兰人；而寇松线两侧的人民，除了东普鲁士和东部德国那部分（将会并人新波兰）之外，大部分都是波兰人。早在1919年，盟国的代表就一致认为寇松线很好地为两侧的人民划定了界限。你们也必须记住，在1919年以前，很多代人以来，根本就不存在任何波兰政府。

我相信，在目前情况下，在波兰问题上达成的协议对于建立一个自由、独立和繁荣的波兰是一个最富希望的协议。

克里米亚会议由三大军事强国参加，他们承担着战争主要责任和负担。尽管因为这一原因，法国没有参会，但没有人可以不承认，她在未来的欧洲和世界会发挥应有的作用。法国受邀接受一块德国控制区，因而成为盟国对德控制委员会的第四个成员国。法国还受邀作为赞助国参加下个月在旧金山举行的国际大会。法国会和其他四大国成为安理会的常任理事国。最后，我们请求法国与我们一同对欧洲所有解放区承担共同责任。

正如在公报中宣布的那样，南斯拉夫问题达成了协议。我们希望协议会被执行。但是，我们必须记住，不仅在那里，世界上还有其他地方有着许许多多自负的人。他们希望什么事情定下来之前都能听听他们的意见，所以要是听了更多那些人的意见，我们就要耽误一些时间了。

很自然，这次大会只与欧洲战争以及欧洲的政治问题有关，与太平洋战争无关。

然而在马耳他，我们的英美联军在制订加强对日本进攻的计划。日本军阀们知道他们并没有被忽视。他们已经感受到我们B-29的远程轰炸，我们航空母舰的威力；他们已经感受到美国海军的实力，他们不那么着急再出来尝试一次。日本人现在知道听到“美国海军陆战队已经登录”意味着什么。我想我可以再加上一句，如果算上硫磺岛，“形势尽在掌握之中”。

既然麦克阿瑟将军已经成功反攻马尼拉，尼米兹将军正在日本的后院硫磺岛上建立空军基地，那么他们也知道将会对自己的祖国——日本采取什么行动。然而，为了避免有人要终止美国的工作，我要重复我经常说的，甚至在梦里会说的那句话：“我们还没有赢得战争，我们还没有在战争上写上胜利。”通往东京之路仍是漫长而艰辛的。从任何意义上讲，通往东京的路要比通往柏林的路更加漫长。打败德国并不意味着对日战争的结束。相反，我们必须做好在太平洋上进行漫长而又代价高昂的斗争的准备。

但是日本必须无条件投降，就像德国战败了，也必须无条件投降。谨慎点说，如果我们的世界和平计划成功的话，这一想法肯定是正确的。因为日本军国主义必须像德国军国主义一样被彻底摧毁。

在我从克里米亚回来的路上，我做了安排，私人会见埃及国王法鲁克、埃塞俄比亚皇帝海尔·塞拉西和沙特阿拉伯国王伊本·沙特。我们的谈话不得不涉及我们共同感兴趣的话题。这些安排将会带来巨大的共同利益，因为这样的安排给予我，也给予我们许多人一个机会来见面并面对面交谈，也可以用私交方式代替正式通信来交换看法。比如说，对于阿拉伯问题，通过与伊本·沙特交谈五分钟，我知道了所有的问题，包括穆斯林的，犹太人的。这比我从二三十封书信中了解得更多。

在远航中，我看到了工作中的海陆空军队，我从中受益匪浅。我想，如果他们看到我所看的，听到我所听到的，所有美国人会和我一样为我们的军队感到骄傲。凭借史上最高效的职业陆军、海军和空军，我们的战士顽强战斗直到胜利。这是我们要把握的机会，让这些英勇战士的子孙在几年内不要重新卷入战争。

我希望克里米亚会议将是我们历史上，也是世界历史上的转折点。很快将有一个重要的决议被提交给美国参议院与美国人民，它将决定美国乃至世界未来几代人的命运。我们没有中间道路可走。我们要么就承担世界合作的责任，要么就承担又一次世界冲突的责任。

我知道“计划”这个词在某些圈子里不受欢迎。在国内事务中，正是缺乏计划导致了悲剧性错误；而在另一方面，充分的明智的计划也带来了生活水平的提高和许多利益，如对沙漠地区的开垦，对所有河谷的开发，以及提供足够的住房。国际关系也是如此。我们这代人中的许多人正第二次面对着避免战争的目标。为了实现这个目标，全世界的国家要么将制订计划，要么没有计划。

计划的基础工作现在已经完成了，已经可以让人们讨论和决定了。没有什么计划是完美的。毫无疑问，无论在旧金山将采取什么计划，此计划必须在多年里反复地修改，就像我们自己的宪法曾被修改过多次那样。没有人可以确切说出任何计划可以维持多久。

只要人类真正坚持和平，愿意为和平而努力，为和平而牺牲，和平就可以继续下去。二十五年前，美国战士指望全世界的政治家来结束他们为了和平而战斗和受苦的工作。那时候我们失败了。我们不能再失败，却期望世界可以再次幸存。

克里米亚会议是三个主要国家寻求共同和平的一次成功努力。它将导致单边行动、排他联盟、势力范围、权力平衡，以及所有其他作为权宜之计体系的终结。这些权宜之计用了几个世纪，但都失败了。我们建议以一个世界性组织去取代所有这些体系，让世界上所有热爱和平的国家最终都有机会加入进来。

我相信国会和美国人民会将这次大会的结果作为建立永久和平机制的开端。在这样的机制下，我们可以开始在上帝的指引下，建设一个更好的世界。让我们的子孙后代，你的和我的，全世界人民的子孙后代，生活下去，也可以生活下去。

朋友们，这就是我要传达给你们的主要信息。然而我为之深深感动，正如我知道今天你们所有人也为之深深感动，将来你也会为之深深感动。

第三节  精彩语录

But I think that world peace is not exactly a party question—I think that Republicans want peace just as much as Democrats. It is not a party question any more than is military victory.

世界和平不是政党问题。我认为共和党人与民主党人一样渴望和平，这不是政党问题，就像军事上的胜利，赢得这场战争也不是政党问题。

The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one Nation.  It cannot be just an American peace, or a British peace, or a Russian French, or a Chinese peace. It cannot be a peace of large Nations—or of small Nations. It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.

世界和平格局的建立不会是为一个人，或者一个政党，或者一个国家服务的任务。它不可能只是美国的和平，或者英国的和平，或者俄国的和平，或者法国的和平，或者中国的和平。它不是大国的和平，也不是小国的和平。它是要依靠全世界合作努力来实现的和平。

And I am confident that the Congress and the American people will accept the results of this conference as the beginning of a permanent structure of peace upon which we can begin to build, under God, that better world in which our children and grandchildren, yours and mine, the children and grandchildren of the whole world, must live and can live.

我相信国会和美国人民会将这次大会的结果作为建立永久和平机制的开端。在这样的机制下，我们可以开始在上帝的指引下，建设一个更好的世界。让我们的子孙后代，你的和我的，全世界人民的子孙后代，生活下去，也可以生活下去。

第十二章  建设持久的和平

第一节  背景介绍

罗斯福连任三届总统，成为美国历史上前所未有的大事。法西斯肆虐之时，美国深受其害。在告别了孤立主义思想后，美国在反法西斯的道路上贡献了巨大的力量。政治年轮又转到了1944年大选年，罗斯福清楚地记得四年前的那次演说，这一次他确实渴望停下来休息。他写信给民主党全国委员会主席罗伯特·汉尼根说：“我的灵魂总在呼唤我回到赫德逊河畔的老家去。”但是，一份有六千多炼钢工人签名的请愿书写道：“我们知道您很累，但是我们没有办法，我们不能让您退职。”另一封信更深深地震动了罗斯福的内心：“当前世界忧患重重，请不要把我们撇下不管。上帝将您放在世上这个地方，就是要您做我们的北斗星。”罗斯福的内心波澜难平：险恶的战争已是曙光在前，但战后国际风云必将诡谲莫测。所有同时代的人都远不及我那般洞悉美国政府或世界政治，军事策略和盟国外交都是我经手操办的，何况那个寄托着威尔逊式的梦想的联合国尚在未定之天，历史将在我身后对我做出怎样的评价呢？

７月11日，罗斯福在致汉尼根的信中说：“假如人民命令我继续担任这项职务，进行这场战争，我就像一个在火线不能离开岗位的士兵一样无权退下来。就我自己来说，我不想再竞选了。到明年春天，我就做了十二年总统和武装部队总司令了。”一周后，民主党全国代表大会在芝加哥召开，罗斯福此时正在圣迭戈，欲从那里乘船到珍珠港，同尼米兹和麦克阿瑟商讨今后太平洋的战略。大会首轮投票就通过了对罗斯福的提名，但在副总统候选人上争夺激烈。鉴于罗斯福的健康问题已是有目共睹，许多代表认为选择一个竞选伙伴就等于选择一个下届总统。由于广泛的反对，罗斯福才勉强地舍弃了现任副总统华莱士，而后艰难而让人意外地从三名人选中择定来自密苏里州的参议员、谦逊其实而又性情暴躁的哈里·Ｓ·杜鲁门。总统与杜鲁门关系一般，后者在主持参议院军事调查委员会工作时，显示了精明强干的领导才能。总统打消了几乎没有思想准备的杜鲁门的顾忌和畏难情绪。

关于罗斯福的身体状况，一时有许多难听的谣传，无稽的和难以置信的恶意中伤层出不穷，但又并非完全是空穴来风。一张罗斯福在太平洋旅行前被人拍摄的照片——形如枯槁、有气无力、目光呆滞而又容易发怒的样子——被报刊和共和党广为散播。８月他在西雅图向全国发表广播演说，当时他穿戴着腿部支架，阵阵剧痛迫使他要用手臂的全部力量抓住演讲台来支撑住自己，这使他在翻转讲稿时十分吃力，同时也使他通篇演讲显得结结巴巴和主意不定，而听众以前听惯了的那种由言语表达出来的镇定、自信和愉快的信念没有了。自此，民意测验出现了波动。《纽约每日新闻》每期都一成不变地向读者强调这样一个基本事实：罗斯福已经六十二岁，而杜威比他年轻二十岁。《纽约太阳报》甚至毫无忌讳地谈论副总统有可能在罗斯福任内接任的问题。

罗斯福为了使选民安心，请他的医生罗斯·麦金太尔给他开具一张公开的健康证明书。证明书宣称：“他的器官毫无毛病，完全健康。他每天担任非常繁重的工作，但他能担负起来，精力过人。”为了证明麦金太尔所言非虚，罗斯福在天气酷寒，朔风凛冽，骤雨刺肌的10月21日，乘敞篷汽车横贯纽约市四个辖区，行程五十英里，历时四小时。成千上万的美国人想亲眼看看总统是否尚能保持他的微笑，罗斯福就一路坚挺地让大家看到。雨水淋透了他全身，黑色海军斗篷闪闪发亮。随后两周里，罗斯福又前往费城、芝加哥、波士顿，最后是在海德公园作了演说。其中在费城又逢大雨。总之，罗斯福的健康情况在1944年大选中成了一个学术问题。

在整个竞选中，细心的听众不难发现，总统确实苍老了。拿着演说稿的手不时颤抖，机智与诙谐明显地少了些，有时还出现了意外的停顿或含混。不过在答复共和党对“我的小狗法拉”的诽谤时，面对卡车司机工会的听众，罗斯福作了被许多撰稿专家认为是他政治生涯中最精彩的演说：“好啦，我们又在一起了——这是在四年之后——这四年是什么样的年头啊！我的确老了四岁——这似乎使某些人感到恼火。其实，自从1933年我们开始清除堆在我们身上的烂摊子的那个时候算起，我们千百万人都老了十一岁。”

平易近人的话语引起听众深深的共鸣，一下子把大家拉回到大萧条与新政的年代，轻便有效地打发了对他是个累坏了的老头子的谴责。罗斯福进而说道：“在共和党中有着开明的心胸宽阔的分子，他们为使该党现代化和跟上美国进步的步伐，一直很努力而又体面地战斗着。不过共和党中这些开明分子却不能够把老保守派共和党人从他们所盘踞的地盘上赶跑……在我们绝不动摇地建立牢固的和平基础的决心中……全国千百万共和党人是同我们站在一起的。他们同样讨厌由这样的人做出的这种竞选演讲，这些人只是在短短几个月前才第一次认识到国际生活的事实——当时他们才开始研究民意测验的记录。”

以这种气势讲出带有超越党派局限和这次竞争本身的话，也唯有罗斯福才真正具备这种资格，因而具有极大的统摄力和感召力。

在谈到“我的小狗法拉”这个焦点问题时，罗斯福昔日那种犀利、机敏和辛辣毕现无遗：“共和党领导人不满足于对我——或我的妻子——或我的孩子们——进行人身攻击，他们现在也把我的小狗——法拉包括在内了。不像我的家庭成员，法拉对此十分反感。当他听到共和党杜撰作家编造故事说，我把他留在阿留申群岛的一个岛屿上，后来又派一艘驱逐舰去找他——花了美国纳税人两三百万乃至二千万美元时——他的苏格兰心灵狂怒不已。我可惯于听到关于我本人的谎话，但我认为我有权利表示反对针对我的这只狗的诽谤说法。”

罗斯福后来对霍普金斯说，这是他一生中遇到的最卑鄙的一次竞选，对手不能也不配与我在政纲上较量，总是恶毒地在这种层次上发起进攻。那个堪称真正对手、能激起自己斗志并能使他产生敬重之情的正直的威尔基已于10月8日逝世，罗斯福对现在的对手——杜威有一种“不加掩饰的轻蔑”。舍伍德有一个双重假设，假设威尔基赢得了共和党的提名，罗斯福说不定不想竞选第四任。

值得一提的是，总统夫人埃莉诺在这次竞选中再次充当了总统了解国情的窗口。她力劝罗斯福把国内问题放在他心目中的首要位置。她觉得如果总统不能始终坚持竞选中有关国内方面的诺言，他在外交政策方面就有失去美国舆论拥护的真正危险。埃莉诺不仅出色地尽了一位妻子的本分，而且充当了“自己丈夫的良心的保持者和经常的代言人”，而且在他死后仍然保持着这一令人尊敬的姿态。

1944年11月7日，罗斯福以选举人票432票对杜威的99票，选民票以2560万票对杜威的2200万票获胜。1945年1月20日，罗斯福第四任总统就职典礼仪式在白宫举行。公开的理由是，战时不应搞铺张排场。但不少人心里明白，总统已经衰弱得没有力气经过宾夕法尼亚大街这条长长的游行路线去参加就职典礼了。

罗斯福总统对这次就职仪式似乎只提出了两个要求。一是让远在海外的詹姆斯回来，他可以像前三次那样搀扶着儿子站立着；二是让他那散居各地的孙儿女们都在场。他为此花了不少钱为他们买机票和车票。

1月6日，他向第79届国会提交了1945年度国情咨文，为倾注了他极大心血的联合国组织呼吁支持和理解，他说：“持久和平赖以为基础的国际合作并不是单行道……1945年这新的一年可以成为人类历史上成就最大的一年。1945年可以看到纳粹法西斯恐怖统治在欧洲的告终，1945年可以看到讨伐大军紧缩对帝国主义日本邪恶势力中心的包围，最重要的——1945年可以看到而且必然看到世界和平组织的实质开端。”

令人们扼腕叹息的是，这一切在几乎人人都可立即看到的时候，它们的最主要缔造者却没能看到。

即使是在战事相当急迫的时候，罗斯福也没有把战争与和平这两大主题分开考虑，尤其是没有回避有关战后世界的安排问题。从过程上看，罗斯福在处理这些重大事务时表现得轻松自若，以至于有时显得随意和乱套，战后美国的批评家也正是在这一点上对他多有指责，说由于罗斯福对苏联的暧昧、让步或软弱而导致战后苏联“铁幕”的拉大和东西方的仇视或裂痕，或说天真而不现实的罗斯福让步过多，而让斯大林得寸进尺，大捞便宜。如果罗斯福通过更为现实主义的态度或强硬的态度去对付斯大林，就能够遏制苏联的扩张。有些批评家还指出，美国“丢失中国”的责任若追本穷源，当首推罗斯福。其实，这些批评都不同程度地失之偏颇，或有些意气用事。罗斯福能够超越或透过弥漫的硝烟而把眼光定格于战后世界格局，能够为那个寄寓着他的理念和希望的世界和平组织奔走呼号，甚至呕心沥血，并使之初具雏形，已充分表明身负重任而深谋远虑。于艰难时世而前瞻和平者，非罗斯福莫属。他的忧患意识和洞察力实际上远远超过了人们所能理解或观察的限度。而这些批评者，只是关注了罗斯福的行事风格。他们忽视了后来的结果是由许多罗斯福无法控制的趋势或事因而促成的这一事实。

罗斯福意识到，通过第二次世界大战，美国在世界上的实力和地位已上升到首屈一指的程度，只有苏联在军事方面聊可与美国比肩而立。他在开罗会议前夕对儿子说：“美国将不得不出面领导，并运用我们的斡旋进行调解，帮助解决其他国家之间必然产生的分歧。俄国与英国在欧洲，英帝国与中国、中国与俄国在远东。我们有能力做到这一点，因为我们是大国，是强国……美国是能在世局中缔造和平的唯一的大国，这是一项伟大的职责。”以此出发，罗斯福寄望于战后美苏要和平共处，并设法影响或作用于其他各国，将其纳入基于美国式价值观念的战后格局或和平轨道。他渴望成立一个具有维护和平能力的新的国际联盟，并非仅仅由于相信威尔逊主义的集体安全的有效性，而主要是相信这个机构是美国参与国际事务并持久地发挥这种影响力和作用力的不可或缺的工具。

罗斯福的战后世界规划包含有“地理政治”或“地域性国际化”的意味。他设想，获胜的盟国在一个将威尔逊的集体安全与传统的势力范围融为一体的全球体系中通力合作。他深信战后的事务将要在大国控制的体制下解决，而每一大国对其所在的地区负有特别的职责和突出的利益，但这些地区是互相开放的范围，而非排他的或封闭的王国。这一维持和平的战略体系并不妨碍一个地区的传统发展渠道。在这种格局中，门户开放的自由资本主义能够同共产主义及改革后的欧洲帝国主义（英、法）共存。鉴于丘吉尔已在1944年10月初前去苏联与斯大林达成了一个“可憎的”关于战后欧洲“势力范围的百分比”协议，罗斯福更倾向于他的规划具有消毒性甚至解毒性的功用。罗斯福基于自己的理念，认为他们两人间的这种协议对欧洲和平和人类文明具有毒害性。具体而言，罗斯福设想在战后世界格局中，美国将主宰西半球、太平洋和日本，英法两国将看管西欧，并充当前殖民地的“托管国”。苏联则将维护东欧及其邻近的曾在沙俄控制下的东北亚部分地区的安全。国民党中国暂时还不能有效地控制这一地区，因为它本身有待从日本侵略中恢复，同时还受到内战的威胁。罗斯福希望一个复原后的中国能逐步在这一世界体系中发挥更大的作用。同时，他敏感地意识到，斯大林仍怀疑有一个以美英为主的威胁苏联的国际阴谋。他要做得让苏联没话说。

罗斯福清醒地看到，斯大林更多的是基于这种怀疑而固化了自我防范意识，他的许多扩张行为都是打着增加苏联自身安全系数的旗号而进行的。因此，罗斯福就设想凭借自己的道义权威和在国际上所产生的信任程度，以积极的行动迫使莫斯科没有理由继续高举这一旗号。但同时他不能不承认，由于第二次世界大战的后果，由于欧洲诸国一言难尽的抵抗运动，苏军在击溃德军主体部分的同时已顺势控制了东欧——即将被作为苏联西边一条宽广的军事和政治缓冲地区的“铁幕”。这是一种无法改变的现实，爽快地承认也许还能增进好感和顺延战时的合作，同时还可以满足美国的舆论。

与那些批评者的观点相反，罗斯福积极地做了限制苏联势力拓展的努力。他拒绝让苏联分享原子弹的秘密；主张美军驻扎在德国南部，赞同丘吉尔对巴尔干的安排；在波兰疆界和波兰政府组成上与斯大林激烈讨价还价；对敦巴顿橡树园会议遗留问题持理智态度，争取美国在太平洋和大西洋获得空军和海军基地；坚持把中国当作大国而不顾英苏的揶揄和反对，以便用作对付苏联的一支抗衡力量，等等。这些在雅尔塔会议及其前后的表现，无一不反映了罗斯福对付莫斯科的良苦用心。

罗斯福在1941～1945年间的对华政策是其全球战略的一个有机构件。赫尔国务卿说，美国对华政策的目标有两个。第一是有效地进行战争。第二是为了准备一个战后组织以及建立东方的稳定和繁荣，承认并促使中国成为一个与西方三大国（美、英、俄）具有同等地位的主要大国。显然，罗斯福战时对华政策包含着短期的和战后的双重考虑。短期政策即从各个方面增加援华的力度，以“维持中国继续抗战”或使中国成为“抗日的有效基地”。这样首先是具有军事意义——通过把数量众多的日军牵制在中国，来减轻太平洋战场美军的压力；其次是具有心理上的意义——它对“影响亚洲人民对联合国家的态度肯定是有帮助的”。罗斯福在1943年9月对韦尔斯说：“尽管委员长的军事眼光可能有局限，他的军队仗打得不好，但他是使中国军队能在战场上打日本人的唯一领袖。”1944年5月，他向斯大林转达口信说：“蒋是使中国能够团结一致的唯一人物，因而他的政府不应遭到破坏。”

但是，蒋介石设想的中美关系模式是把美援作为自己的“固定资产”囤积起来，专心致力于中国内部的反共斗争，以强固独裁政治；由美国承担起支持和保卫国民党政权的义务，并通过美日的直接对抗来解决中日战争。这就决定了蒋介石是不会与美国的短期政策真诚地配合的。为了自圆其说或搪塞美方，蒋介石在1941年致罗斯福的回信中称：国民党的抗战负有双重使命，“一方面须驱日军于国境之外，一方面复需阻止共产主义在国境之内蔓延。”当罗斯福通过多种渠道认识到蒋介石政权及其军队那些令人沮丧的深重弊端后，他试图有效地介入中国的国内政治，减少内耗或国共内战爆发的可能性，以利于对日作战的共同目标。但是，罗斯福是以他自己的价值观和现实打算为出发点来寻求对中国政治的理解的，并试图以这种介入把国共两党按美国式的框架撮合到一起。其结果自然是美、蒋和中国共产党三方都不满意。毛泽东曾对谢伟思说过，美国没有办法不实行干涉，唯一的问题是这种干涉的性质。罗斯福运用派私人特使访华、向延安派美军观察组、威胁削弱对蒋介石政权的援助等等手法，都未能达到自己期望的结果。这主要是因为他未能触摸到中国内部革命的本质的东西，这些手法也没有触及中国革命的深层和底蕴。他在试图采取自认为是强有力的决定性行动时，也仍然摆脱不出一个限定的分析框架。譬如，罗斯福已经意识到蒋介石不可能与自己休戚与共，并在对蒋的憎恶与腻烦无法排遣时，曾对史迪威建议把蒋“干掉算了”，但他所设想的继任者仍是国民党集团中的人。对此，连美国学者罗伯特·梅斯尔也认为，“这种无力将战前的思想模式加以发展以适应因战争所引起的形势变化的情形，说明了罗斯福思想的局限性。”其结果是美蒋双边关系往往从一个过高的期望开始，继而进入一个艰难的、停滞不前的工作关系，最后终因双方都大感失望而跌入一个互相指责甚至怨恨的泥沼。双方同床异梦，连“暂时的同路人”都没做成。

罗斯福越来越认识到，他的能力有限，并不能影响中国的事态发展。先欧后亚战略也使他不能过多地加大影响的力度。当1944年的情况清楚地表明，蒋介石的战略是不抗日时，而且，甚至作为进攻基地的中国有可能丢失时，罗斯福强烈要求蒋介石把所有中国军队的指挥权交给史迪威将军。然而到了秋天，罗斯福又决定迁就蒋介石，这主要是出于政治上的着眼或战后远东政治格局的考虑。另外，斯大林答应德国投降后几个月出兵东北，减轻了中国有效军事行动的重要性，于是罗斯福已不再期望蒋介石做出重要的军事贡献，充其量让其维持现状，把中国作为进取日本的基地。他担心在史迪威的委派问题上采取直接对抗会加速蒋介石的垮台，这可能会使他的战后世界安排陷入极大的混乱。时值大选期间，此举可能引起攻讦。

罗斯福此时对中国事务的主要兴趣已转变到战后的长远考虑上。他开始重视中国在战后的作用问题。他相信中国对于说服美国舆论同意在国际事务中发挥主要作用是有价值的，并且相信在联合国或者可能像在日本和朝鲜这样的共同占领地区，中国能成为在政治上考验苏联意向的一个有用的平衡舵，因此他主张给中国以一种被费正清称之为“形式上的非实质性的”大国地位。考虑到国民党的垮台或中国发生内战会破坏这一计划，罗斯福也极力主张成立联合政府。他明白，由于蒋介石的反对将使这个主张难以实现。如果要蒋介石在同有苏联背景的共产党打内战中可能遭到垮台和在苏美支持下由国民党领导的联合政府间做出抉择的话，蒋会选择后者。罗伯特·达莱克认为，罗斯福像所有其他同中国打交道的美国政治家和军事首脑一样，错误地设想那样的联合政府是可以实现的目标。事实上，无论是美国还是苏联，都没有力量强求这个结果。

但是，达莱克的话似乎有点绝对。副总统华莱士尽管在严厉指责蒋介石政府是“一个由地主、军阀和银行家支持的没落愚顽的政府”的同时，也不得不承认目前能够做到的，只是设法影响蒋介石“采纳中国进步人士所指导的政策，以唤起民众支持并把新活力注入中国的抗战努力中。”但是，华莱士清醒地认识到，对蒋介石充其量不过是一项短期的投资。认为他并没有治理战后中国的智慧或政治力量。战后中国的领袖将在政治演变或革命中涌现出来，而现在看来更可能是出于后者。

罗斯福的战后世界安排广泛地涉及到殖民地问题。他预见到战后民族独立浪潮的高涨，认定英、法、荷老殖民主义帝国难以照旧维持下去，而美国则可乘虚而入甚至取而代之。他似乎相信，可以用“开明而仁慈的美国渗透”取代旧的殖民主义国家的残酷的掠夺，而无论对当地人民还是对美国商业都是有利的。他忌恨大英帝国特惠制，指责欧洲殖民帝国的银行家们把世界贸易“牢牢地装在自己的口袋里的时间太久了”。他呼吁丘吉尔为“健康的竞争”开放市场，并废除各种英帝国贸易协定。对此，丘吉尔寸步不让。当美国代表在雅尔塔会议上提出托管制方案时，勃然大怒的丘吉尔指出，在任何情况下，决不允许联合国插手干涉不列颠帝国的命脉。理查德·霍夫施塔特评论道：罗斯福反对殖民主义帝国所作的“一切似乎都富于特色——非常同情受压迫的殖民地、开明和提供福利的理想以及为促进美国利益的老谋深算……美国对世界市场新的征服也完全可以在国际繁荣的旗帜下进行。”

1944年下半年，美军在太平洋战场上又取得重大胜利。经过世界海战史上规模最大的莱特湾大海战，日军的航空母舰全部被歼，从此一蹶不振的日本海军就不起多大作用了。1945年1月9日，声势浩大的美军在菲律宾登陆，向马尼拉推进。在这期间，美国的B-29重型轰炸机频繁空袭日本本土，加速了日本战争经济的崩溃和日本帝国主义的失败。在欧洲战场上，苏军已在1945年初将德军赶回柏林地区，波兰和东欧的大部分已经解放，西线德军在阿登地区的反扑被彻底粉碎，意大利战区的盟军正计划北进，三面受敌的德国的失败已成定局。

战时盟国间的猜忌、矛盾和利益冲突伴着胜利的即将来临必然地加大了。罗斯福已经多次建议尽早举行三国首脑会议。在征得对方同意后，罗斯福与斯大林就会址的选定问题在频繁的电报来往中协商了多次。斯大林最大的让步是在苏联南部的黑海海滨雅尔塔举行会议。这样，身体极度衰弱的罗斯福又得远涉重洋——先需要在海上航行为期十天的4883英里，再飞行1375英里，然后才能到达满目疮痍、卫生条件和其他设施极差的雅尔塔。丘吉尔抱怨说，即使我们花十年时间去寻找，在世界上也找不到比雅尔塔更糟糕的地方——那里只对斑疹、伤寒和要命的虱子有利。

罗斯福一行于１月23日乘“昆西号”巡洋舰横渡大西洋。途中为总统的六十三岁生日举办了欢庆会，全体船员向总统赠送了一个由铜弹壳制成的烟灰缸。总统的女儿安娜·伯蒂格夫人在旅途中照料父亲。会议从２月４日开到２月11日。

罗斯福的雅尔塔之行对他每况愈下的健康状况而言，更是雪上加霜。孜孜于自己的规划和理想的罗斯福似乎在和已经不多的飞逝的时光赛跑。在雅尔塔，丘吉尔的医生莫兰勋爵认为，“他是个病情很重的人。他的症状是动脉硬化，已经发展到了晚期，因此我觉得他只能再活几个月了。”

第二节  罗斯福于1945年在白宫的第四次就职演讲

Saturday, January 20, 1945

Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, my friends,

you will understand and, I believe, agree with my wish that the form of this inauguration be simple and its words brief.

We Americans of today, together with our allies, are passing through a period of supreme test. It is a test of our courage—of our resolve—of our wisdom—our essential democracy. If we meet that test—successfully and honorably—we shall perform a service of historic importance which men and women and children will honor throughout all time.

As I stand here today, having taken the solemn oath of office in the presence of my fellow countrymen—in the presence of our God—I know that it is America’s purpose that we shall not fail.

In the days and in the years that are to come we shall work for a just and honorable peace, a durable peace, as today we work and fight for total victory in war. We can and we will achieve such a peace.

We shall strive for perfection. We shall not achieve it immediately— but we still shall strive. We may make mistakes—but they must never be mistakes which result from faintness of heart or abandonment of moral principle.

I remember that my old schoolmaster, Dr. Peabody, said, in days that seemed to us then to be secure and untroubled: “Things in life will not always run smoothly. Sometimes we will be rising toward the heights—then all will seem to reverse itself and start downward. The great fact to remember is that the trend of civilization itself is forever upward; that a line drawn through the middle of the peaks and the valleys of the centuries always has an upward trend.”

Our Constitution of 1787 was not a perfect instrument; it is not perfect yet. But it provided a firm base upon which all manner of men, of all races and colors and creeds, could build our solid structure of democracy.

And so today, in this year of war, 1945, we have learned lessons—at a fearful cost—and we shall profit by them.

We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away.

We have learned that we must live as men, not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger.

We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.

We have learned the simple truth, as Emerson said, that “The only way to have a friend is to be one.”

We can gain no lasting peace if we approach it with suspicion and mistrust or with fear. We can gain it only if we proceed with the understanding, the confidence, and the courage which flow from conviction.

The Almighty God has blessed our land in many ways. He has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth. He has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished world.

So we pray to Him now for the vision to see our way clearly—to see the way that leads to a better life for ourselves and for all our fellow men—to the achievement of His will to peace on earth.

1945年1月20日，星期六

首席大法官先生、副总统先生、朋友们：

你们会理解，而且我相信也会赞同我的愿望，把这次就职典礼办成一个简简单单的仪式，而我则只发表一个简短的演说。

我们今天的美国人和我们的盟友一道，正经历一个最为严峻的考验时期。这是一次对我们的勇气、决心和智慧的考验，也是一次对我们根本性的民主制的考验。我们若能成功而光荣地经受住这次考验，那我们就可以创造具有重要历史意义的业绩，受到人民世世代代的纪念。

今天，我伫立于此，在我国同胞的面前，在我们上帝的面前，进行了庄严的就职宣誓。当此之际，我深知美国的目标要求我们决不能失败。

在未来的岁月里，我们要致力于建设一种公正而光荣的和平，建设一种持久的和平，就像我们今天正在为战争的彻底胜利而工作和战斗一样。我们能够而且必将获得这样一种和平。

我们要为完美的局面而奋斗。我们不会马上达到目标，但我们仍要为之奋斗。我们也许会犯下错误，但我们决不能因为丧失意志和抛弃道义原则而犯错误。

我记得，在我们似乎感到安稳无忧的日子里，我们的老校长皮博迪博士（注：皮博迪“Peabody”，罗斯福在马萨诸塞州格罗顿中学时的校长，对罗斯福影响很深，他曾于三十年后说“校长夫妇对我的影响仅次于我母亲”。）说过：“生活中的事情并不总是一帆风顺的。有时我们眼看就要登上顶峰，可是情况似乎很快急转直下，又开始走下坡路了。但我们要牢记一个重要事实：文明本身的趋向永远是向上的，如果从数个世纪的高峰和低谷之间划出的中线来看，这条线一直都是呈上升趋势的。”

我们1787年的宪法并不是一份完美无缺的文献，而且它至今仍未尽善尽美。但它却提供了一个坚实的基础，供不同种族、不同肤色、不同信仰的各式各样的人们来建立一个牢固的民主大厦。

因此，在今天，在1945年这个战争的年头，我们用可怕的代价换取了若干教训，我们会从中获益不浅。

我们懂得，单凭我们自己是无法生活在和平之中的，我们自己的富足有赖于相距遥远的其他国家的富足。

我们懂得，我们必须像人一样生活，而不是作为鸵鸟，或是马槽里的狗。（注：马槽里的狗“dog sin the manger”，指自己不吃马草料却躺在马槽里不让马吃的狗，典出《伊索寓言》。后指独占财富而不与他人分享的人。）

我们懂得了要做世界的公民，要成为整个人类社会的成员。

我们懂得了一个简单的真理，也就是爱默生（注：生卒1803—1882年，美国哲人，著有《论自助》、《人生法则》等。）所说的：“只有当朋友，才能交朋友。”

我们在谋求和平时，如果疑虑重重、互不信任和心怀畏惧，也就不能获得持久的和平。只有满怀来自于信念的理解、信任和勇气而走向和平，我们才能获得持久的和平。

全能的上帝一直以各种方式赐福于我们的国家。他赋予我们的人民坚强的意志和有力的双手，用以为自由和真理而打退各种强大的进攻。他赋予我们的国家一种信仰，在一个苦难深重的世界里，这种信仰已成为各国人民的希望。

因此，我们现在向上帝祈祷，祈求它赐给我们远见，让我们看清我们的道路——一条使我们自己和全人类通向更加美好的生活的道路——一条通往实现上帝意愿和世界和平的道路。

第三节  精彩语录

In the days and in the years that are to come we shall work for a just and honorable peace, a durable peace, as today we work and fight for total victory in war.

在未来的岁月里，我们要致力于建设一种公正而光荣的和平，建设一种持久的和平，就像我们今天正在为战争的彻底胜利而工作和战斗一样。

We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away.

我们懂得，单凭我们自己是无法生活在和平之中的，我们自己的富足有赖于相距遥远的其他国家的富足。

We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.

我们懂得了要做世界的公民，要成为整个人类社会的成员。

We can gain it only if we proceed with the understanding, the confidence, and the courage which flow from conviction.

只有满怀来自于信念的理解、信任和勇气而走向和平，我们才能获得持久的和平。

The Almighty God has blessed our land in many ways. He has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth. He has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished world.

全能的上帝一直以各种方式赐福于我们的国家。他赋予我们的人民坚强的意志和有力的双手，用以为自由和真理而打退各种强大的进攻。他赋予我们的国家一种信仰，在一个苦难深重的世界里，这种信仰已成为各国人民的希望。

布什演说

出版说明

自1776年《独立宣言》发表至今，美国建国已有两百三十多年。在这一历史阶段中，先后产生了四十四任总统。作为总统共和制国家的美国，其总统兼国家元首和政府首脑双重身份于一身，其在三权分立的国家政治架构中拥有极大的权力和影响力，在国家政治生活中拥有举足轻重的地位。正如美国第二十六任总统西奥多·罗斯福所说，美国总统是“国王和总理大臣的统一体”。

在美国，演讲是任何一个准备从政的人士必须具备的基本技能。无论地方议会议员、地方行政首脑还是美国联邦国会议员乃至美国总统，都是通过以演讲为基本形式的竞选活动产生的，这就决定了演讲这种活动在美国政治生活中的重大意义。而作为国家最高领导人的美国总统，他们的演讲往往在表明个人政治见解和基本立场、展露自身意志品质和性格特点的同时，在某种程度上还代表了美国的制度设计与价值观念、反映了美国的文化背景与社会演变。他们的演讲大都是针对当时美国所面临的国内外重大问题，讨论国家内政外交政策的优劣得失，表明解决问题的态度，指出今后的施政方向，激励和动员美国人民克服困难、奋力前行。从美国总统的演讲中，我们可以看到他们对时代潮流的认识、把握和对国家意志的充分表达，可以看到他们的政治才华和不同的人格魅力，还可以看到美国在其国家发展所经历的一个又一个时代转折点上，怎样面对困难、迎接挑战、坚韧不拔，一步步走向成功与成熟。

美国总统的演讲事先大多经过了精心的准备，语言精炼、用词规范、措辞讲究、逻辑严密，不但文采斐然、优美动人，而且有的放矢、言之有物。同时，每个总统的演讲都具有鲜明的个性特色。有的晓之以理，发人深省；有的动之以情，感人肺腑；有的则充满思辨，促使人们对人生、社会乃至世界进行更深层次的思考。

《美国总统演讲系列》丛书，重点选取了美国自成立以来几位重要总统的演讲，其中既有他们的就职演讲、卸任演讲，也有他们在重大事件发生时发表的演讲以及针对一些特定案例向公众发表的演讲等。选取这些演讲，并不代表我们认同其所包含的思想倾向或价值取向，只是想帮助广大读者从这些演讲中，加深对美国国情、美国社会的了解。相信广大读者在对这些演讲进行欣赏的同时，一定会对其反映出的世界观、价值观等做出正确的分析和判断。

编  者

2014年5月

前  言

备受争议仍坚定信念前美国总统乔治·布什的长子、德州州长小布什于2001年1月20日在美国首都华盛顿宣誓就任美国第四十三任总统。小布什是美国有史以来最受争议的总统，在有些人看来小布什毫无才能，讲话屡屡出错，根本不是当总统的材料。但就是这样一个不被一些人看好的人，不仅当上了美国总统，而且还当得风生水起。

亚当斯父子先后当选美国第二任和第六任总统，期间相隔二十八年。小布什当选总统时，仅与其父亲就任总统相隔八年。他创造了神话，使布什家族成为美国第二个“一门两总统”的家族，与美国第二任总统亚当斯家族前后辉映。

小布什作为21世纪美国首任总统，翻开了美国历史新的一页。小布什被《时代》杂志列为2000年和2004年的年度风云人物，认为他是这两年中世界上最具影响力的人物。

小布什是过去百年间入主白宫前公职生涯最短的总统之一。大器晚成的小布什从一个放荡不羁的纨绔子弟，摇身一变成为位高权重的美国总统，其人生经历了一段奇特的过程。日后的历史学家也许会将小布什的从政经历称为最神奇的通往白宫之途。

小布什入主白宫后，任命大批保守派的成员，其中大部分是其父亲老布什担任总统时期的旧臣，使其内阁成为自里根总统以来最保守的一届政府。因此，有人将小布什上台与其新政府班子的组成称之为“复辟”。此外，他还全面否定克林顿政府实行已达八年的内外政策，把自己一套保守的政纲带进白宫。对内，他全面推销减税政策；对外，他实行以美国为中心的单边主义。他的一系列政策对美国的内政外交产生了深远影响，同时也给他带来正反不一的评价。

从第一个总统任期开始，小布什即以连任为己任，誓必要打破历史上的总统父子兵只在白宫做一任的历史宿命。从小布什当上总统的那天起，美国媒体与政治分析家们就在分析猜测他是否会步其父亲老布什的后尘，或是能够打破历史的宿命。小布什是带着人们的疑问尴尬上台的，美国有近半数的选民，特别是民主党的支持者质疑他当总统的合法性。小布什上台后不到半年，美国媒体与公众对他处理内外事务的不满一直在增长。当佛蒙特州的联邦参议员杰福兹因不满布什政府的内外政策而宣布退出共和党成为独立参议员时，参议院的控制权转到民主党手中，从而使国会与媒体对小布什的批评更加严厉。他的民意支持率下滑到他上任以来的最低点，许多人开始预测他可能像他老爸一样，只有在白宫待四年的命。

就在小布什的内外政策遭到众多批评，他的民意支持率不断下降时，突然发生的“9·11”恐怖袭击事件震撼了美国与世界。“9·11”恐怖袭击事件改变了一切，它不仅改变了美国在21世纪初的政治生态、社会面貌与历史方向，也改变了小布什在美国人民心目中的地位，并由此改变了他个人的政治命运。

“9·11”恐怖袭击事件之后，布什的认可度不断跃升，一度超过85%，并且在攻击后的四个月里一直维持在80%～90%的比例。但自此之后，布什在处理国内和国外政策上的民调认可度持续下跌，到2006年已经跌至大约40%，使他创下历史上美国总统认可度的最低纪录。面对民调的大起大落他坦然应对，尽管他的声望持续下降，但是布什执着地认为，历史对其执政业绩的裁定在其死后多年才会最终揭晓。

以“9·11”为转折点，小布什成为21世纪美国的首位战争总统。作为一位战争总统，他的威望与权力在反恐战争中得到空前的提高与膨胀。几乎所有的政治分析家与研究美国总统的历史学者都认为，作为一位战争总统，小布什在历史上的地位将由他在伊拉克的实践与结果来确定。伊拉克战争将是小布什留给他个人以及美国人民最大的一笔历史遗产。

布什执掌白宫八年，对外政策总体上乏善可陈，唯一的亮点是他的对华政策，在他的任期内美国与中国的关系获得重大改善。美国共和与民主两党人士和外交政策智库学者都认为布什的对华政策是成功的。

布什虽然已经下野成为一介平民，但他执政八年对美国及世界的影响是深远的，而且这种影响还会持续相当长的一段时间。不论人们是否喜欢他，他在白宫任内的八年，已成为美国和世界政治历史的一部分。如果没有他执政的八年，也不会有今天奥巴马的执政、变革与新政。当今与后世的政治学家和历史学家还会继续关注研究小布什执政的八年。

回望小布什执政的八年，可谓褒贬不一。有人认为他是美国历史上最倒霉的总统，刚上台就遇到美国有史以来最大的恐怖袭击“9·11”，下台时又赶上美国最严重的金融风暴。可以说他是在灾难中上台，在灾难中离任。还有人认为他是一位糟糕的总统，他在任内发动了两场战争，其中的伊拉克战争让美国深陷战争泥潭。经济上他并没有做出正确的决策，致使美国经济陷入历史上最严重的危机之中。总之，小布什是美国历史上最受争议的一位总统。

小布什政府虽然在决策上存在一定的失误，但把所有犯错的板子都打在小布什的屁股上，未免过于偏颇。小布什是一个具有坚定信念的人，他有自己的目标，并且渴望在其任内实现内心的目标，发挥一国领导人的作用。他的这种信念促使他做出了一些重大决策，然而这些决策在其他人看来是不协调的。在一个民主国家中，很多政治家为了选票，而最终放弃了自己的信念屈从于民意，这样的例子比比皆是。

每一个具有坚定信念的人都是孤独的，世上很少有人会对一个拥有坚定信念的人表示理解。这正是小布什饱受争议的原因之一。据某民意机构调查，美国有72%的民众认为小布什是好人，他不仅是一个好人，而且是一个具有强烈人格魅力的好人，他的这种人格魅力远超其他政治领导人。

相信大家都不会忘记这位总统，在他的任期内发生了太多让人无法忘怀的事，这些事不止影响了美国本土，甚至波及全世界。布什这位21世纪之初最受瞩目的美国总统，在一片唏嘘声中上任，在一片争议声中卸任，面对人们的指责与不屑，他毫不退缩依然坚持自己的信念，带领着美国人闯过一个又一个难关。

第一章  自由和团结

第一节  背景介绍

1946年7月6日，乔治·沃克·布什生于美国康涅狄格州，在德克萨斯州米德兰市和休斯敦市长大。他的祖父是华尔街一位富有的金融家，曾是国会（共和党）参议院议员。其父亲为美国第五十一届总统乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什。十八岁的小布什中学毕业后，进入耶鲁大学主修历史学，后成为耶鲁大学著名的骷髅会成员。毕业后小布什进入得克萨斯州国民警卫队空军，成为一名战斗机驾驶员，1973年离开空军。

小布什于1994年11月8日当选为得克萨斯州州长，四年后再次当选得州州长。2000年11月，小布什作为共和党总统候选人，在美国历史上竞争最为激烈的总统选举中战胜民主党总统候选人戈尔，当选美国第五十四届四十三任总统。2001年1月20日小布什正式宣誓就职入主白宫。他是继美国第六任总统约翰·昆西·亚当斯之后，第二位踏着父亲的足迹走进白宫的总统。因此，人们称他为小布什，称其父亲为老布什。

小布什一直强调公立学校要对教学成果负起责任。在上任总统后他便开始积极筹措一项名为“不让任何孩子落后”的教育法案，这个法案也得到了民主党参议员泰德·肯尼迪的支持。第一任期里小布什增加了对国家科学基金会和国家卫生研究院的资金援助，并且开办了一些用以增强美国高中学生科学和数学学科能力的活动。不过，对国家卫生研究院的资金援助由于2004年和2005年的通货膨胀而无法维持，不得不扣减了其中一部分预算。在第二届任期里，布什开始了大规模的社会福利改革，当时美国的社会福利制度已经面临空前的预算赤字。国会和媒体都把社会福利改革视为是一项棘手的议题，由于担忧遭致公众的反弹，很少有人会想试图改变之，然而布什仍然展开了改革，并将其作为第一优先处理的议题。社会福利一直被视为是民主党的领域，共和党则被指控曾在过去试图将之解散或民营化。在2005年的总统就职演说中，布什讨论到了社会福利制度即将破产的可能性，并且批评政治的偏见妨碍了改革的进展。他提议应该让人们有机会选择从他们的社会福利税款里挪出一部分来投资其他领域，让那些钱花在更有意义的地方以促进经济成长。尽管布什不断强调改革拥有万全的预防措施和配套计划，依然有些人批评他的提议花费过高。

布什的政府组成人员是美国历史上最多元的政府之一，包括了从没有过的拉丁美洲裔司法部部长和华裔商务部部长，还有康多莉扎·赖斯，她是第一位成为政府部长级的非洲裔。此外，小布什还挽留了遭受了大量批评，同时还被许多国会议员要求下台的国防部部长唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德。

布什在2005年8月极具争议性地提名了约翰·博尔顿任美国驻联合国大使，这项提名遭到民主党议员的阻挠。于是布什使用了相当罕见的停会任命手段，使博尔顿得以顺利就职。民主党则批评这是滥用总统权力的作法。

在国际上布什也遭遇了许多批评。全球的反战和反全球化人士将其做为主要的批评对象，他的外交政策尤其饱受批评，布什在各地的外交行程常遭遇大规模的抗议示威。

不过，美国保守派选民还是坚定地支持小布什，同时他还得到了军人和主战派的支持。在2004年的选举中，95%～99%的共和党选民都认可了他。不过，由于布什在控制联邦开销和移民议题上的疏失，共和党人对他的支持也开始有所下跌。许多共和党人批评布什在伊拉克战争上的政策，以及伊朗和巴勒斯坦领土的议题。

从当选美国总统开始，小布什的智力水平就成为许多媒体和公众津津乐道的话题，有些人甚至质疑布什的智商过低。更有甚者经常引出布什在各种公开演讲中犯下的一些文法错误和语无伦次，布什在发音上的一些错误也常被反布什的媒体和人士做为笑柄。其实，早在2000年的总统选举中，布什的发音错误和语无伦次、自造词汇就成为了电视脱口秀节目嘲笑的话题。不过，小布什并不是第一个遭受此批评的美国总统。

毫无疑问，老布什是一位杰出的政治家，即使是如此高龄，他依然可以在十分钟之内，总结出世界上热点问题的精华部分，令人叹服。而小布什则是“平民”“牛仔”的风格，这也是他本性的流露，他从不装腔作势。

第二节  布什于2001年在白宫的第一次就职演讲

Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.

As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.

I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America’s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.

We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.

The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.

Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.

Through much of the last century, America’s faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.

Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.

While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.

We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.

I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.

And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.

America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.

Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation’s promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.

America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.

Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty, because in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.

But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.

We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.

America, at its best, is also courageous.

Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.

Together, we will reclaim America’s schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.

We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.

We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.

We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.

The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.

America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation’s promise.

And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.

And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.

Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.

Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.

And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor’s touch or a pastor’s prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.

Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.

And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.

Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.

We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.

Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.

Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.

I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.

In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.

What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.

Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.

After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”

Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation’s grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.

We are not this story’s author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.

Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.

This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.

God bless you all, and God bless America.

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们：

这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。

首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。

站在这里我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。

在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置。我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒的理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。

这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为。

美国人民肩负着一种使命，要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。

在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。

在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心，并且不断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育、潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。

我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法允许它的存在。我们的团结和统一是每一代领导人和每一个公民严肃的使命。在此我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。

我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝平等地按自己的意向创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。

对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。

血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想才能使我们心系一处，超越自我，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色。

今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。

美国在最鼎盛时期也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。

有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。

但是，对美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导。如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。

我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择——在批评声中赢得信任，在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。

美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。

在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。

我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多年轻的生命。

我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。

我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。

我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。

反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民展示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。

正处在鼎盛时期的美国并不缺乏同情心。当我们静心思考，我们就会明白根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。

无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。

监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望——人人遵纪守法。

哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。

对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。

有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。

我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。

我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上时，我们决不会袖手旁观。

正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。

鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。

我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终的自由。

我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务、家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数默默无闻正义的行为，正是它们指引我们走向自由。

在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由每一个人来完成的。

我为人处事的原则是：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。

我要通过这一切，用我们历史上的传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。

你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益；要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。

美国人民慷慨、强大、正义，这并非因为我们信任自己，而是因为我们拥有超越自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。

在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说：“我们知道身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗？”

杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了，时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。

我们不是这个故事的作者，是作者杰斐逊本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们大家正在通过自身的努力履行着各自的职责。

带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。

这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国！

第三节  精彩语录

Everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.

每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为。

A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.

一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。

We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.

我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择——在批评声中赢得信任，在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。

Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.

鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。

We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.

我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终的自由。

第二章  人人都能当总统

第一节  背景介绍

美国耶鲁大学建校三百周年时，刚当选总统的小布什应邀担任毕业礼演讲嘉宾。根据耶鲁大学的规定，正式毕业礼是没有演讲嘉宾的，除非校方决定对现任总统授予名誉学位，在小布什以前肯尼迪和老布什都曾如此发过言。

小布什对耶鲁的态度和感情是十分复杂的。他的大学生活远不如他的父亲精彩风光，但小布什与人交往大度的天性并没有因此受到影响。他开始结识很多人并与他们建立了亲密的友谊。他凭着对棒球浓厚的兴趣及高超的球技，跟他的父亲老布什一样也当上了棒球队队长。他在大一时就为耶鲁大学棒球队效力，担任投球手。在某些方面小布什也显示出过人的才华。他刚被吸纳为大学生联谊会会员时，老会员给新会员出难题，叫他们背诵联谊会创始会员的名字，其他人只能背出三四个，而小布什竟然一口气说出了全部的人名。毕业时，他已经是联谊会的会长，这个联谊会是校园里最崇拜运动员的一个团体。

在耶鲁时，小布什由于受学校反叛文化影响，在生活中他表现出叛逆的一面。他曾两次被抓到警察局，第一次是在一家商店门口偷走了圣诞花环挂在他们联谊会的门上，第二次是在一次足球比赛后和一帮朋友推倒了普林斯顿大学的球门柱。为此，他还被《耶鲁时报》评为公众人物。

虽然小布什在学习方面一直不是很有长进，但他人缘很好极受欢迎。美国人非常看重别人对自己的印象，他们一直非常推崇受大家喜欢的人，因此，他们总是希望能同别人无拘无束地接触，甚至结识更多的朋友。他们在互相交往时，不喜欢服从别人，也不喜欢别人过分客气地恭维自己。他们最担心的是被别人视为不易亲近而受到孤立，这对平民百姓来说，意味着寂寞；对于政客们来说，则代表着竞选的失败。而这一点对于小布什无论从政前还是从政后都不成问题，他极具亲和力，他那乐观开朗的性格成为他后来进入政界广受群众爱戴的资本。

小布什在耶鲁大学的发言，为他赢尽了掌声。他在致辞中回忆了自己的耶鲁岁月，还不断自嘲拿自己的C等平均分作笑话，坦言读书时只顾着参加聚会，耽误了学业。小布什还开起了中途退学的副总统切尼的玩笑，说自己因为有耶鲁学位，所以做了总统，切尼没有拿到学位，就只能当副总统。这类美式幽默令场内人士十分受用，除了缓和气氛，也巧妙地显示出自己不是以总统身份讲话，而是以一个成绩糟糕的师兄身份来自白的，他说自己从小就不确定自己要当什么。他在祝福成绩优秀的毕业生之余，更祝福那些以C等成绩毕业的学生，因为人人都有可能当总统。他的演讲引来阵阵笑声和掌声，连当天在场的示威者也忍俊不禁。

最后，演讲在出奇和谐的气氛中结束。无论是校方还是小布什，既要做门面功夫，又对这种行为自嘲，对示威学生的态度更是唯恐他们不来，这样可以确保大学里的批判思想能同时得以被尊重。这是毕业前的最后一课，就算四年大学生涯中一节课也没上过，这一节课也值了。

第二节  布什于2001年在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的演讲

President Levin, thank you very much. Dean Brodhead, fellows of the Yale Corporation, fellow Yale parents, families, and graduates:

It’s a special privilege to receive this honorary degree. I was proud 33 years ago to receive my first Yale degree. I’m even prouder that in your eyes I’ve earned this one.

I congratulate my fellow honorees. I’m pleased to share this honor with such a distinguished group. I’m particularly pleased to be here with my friend, the former of Mexico. Senor Presidente, usted es un verdadero lider, y un gran amigo.（Bush addresses former Mexican president Ernesto Zedillo in Spanish）

I congratulate all the parents who are here. It’s a glorious day when your child graduates from college. It’s a great day for you; it’s a great day for your wallet.

Most important, congratulations to the class of 2001. To those of you who received honors, awards, and distinctions, I say, well done. And to the C students—I say, you, too, can be President of the United States. A Yale degree is worth a lot, as I often remind Dick Cheney—who studied here, but left a little early. So now we know—if you graduate from Yale, you become President. If you drop out, you get to be Vice President.

I appreciate so very much the chance to say a few words on this occasion. I know Yale has a tradition of having no commencement speaker. I also know that you’ve carved out a single exception. Most people think that to speak at Yale’s commencement, you have to be President. But over the years, the specifications have become far more demanding. Now you have to be a Yale graduate, you have to be President, and you have had to have lost the Yale vote to Ralph Nader.

This is my first time back here in quite a while. I’m sure that each of you will make your own journey back at least a few times in your life. If you’re like me, you won’t remember everything you did here. That can be a good thing. But there will be some people, and some moments, you will never forget.

Take, for example, my old classmate, Dick Brodhead, the accomplished dean of this great university. I remember him as a young scholar, a bright lad—a hard worker. We both put a lot of time in at the Sterling Library, in the reading room, where they have those big leather couches. We had a mutual understanding—Dick wouldn’t read aloud, and I wouldn’t snore.

Our course selections were different, as we followed our own path to academic discovery. Dick was an English major, and loved the classics. I loved history, and pursued a diversified course of study. I like to think of it as the academic road less traveled. For example, I took a class that studied Japanese Haiku. Haiku, for the uninitiated, is a 15th century form of poetry, each poem having 17 syllables. Haiku is fully understood only by the Zen masters. As I recall, one of my academic advisers was worried about my selection of such a specialized course. He said I should focus on English. I still hear that quite often. But my critics don’t realize I don’t make verbal gaffes. I’m speaking in the perfect forms and rhythms of ancient Haiku.

I did take English here, and I took a class called“The History and Practice of American Oratory,”taught by Rollin G. Osterweis. And, President Levin, I want to give credit where credit is due. I want the entire world to know this—everything I know about the spoken word, I learned right here at Yale.

As a student, I tried to keep a low profile. It worked. Last year the New York Times interviewed John Morton Blum because the record showed I had taken one of his courses. Casting his mind’s eye over the parade of young faces down through the years, Professor Blum said, and I quote,“I don’t have the foggiest recollection of him.”

But I remember Professor Blum. And I still recall his dedication and high standards of learning. In my time there were many great professors at Yale. And there still are. They’re the ones who keep Yale going after the commencements, after we have all gone our separate ways. I’m not sure I remembered to thank them the last time I was here, but now that I have a second chance, I thank the professors of Yale University.

That’s how I’ve come to feel about the Yale experience—grateful. I studied hard, I played hard, and I made a lot of lifelong friends. What stays with you from college is the part of your education you hardly ever notice at the time. It’s the expectations and examples around you, the ideals you believe in, and the friends you make.

In my time, they spoke of the“Yale man”. I was really never sure what that was. But I do think that I’m a better man because of Yale. All universities, at their best, teach that degrees and honors are far from the full measure of life. Nor is that measure taken in wealth or in titles. What matters most are the standards you live by, the consideration you show others, and the way you use the gifts you are given.

Now you leave Yale behind, carrying the written proof of your success here, at a college older than America. When I left here, I didn’t have much in the way of a life plan. I knew some people who thought they did. But it turned out that we were all in for ups and downs, most of them unexpected. Life takes its own turns, makes its own demands, writes its own story. And along the way, we start to realize we are not the author.

We begin to understand that life is ours to live, but not to waste, and that the greatest rewards are found in the commitments we make with our whole hearts—to the people we love and to the causes that earn our sacrifice. I hope that each of you will know these rewards. I hope you will find them in your own way and your own time.

For some, that might mean some time in public service. And if you hear that calling, I hope you answer. Each of you has unique gifts and you were given them for a reason. Use them and share them. Public service is one way—an honorable way—to mark your life with meaning.

Today I visit not only my alma mater, but the city of my birth. My life began just a few blocks from here, but I was raised in West Texas. From there, Yale always seemed a world away, maybe a part of my future. Now it’s part of my past, and Yale for me is a source of great pride.

I hope that there will come a time for you to return to Yale to say that, and feel as I do today. And I hope you won’t wait as long.

Congratulations and God bless.

雷文校长，非常感谢。布罗德黑德主任，耶鲁大学的董事们，耶鲁大学学子的家长们、家人们，毕业生们：

能获此荣誉学位，我感到不胜荣幸。三十三年前我骄傲地获得了我的第一个耶鲁学位，这次我更为能在你们面前获此荣誉学位而骄傲。

祝贺你们，与我同获殊荣的人们。我很高兴能和如此杰出的团体共享这份荣誉，尤其是能和墨西哥前总统一起在这里分享。总统先生，您是一位真正的领袖和伟大的朋友。（布什用西班牙语对墨西哥前总统埃内斯托·塞迪略说）

祝贺你们，在场的所有家长们。今天是你们的孩子大学毕业光辉灿烂的日子，对你们来说是难得的日子，对你们的钱袋也是不同寻常的一天。

最重要的是，祝贺2001级。祝贺你们中曾获得过荣誉、奖金和荣衔的人，你们的确非常出色。同时也祝贺成绩C等的同学们，你们也能成为美国总统。耶鲁学位价值不菲。我时常这么提醒切尼，他在早年也短暂就读于此。所以，我想提醒正就读于耶鲁的莘莘学子，如果你们从耶鲁顺利毕业，你们也许可以当上总统；如果你们中途辍学，那么你们只能当副总统了。

能有机会在这个盛会上发言真是荣幸之至，我知道耶鲁的传统是学位颁授典礼上没有演讲者的。我也知道你们开创了一个例外。多数人认为要在耶鲁学位颁授典礼上演讲必须是总统，但是这么多年来规格要求越来越高。现在必须是耶鲁毕业的，必须是总统，必须是曾与拉尔夫·内德竞选时丧失过耶鲁选票的。

许久以来，这是我第一次返回母校，我相信你们每个人一生中都会回来几次。如果你们像我一样，你们在这儿经历的事就不会样样记得。这也许是一件好事，但是有些人和事你们永远不会忘记。

比如，我的老同学迪克·布罗德黑德，这位学识渊博、才华横溢的主任。我记得他那时是一位年轻学者，聪明的年轻人，一位学习很努力的人。我们俩倾注了大量时间在斯特灵图书馆和阅览室，记得那里有张大长皮沙发。我们有个君子协定，迪克不会大声朗读干扰我，我不会打呼噜影响他。

我们选择的课程不同，因为我们各自按照自己的道路进行学术探索。迪克主修英语，他喜欢经典名著。我喜欢历史，寻求多样化的学习课程，并愿意将其视为较少有人涉足的学术道路。比如，当时我选修了日本俳句课。俳句对外行人来说，只是15世纪的一种诗歌形式，每首有17个音节。俳句只有禅学大师才能完全领会。在我的记忆中，就有一位学术顾问对我选择这么一门专业课感到担忧。他说我应该集中精力学习英语，这个建议现在仍然经常听到。但是我的批评者们没有注意到我并非经常口误失言，我只是在以古老俳句的完美形式和节奏演讲。

我的确是在这里掌握了英语，并选修了由罗林·G.奥斯特维斯执教的被称为“美国演讲的历史与实践”的课程。雷文校长，我认为该赞美的就要赞美。我想让全世界知道，我在演讲方面所掌握的一切都是在耶鲁这里学到的。

做学生时，我尽力保持低姿态，果然有效。去年《纽约时报》采访了约翰·莫顿·布卢姆，因为有记载表明，我曾经选修过他的课。这么多年过去了，布卢姆教授在记忆中搜寻这群年轻人的面孔，但他的回答是：“我一点儿也记不起他。”

不过，我记得布卢姆教授，我仍然记得他的奉献精神和高深的学识。在我就读期间，耶鲁大学有许多伟大的教授，当然现在仍然拥有。在学位颁授典礼之后，我们各奔前程，是他们使耶鲁继续充满活力。我记不清上次来这里时是否向他们表达过谢意，但现在既然我又有一次机会，我要说谢谢耶鲁大学的教授们。

这就是我对耶鲁生活经历的感受——感激。我努力学习，尽情玩耍，交了许多终生的朋友。大学生活给予你们并使你们受益终生的，是你们当时几乎不曾注意到的那部分教育，是期望，是你们周围的榜样，是你们信仰的理想和你们所交的朋友。

我们那时人们常说“耶鲁人”，我真的不知道那意味着什么。但我确实认为正是因为耶鲁，我才更加杰出。所有大学最好的教育是使我们懂得学位和荣誉远不是衡量生活的全部标准，财富和头衔也不是标准。至关重要的是你生活的标准，你对他人的关爱和你对天赋才能的使用方式。

现在你们将离耶鲁而去，带着记载你在一所比美国还要悠久的大学里获得成功的证书离去。当我离开这里的时候，对未来生活道路没有太多的计划。我知道有些人自认为是有的，但结果是我们都会遇到坎坷不平，幸运和不幸，其中多数是始料未及的。生活总是变幻莫测，不断提出要求，书写自己的故事。在这条道路上，我们开始认识到我们不是作者。

我们开始懂得生命是让我们用来生活的，而不是用来浪费的，懂得最大的奖赏在于我们全身心的付出——对我们所爱的人和值得我们为之牺牲的事业的付出。我希望你们都能领会这种奖赏。我希望你们能在自己的一生中，以你们的方式获得这种奖赏。

对于有些人也许意味着在公共部门工作一段时日。一旦听到号召，我希望你们能够响应。你们每个人都有独特的才能，而才能赋予你们是有原由的。使用它们并与人分享，公共服务只是一种方式——一种光荣的方式——使你们的生命富有意义。

今天我不仅参观了我的母校，而且参观了我出生的城市。我的生命开始于离这里仅几个街区的地方，但我成长于西得克萨斯。从那里看，耶鲁一直恍若隔世之遥，也许只能成为我的未来。而现在它成为了我的过去，耶鲁对我来说是骄傲的源泉。

我希望有一天你们回到耶鲁时，会和我说同样的话，并且和我今天有同样的感受。我希望这一天你们不会等得太久。

祝贺你们，愿上帝保佑你们。

第三节  精彩语录

A Yale degree is worth a lot, as I often remind Dick Cheney—who studied here, but left a little early. So now we know—if you graduate from Yale, you become President. If you drop out, you get to be Vice President.

耶鲁学位价值不菲。我时常这么提醒切尼，他在早年也短暂就读于此。所以，我想提醒正就读于耶鲁的莘莘学子，如果你们从耶鲁顺利毕业，你们也许可以当上总统；如果你们中途辍学，那么你们只能当副总统了。

What stays with you from college is the part of your education you hardly ever notice at the time. It’s the expectations and examples around you, the ideals you believe in, and the friends you make.

大学生活给予你们并使你们受益终生的，是你们当时几乎不曾注意到的那部分教育，是期望，是你们周围的榜样，是你们信仰的理想和你们所交的朋友。

All universities, at their best, teach that degrees and honors are far from the full measure of life. Nor is that measure taken in wealth or in titles. What matters most are the standards you live by, the consideration you show others, and the way you use the gifts you are given.

所有大学最好的教育是使我们懂得学位和荣誉远不是衡量生活的全部标准，财富和头衔也不是标准。至关重要的是你生活的标准，你对他人的关爱和你对天赋才能的使用方式。

Now you leave Yale behind, carrying the written proof of your success here, at a college older than America. When I left here, I didn’t have much in the way of a life plan. I knew some people who thought they did. But it turned out that we were all in for ups and downs, most of them unexpected. Life takes its own turns, makes its own demands, writes its own story. And along the way, we start to realize we are not the author.

现在你们将离耶鲁而去，带着记载你在一所比美国还要悠久的大学里获得成功的证书离去。当我离开这里的时候，对未来生活道路没有太多的计划。我知道有些人自认为是有的，但结果是我们都会遇到坎坷不平，幸运和不幸，其中多数是始料未及的。生活总是变幻莫测，不断提出要求，书写自己的故事。在这条道路上，我们开始认识到我们不是作者。

We begin to understand that life is ours to live, but not to waste, and that the greatest rewards are found in the commitments we make with our whole hearts—to the people we love and to the causes that earn our sacrifice. I hope that each of you will know these rewards. I hope you will find them in your own way and your own time.

我们开始懂得生命是让我们用来生活的，而不是用来浪费的，懂得最大的奖赏在于我们全身心的付出——对我们所爱的人和值得我们为之牺牲的事业的付出。我希望你们都能领会这种奖赏。我希望你们能在自己的一生中，以你们的方式获得这种奖赏。

Each of you has unique gifts and you were given them for a reason. Use them and share them. Public service is one way—an honorable way—to mark your life with meaning.

你们每个人都有独特的才能，而才能赋予你们是有原由的。使用它们并与人分享，公共服务只是一种方式——一种光荣的方式——使你们的生命富有意义。

第三章  你们和我在一起

第一节  背景介绍

美国当地时间2001年9月11日上午，十九名恐怖分子劫持了四架美国国内航班，分别对纽约市世贸中心和国防部所在地五角大楼发动了恐怖袭击，造成了举世震惊的“9·11”恐怖事件。

当地时间11日早上8时45分，被恐怖分子劫持的载有九十二名乘客的美洲航空公司11次航班撞向纽约市标志性建筑——世贸中心的其中一座大楼，并随即引发爆炸。就在当地电视台进行现场直播时，另一架载有六十五名乘客的美国联合航空公司的飞机从相反的方向高速而精确地撞向世贸中心的另一座大楼随即也发生了巨大爆炸，两次爆炸仅相隔十八分钟。时隔不久，又一架载着六十四名乘客的美洲航空公司飞机撞向美国国防部所在地——弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿的五角大楼，毁坏了大楼的一角并造成大火。近10时遭到撞击的纽约世贸中心正在疏散人群时，其中一座大楼发生巨烈爆炸，并从上向下迅速坍塌。之后，第二座大楼也跟着倒塌，整个纽约市烟尘蔽日，这对伟大的标志性建筑瞬间消失。同日10点左右，第四架遭劫持的联合航空公司的客机在宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡附近坠毁。四架客机上共计266名乘客及机组成员全部遇难。事后，美国官方公布，在“9·11”事件中死亡总人数达到3126人，5000多人受伤，直接经济损失达上千亿美元。

世界各国人民都认为冷战结束后，人类可能迎来前所未有的和平时代，事实上却并非如此，民族纠纷、地域争斗等变得更加激烈，南北之间的贫富差距也越来越大。

恐怖分子制造“9·11”恐怖袭击事件的本质是对美国强权政治的挑战，这也直接导致了布什政府将“9·11”事件定义为战争行为。经历了如此沉重的恐怖袭击事件，美国政府面临着一个重要的转折点。

美国政府采取了一系列紧急措施应对此次事件。确立了新的反恐战略和策略，建立了广泛的国际反恐联盟，采取以军事手段为主，辅之以政治、外交、情报、安全、法律、财经、社会、文化、传媒等各种手段，对恐怖主义进行坚决而彻底地打击。

这次恐怖袭击震惊了全世界，这也是美国历史上第一次针对美国本土进行的恐怖袭击。美国政府对此次恐怖袭击事件的谴责和立场也受到了大多数国家的同情和支持，全球各地在事件发生后进行了各种悼念活动。从此之后，超级大国美国的外交政策就发生了巨大的改变，而该事件也导致了此后国际范围内多国合作进行反恐怖活动，包括阿富汗战争和伊拉克战争。同时，“恐怖主义”成为一个全球性的议题。至今，“9·11”事件带来的一系列影响仍未消散。

第二节  布什于“9·11”事件当晚在白宫发表电视讲话

Good evening.

Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts. The victims were in airplanes or in their offices. Secretaries, business men and women, military and federal workers. Moms and dads. Friends and neighbors.

Thousands of lives were suddenly ended by evil, despicable acts of terror.

The pictures of airplanes flying into buildings, fires burning, huge structures collapsing, have filled us with disbelief, terrible sadness and a quiet, unyielding anger.

These acts of mass murder were intended to frighten our nation into chaos and retreat. But they have failed. Our country is strong. A great people has been moved to defend a great nation.

Terrorist attacks can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they cannot touch the foundation of America. These acts shatter steel, but they cannot dent the steel of American resolve.

America was targeted for attack because we’re the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world. And no one will keep that light from shining.

Today, our nation saw evil, the very worst of human nature, and we responded with the best of America, with the daring of our rescue workers, with the caring for strangers and neighbors who came to give blood and help in any way they could.

Immediately following the first attack, I implemented our government’s emergency response plans. Our military is powerful, and it’s prepared. Our emergency teams are working in New York City and Washington, D.C., to help with local rescue efforts.

Our first priority is to get help to those who have been injured and to take every precaution to protect our citizens at home and around the world from further attacks.

The functions of our government continue without interruption. Federal agencies in Washington, which had to be evacuated today, are reopening for essential personnel tonight and will be open for business tomorrow.

Our financial institutions remain strong, and the American economy will be open for business as well.

The search is under way for those who are behind these evil acts. I’ve directed the full resources for our intelligence and law enforcement communities to find those responsible and bring them to justice. We will make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbor them.

I appreciate so very much the members of Congress who have joined me in strongly condemning these attacks. And on behalf of the American people, I thank the many world leaders who have called to offer their condolences and assistance.

America and our friends and allies join with all those who want peace and security in the world and we stand together to win the war against terrorism.

Tonight I ask for your prayers for all those who grieve, for the children whose worlds have been shattered, for all whose sense of safety and security has been threatened. And I pray they will be comforted by a power greater than any of us spoken through the ages in Psalm 23:“Even though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil for you are with me.”

This is a day when all Americans from every walk of life unite in our resolve for justice and peace. America has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time.

None of us will ever forget this day, yet we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and just in our world.

Thank you. Good night and God bless America.

晚上好。

今天，我们的同胞，我们的生活，我们的自由，遭到了恐怖分子一系列有预谋的惨无人道的袭击。许多人在飞机上或者是在他们的办公室中不幸遇难，他们中有秘书，有商业人士，有军人和政府工作人员；有父亲和母亲，还有朋友和邻居。

数千个生命瞬间被邪恶的恐怖主义袭击吞噬了。

飞机撞到了高楼上，浓烟滚滚，巨大的建筑物坍塌了，我们无法相信这一画面。我们心中充满了极度的悲痛和震惊，以及无法妥协的愤怒。

这次大规模屠杀行为目的是为了恐吓我们的国家，使美国陷入一片混乱之中。但他们失败了。我们的国家非常强大，我们伟大的人民已经行动起来，勇敢地保卫我们伟大的祖国。

恐怖主义袭击能够摧毁我们最高的大楼，却动摇不了美国人民坚定的信念。恐怖活动能够破坏钢铁大厦，却摧毁不了美国人民钢铁般坚强的意志。

美国成为恐怖分子的袭击目标，是因为我们在世界上高举自由和理想的火炬，但是任何人都不可能将这一火炬熄灭。

今天我们的国家遭遇了邪恶，这种邪恶是人性中最恶毒的，美国人民将全力以赴应对这一邪恶。我们的救援人员英勇无畏，无论是陌生人还是我们的朋友，他们纷纷伸出援助之手，向我们提供血液，给予他们力所能及的帮助。

事件发生之后，我立即启动了政府的紧急应对计划，我们的军队是强大的，他们已经做好了充分的准备。我们的紧急救援队伍正在纽约和华盛顿特区紧张地工作着，和当地救援人员并肩作战。

我们的当务之急是帮助那些受伤者，并保持高度警惕，随时保护国内和世界各地的美国公民不再受到袭击。

我们的政府将保持正常运转不会中断。今天，华盛顿的联邦政府机构大多被疏散，一些重要工作人员将于今天晚上恢复工作，而整个政府机构也将于明天全面正常办公。

我们的金融机构依然强大，美国经济也将恢复正常。

搜救受伤人员的工作正在展开。我已经下令所有情报及司法部门全力协作，找出应为此事负责的人，并将他们绳之以法。我们将对恐怖分子和那些庇护他们的人一视同仁，决不姑息。

我对国会议员们能与我一起强烈谴责此次袭击事件的行为表示赞赏。在此，我还代表美国人民，向对此事表示哀悼和伸出援助之手的世界各国的领导人表示诚挚的感谢。

美国和我们的朋友及盟友将与那些企盼和平与安全的国家携手，共同为打赢反抗恐怖主义的战争而奋斗。

今晚，我要求你们一同祈祷，为所有处于灾难之中的人们，为所有美好世界被无情击碎的孩子，为所有安全受到威胁的人们。我祈祷他们能够从《第23诗篇》中得到更大的力量和安慰，正如诗篇中所说：“就算我走过被死亡阴影笼罩的山谷，我也毫不畏惧，因为有你们和我在一起。”

今天，所有的美国人在公正和和平的信念下团结在一起。美国从前曾经击败过它的敌人，这次我们也能够做到。

没有人会忘记这一天，我们会继续捍卫自由，捍卫我们这个世界上美好和正义的事业。

谢谢各位，晚安，愿上帝保佑美国！

第三节  精彩语录

Terrorist attacks can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they cannot touch the foundation of America. These acts shatter steel, but they cannot dent the steel of American resolve.

恐怖主义袭击能够摧毁我们最高的大楼，却动摇不了美国人民坚定的信念。恐怖活动能够破坏钢铁大厦，却摧毁不了美国人民钢铁般坚强的意志。

Even though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil for you are with me.

就算我走过被死亡阴影笼罩的山谷，我也毫不畏惧，因为有你们和我在一起。

第四章  悲痛化为愤怒

第一节  背景介绍

“9·11”恐怖袭击事件留下的不只是记忆，在世贸中心双子大厦轰然倒塌后，弥漫在美国上空的，不仅是建筑物的尘土和人们的哀伤，还带来了一些健康问题，其中包括呼吸困难和精神创伤。同时还有华尔街和学者们对经济将陷入长期衰退的极度恐慌。恐怖的气息贯穿人们的生活。

自从发生“9·11”恐怖袭击事件，纽约市的恐怖袭击警报级别始终处于橙色，这座美国最大的城市一直被认为是恐怖袭击的重点目标。

纽约世贸中心大楼遭飞机撞击当天，正在里面工作的辛迪亚拨通了丈夫的电话。在告知自己的情况并询问该怎样自救后，她说：“亲爱的，我爱你，等到这一切结束后我们就会见面了。”辛迪亚的丈夫没想到这竟成了他与妻子的诀别，“9·11”恐怖袭击事件彻底改变了他和其他遇难者家属的生活。他在接受记者采访时说：“时间可能会渐渐抚平那些失去亲人的创伤，但没有人能说清楚究竟要多久，是十年还是二十年，谁也不敢保证。”“9·11”恐怖袭击事件打碎了他美满而平静的生活。他说，最初他还试着依靠自己的努力重新振作起来，但无济于事，于是他开始接受心理治疗。他认为没人能真正理解遇难者家属的感受，失去亲人的痛苦只有那些亲身体验过的人才能体会。

纽约市的市民们已经开始慢慢适应了在恐怖袭击的阴影下生活。乘飞机出行，他们都会提前几个小时到达机场，连鞋子也要脱掉的严格安全检查他们也已经习以为常；开车穿过隧道和过桥时，他们也明白要耐心等待警方的仔细盘查和搜寻。对于不断发出的各类警报，纽约的市民们也都以“宁可信其有，不可信其无”的心态对待。于是，天上飞的农用飞机、观光直升机，地上跑的运货卡车，水上开的游艇、轮船，都有可能成为恐怖分子用来袭击的可怕工具；越来越多的标志性建筑、关键公共设施和各类知名机构都有可能成为恐怖分子攻击的目标。看来既要保持高度警惕并忍受各种严密的保安措施带来的不便，又要努力过一种“正常人”的生活，在很长时间内将是纽约人乃至所有美国人面临的一种无奈。

“9·11”对美国人民在生理和心理上的创伤无疑是巨大的，但是美国的经济并没有朝着当初经济学家们预测的轨迹发展，在采取了一系列应对措施之后，美国重上复苏轨道。

在袭击发生的当天，美联储及时表态确认不会引发金融崩溃。美联储发表声明称，已经做好了准备，可以向任何陷于短期危机的金融机构提供充足现金，以保证交易的正常进行。一天之内美联储向金融系统注入超过100亿美元的资金。

在金融市场基本恢复运作之后，美联储开始削减利率。9月17日纽交所恢复运作当日，美联储宣布减息0.5个百分点，从而使利率降到了2.5%，这是美国2001年的第八次减息。美联储的这些举措有效稳定了股市，并将其从2000年科技股泡沫破灭的低谷中带出，同时也促进了房地产市场的繁荣。

在“9·11”恐怖袭击事件发生后，美国国会授权政府拨款近600亿美元以处理善后事宜。

时间可以改变一切，甚至可以改变一个人，但“9·11”给美国和全世界人民留下的心理创伤不会随着时间流逝，不管过去十天还是十年依然存在。

第二节  布什于“9·11”事件后在国会发表电视讲话

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President Pro Tempore, members of Congress, and fellow Americans,

In the normal course of events, Presidents come to this chamber to report on the state of the Union. Tonight, no such report is needed. It has already been delivered by the American people.

We have seen it in the courage of passengers, who rushed terrorists to save others on the ground—passengers like an exceptional man named Todd Beamer. And would you please help me to welcome his wife, Lisa Beamer, here tonight.

We have seen the state of our Union in the endurance of rescuers, working past exhaustion. We have seen the unfurling of flags, the lighting of candles, the giving of blood, the saying of prayers—in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. We have seen the decency of a loving and giving people who have made the grief of strangers their own.

My fellow citizens, for the last nine days, the entire world has seen for itself the state of our Union—and it is strong.

Tonight we are a country awakened to danger and called to defend freedom. Our grief has turned to anger, and anger to resolution. Whether we bring our enemies to justice, or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done.

I thank the Congress for its leadership at such an important time. All of America was touched on the evening of the tragedy to see Republicans and Democrats joined together on the steps of this Capitol, singing“God Bless America.”And you did more than sing; you acted, by delivering $40 billion to rebuild our communities and meet the needs of our military.

Speaker Hastert, Minority Leader Gephardt, Majority Leader Daschle and Senator Lott, I thank you for your friendship, for your leadership and for your service to our country.

And on behalf of the American people, I thank the world for its outpouring of support. America will never forget the sounds of our National Anthem playing at Buckingham Palace, on the streets of Paris, and at Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate. We will not forget South Korean children gathering to pray outside our embassy in Seoul, or the prayers of sympathy offered at a mosque in Cairo. We will not forget moments of silence and days of mourning in Australia and Africa and Latin America.

Nor will we forget the citizens of 80 other nations who died with our own: dozens of Pakistanis; more than 130 Israelis; more than 250 citizens of India; men and women from El Salvador, Iran, Mexico and Japan; and hundreds of British citizens. America has no truer friend than Great Britain. Once again, we are joined together in a great cause—so honored the British Prime Minister has crossed an ocean to show his unity of purpose with America. Thank you for coming, friend.

On September the 11th, enemies of freedom committed an act of war against our country. Americans have known wars—but for the past 136 years, they have been wars on foreign soil, except for one Sunday in 1941. Americans have known the casualties of war—but not at the center of a great city on a peaceful morning. Americans have known surprise attacks—but never before on thousands of civilians. All of this was brought upon us in a single day—and night fell on a different world, a world where freedom itself is under attack.

Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking: Who attacked our country?

The evidence we have gathered all points to a collection of loosely affiliated terrorist organizations known as al Qaeda. They are the same murderers indicted for bombing American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, and responsible for bombing the USS Cole.

Al Qaeda is to terror what the mafia is to crime. But its goal is not making money; its goal is remaking the world—and imposing its radical beliefs on people everywhere.

The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has been rejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clerics—a fringe movement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam. The terrorists’ directive commands them to kill Christians and Jews, to kill all Americans, and make no distinction among military and civilians, including women and children.

This group and its leader—a person named Osama bin Laden—are linked to many other organizations in different countries, including the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. There are thousands of these terrorists in more than 60 countries. They are recruited from their own nations and neighborhoods and brought to camps in places like Afghanistan, where they are trained in the tactics of terror. They are sent back to their homes or sent to hide in countries around the world to plot evil and destruction.

The leadership of al Qaeda has great influence in Afghanistan and supports the Taliban regime in controlling most of that country. In Afghanistan, we see al Qaeda’s vision for the world.

Afghanistan’s people have been brutalized—many are starving and many have fled. Women are not allowed to attend school. You can be jailed for owning a television. Religion can be practiced only as their leaders dictate. A man can be jailed in Afghanistan if his beard is not long enough.

The United States respects the people of Afghanistan—after all, we are currently its largest source of humanitarian aid—but we condemn the Taliban regime. It is not only repressing its own people, it is threatening people everywhere by sponsoring and sheltering and supplying terrorists. By aiding and abetting murder, the Taliban regime is committing murder.

And tonight, the United States of America makes the following demands on the Taliban: Deliver to United States authorities all the leaders of al Qaeda who hide in your land. Release all foreign nationals, including American citizens, you have unjustly imprisoned. Protect foreign journalists, diplomats and aid workers in your country. Close immediately and permanently every terrorist training camp in Afghanistan, and hand over every terrorist, and every person in their support structure, to appropriate authorities. Give the United States full access to terrorist training camps, so we can make sure they are no longer operating.

These demands are not open to negotiation or discussion. The Taliban must act, and act immediately. They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their fate.

I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world. We respect your faith. It’s practiced freely by many millions of Americans, and by millions more in countries that America counts as friends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and every government that supports them.

Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated.

Americans are asking, why do they hate us?

They hate what we see right here in this chamber—a democratically elected government. Their leaders are self-appointed. They hate our freedoms—our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other.

They want to overthrow existing governments in many Muslim countries, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. They want to drive Israel out of the Middle East. They want to drive Christians and Jews out of vast regions of Asia and Africa.

These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of life. With every atrocity, they hope that America grows fearful, retreating from the world and forsaking our friends. They stand against us, because we stand in their way.

We are not deceived by their pretenses to piety. We have seen their kind before. They are the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the 20th century. By sacrificing human life to serve their radical visions—by abandoning every value except the will to power—they follow in the path of fascism, and Nazism, and totalitarianism. And they will follow that path all the way, to where it ends: in history’s unmarked grave of discarded lies.

Americans are asking: How will we fight and win this war?

We will direct every resource at our command—every means of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence, and every necessary weapon of war—to the disruption and to the defeat of the global terror network.

This war will not be like the war against Iraq a decade ago, with a decisive liberation of territory and a swift conclusion. It will not look like the air war above Kosovo two years ago, where no ground troops were used and not a single American was lost in combat.

Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes, visible on TV, and covert operations, secret even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.

Our nation has been put on notice: We are not immune from attack. We will take defensive measures against terrorism to protect Americans.

Today, dozens of federal departments and agencies, as well as state and local governments, have responsibilities affecting homeland security. These efforts must be coordinated at the highest level. So tonight I announce the creation of a Cabinet-level position reporting directly to me—the Office of Homeland Security.

And tonight I also announce a distinguished American to lead this effort, to strengthen American security: a military veteran, an effective governor, a true patriot, a trusted friend—Pennsylvania’s Tom Ridge. He will lead, oversee and coordinate a comprehensive national strategy to safeguard our country against terrorism, and respond to any attacks that may come.

These measures are essential. But the only way to defeat terrorism as a threat to our way of life is to stop it, eliminate it, and destroy it where it grows.

Many will be involved in this effort, from FBI agents to intelligence operatives to the reservists we have called to active duty. All deserve our thanks, and all have our prayers. And tonight, a few miles from the damaged Pentagon, I have a message for our military: Be ready. I’ve called the Armed Forces to alert, and there is a reason. The hour is coming when America will act, and you will make us proud.

This is not, however, just America’s fight. And what is at stake is not just America’s freedom. This is the world’s fight. This is civilization’s fight. This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom.

We ask every nation to join us. We will ask, and we will need, the help of police forces, intelligence services, and banking systems around the world. The United States is grateful that many nations and many international organizations have already responded—with sympathy and with support. Nations from Latin America, to Asia, to Africa, to Europe, to the Islamic world. Perhaps the NATO Charter reflects best the attitude of the world: An attack on one is an attack on all.

The civilized world is rallying to America’s side. They understand that if this terror goes unpunished, their own cities, their own citizens may be next. Terror, unanswered, can not only bring down buildings, it can threaten the stability of legitimate governments. And you know what—we’re not going to allow it.

Americans are asking: What is expected of us?

I ask you to live your lives, and hug your children. I know many citizens have fears tonight, and I ask you to be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat.

I ask you to uphold the values of America, and remember why so many have come here. We are in a fight for our principles, and our first responsibility is to live by them. No one should be singled out for unfair treatment or unkind words because of their ethnic background or religious faith.

I ask you to continue to support the victims of this tragedy with your contributions. Those who want to give can go to a central source of information, libertyunites.org, to find the names of groups providing direct help in New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

The thousands of FBI agents who are now at work in this investigation may need your cooperation, and I ask you to give it.

I ask for your patience, with the delays and inconveniences that may accompany tighter security; and for your patience in what will be a long struggle.

I ask your continued participation and confidence in the American economy. Terrorists attacked a symbol of American prosperity. They did not touch its source. America is successful because of the hard work, and creativity, and enterprise of our people. These were the true strengths of our economy before September 11th, and they are our strengths today.

And, finally, please continue praying for the victims of terror and their families, for those in uniform, and for our great country. Prayer has comforted us in sorrow, and will help strengthen us for the journey ahead.

Tonight I thank my fellow Americans for what you have already done and for what you will do. And ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, I thank you, their representatives, for what you have already done and for what we will do together.

Tonight, we face new and sudden national challenges. We will come together to improve air safety, to dramatically expand the number of air marshals on domestic flights, and take new measures to prevent hijacking. We will come together to promote stability and keep our airlines flying, with direct assistance during this emergency.

We will come together to give law enforcement the additional tools it needs to track down terror here at home. We will come together to strengthen our intelligence capabilities to know the plans of terrorists before they act, and find them before they strike.

We will come together to take active steps that strengthen America’s economy, and put our people back to work.

Tonight we welcome two leaders who embody the extraordinary spirit of all New Yorkers: Governor George Pataki, and Mayor Rudolph Giuliani. As a symbol of America’s resolve, my administration will work with Congress, and these two leaders, to show the world that we will rebuild New York City.

After all that has just passed—all the lives taken, and all the possibilities and hopes that died with them—it is natural to wonder if America’s future is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there are struggles ahead, and dangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them. As long as the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not be an age of terror; this will be an age of liberty, here and across the world.

Great harm has been done to us. We have suffered great loss. And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment. Freedom and fear are at war. The advance of human freedom—the great achievement of our time, and the great hope of every time—now depends on us. Our nation—this generation—will lift a dark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage. We will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail.

It is my hope that in the months and years ahead, life will return almost to normal. We’ll go back to our lives and routines, and that is good. Even grief recedes with time and grace. But our resolve must not pass. Each of us will remember what happened that day, and to whom it happened. We’ll remember the moment the news came—where we were and what we were doing. Some will remember an image of a fire, or a story of rescue. Some will carry memories of a face and a voice gone forever.

And I will carry this: It is the police shield of a man named George Howard, who died at the World Trade Center trying to save others. It was given to me by his mom, Arlene, as a proud memorial to her son. This is my reminder of lives that ended, and a task that does not end.

I will not forget this wound to our country or those who inflicted it. I will not yield; I will not rest; I will not relent in waging this struggle for freedom and security for the American people.

The course of this conflict is not known, yet its outcome is certain. Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is not neutral between them.

Fellow citizens, we’ll meet violence with patient justice—assured of the rightness of our cause, and confident of the victories to come. In all that lies before us, may God grant us wisdom, and may He watch over the United States of America.

Thank you.

众议院议长、参议院临时议长、国会全体议员以及美国民众：

在正常情况下，总统来此是为了发表国情咨文，然而这样的国情咨文今晚已经没有必要了，因为美国人民为了美国已经发出了他们的呐喊。

我们在被劫飞机乘客的英勇行动中看到了这一切，他们奋不顾身地与恐怖分子展开搏斗，目的是为了拯救地面上的我们。他们当中有一名叫泰德·毕默的勇士。今晚在这里，请允许我向他的妻子莉莎致意。

我们在救援人员顽强和不知疲倦的工作中看到了美国人民不屈的精神。我们看到了飘扬的旗帜、燃烧的烛光、献血的民众以及祈祷中的人们，无论他们是说英语、希伯来语还是阿拉伯语，他们都在为美国祈祷。我们看到了民众相互关爱，无私捐助，他们把陌生人的悲痛当成自己的痛苦。

我的同胞们，在过去九天的时间里，整个世界都目睹了美国的情况——它依然强大。

今天晚上，我们的国家由于威胁而惊醒，我们的民众被唤起捍卫自由。悲痛已经化为愤怒，愤怒已经变成决心。我们要将敌人绳之以法，正义终将被伸张。

感谢国会在这样一个重要时刻做出的表率作用。所有被这场悲剧震惊的美国人民已经看到共和党人和民主党人共聚国会山，共唱国歌“上帝保佑美利坚”。而你们，我的国会议员们，你们做出了更多。你们在行动，你们让国会通过了400亿美元的紧急拨款，以重建我们的家园和满足军队的需要。

（众议院）议长哈斯塔德，（众议院）少数党领袖格普哈特，（参议院）多数党领袖达施勒和（参议院）少数党领袖洛特，感谢你们的鼎立相助，你们的领导和你们对国家的贡献。

我代表美国人民感谢世界各地提供给美国支持。美国人民永远不会忘记，我们的国歌在白金汉宫，在巴黎街道，在柏林勃兰登堡奏响。美国人民永远不会忘记，韩国儿童聚集在汉城的美国大使馆前低声祈祷。美国人民也不会忘记，开罗一座清真寺里传出的同情之声。美国人民当然也不会忘记，几天来澳大利亚、非洲和拉丁美洲人民举行的纪念和默哀活动。

我们同样不会忘记与美国民众一起遇难的来自八十个国家的人民，其中有几十名巴基斯坦人，130多名以色列人，250多名印度人，还有来自萨尔瓦多、伊朗、墨西哥和日本的民众，以及来自英国的数百名民众。美国人民再也找不到比英国更好的朋友了。美国和英国又一次团结起来，为了一个伟大的事业而奋斗。英国首相布莱尔从大洋彼岸赶来，以表明他与美国人民的团结一致，我们感谢布莱尔首相的到来。

9月11日，自由的敌人对我们国家发动了一场战争。美国人民早就领教过战争，然而除了1941年那个星期天发生的（珍珠港）事件外，过去136年间发生的战争都是在外国领土上进行的。美国人民也早已知道战争的伤亡，但那些伤亡都不是在一个和平的早晨，在一个伟大的城市发生的。美国人民也曾经遭受过袭击，但是袭击事件从来没有针对数以千计的平民。所有这一切都在一天之内发生了，接下来就是黑夜，整个自由世界正遭到威胁。

今晚，美国民众有很多疑问。他们都在问：“究竟是谁袭击了我们的国家？”

我们现在所搜集到的证据都指向了一个松散的恐怖主义组织——“基地”组织，他们也是袭击美国驻坦桑尼亚和肯尼亚大使馆的罪魁祸首，而且他们也应对美国驱逐舰“科尔”号爆炸案负责。

“基地”组织之于恐怖主义，就像黑手党之于犯罪一样。他们的目标不是为了钱，而是为了重新改造世界，是为了把他们的极端教义散播给世界各地的人们。

这些伊斯兰极端主义学说早就被穆斯林学者和大部分穆斯林所抛弃，然而这些恐怖分子却将其奉为神明，并肆意曲解倡导和平的伊斯兰教义。恐怖分子的理论就是要把所有的基督教徒杀死，要把所有的美国人杀死，不管是军人还是平民，也不管是妇女还是小孩。

这个恐怖组织和他的首领本·拉登同世界许多国家的组织有着千丝万缕的联系，其中包括埃及伊斯兰组织吉哈德和乌兹别克斯坦的伊斯兰运动组织。这样的恐怖分子成百上千，广泛分布在世界六十多个国家。他们从自己的国家和邻国招募成员，带到像阿富汗之类的国家接受恐怖训练，然后被派回自己的国家或者隐藏在别的国家，策划罪恶的勾当和进行破坏。

“基地”组织在阿富汗有着深厚的影响，他们支持塔利班控制了阿富汗大部分地区。这些恐怖分子在阿富汗的行动让我们窥见了“基地”组织这个恐怖组织的嘴脸。

他们使阿富汗人民遭受了沉重苦难——许多人被饿死，许多人被迫逃离家园；妇女不能上学；拥有一台电视就可能被打入牢狱；所有的宗教信仰只能按照领袖的命令行事；要是一个人的胡子不够长就有可能被逮捕。

美国人民尊重阿富汗人民——毕竟，美国是阿富汗最大的人道主义援助国，但是我们谴责塔利班政权。它不仅没有尊重自己的民众，而且通过支持、庇护和帮助恐怖分子，把自己的人民吓得惊恐不已，四处躲避。通过资助和煽动恐怖分子搞谋杀，塔利班政权自己也在搞谋杀。

今晚，美国向塔利班分子提出以下要求：将所有藏匿在阿富汗境内的“基地组织”领导人交给美国政府。释放所有非法关押的外国人员，其中包括美国人。保护外国记者、外交官员以及救援人员。立即和永远关闭恐怖分子的训练营地，把恐怖分子悉数交给有关方面。让美国自由进入恐怖分子训练营地，确保这些营地不再被使用。

所有这些要求都是不容谈判的，是没有商量余地的。塔利班政权必须执行，而且必须马上执行。他们应该交出恐怖分子，否则恐怖分子的下场就是塔利班的下场。

今天晚上，我还想直接对世界各地的穆斯林讲一句话：我们尊重你们的信仰。在美国有数百万民众自由地信奉伊斯兰教，而美国的友邦中则有更多的人信仰伊斯兰教。伊斯兰教义是好的，是推崇和平的。那些借真主之名犯罪的人亵渎了真主的神圣。我们的穆斯林朋友和阿拉伯朋友不是美国的敌人。我们的敌人是一个恐怖主义极端组织以及任何一个支持这种组织的政府。

我们反恐怖主义的斗争将从打击“基地”组织开始，但不会在“基地”组织身上结束。我们将继续战斗，直到发现、阻止和彻底击败世界各地的恐怖主义组织，否则我们就不会停止。

美国人民在问：“他们为什么要仇恨我们？”

因为他们仇恨我们这间大厦里的一切——我们是一个经过民主选举的政府，而他们的领导人则是指定的。他们还仇恨我们的自由——我们的宗教自由、言论自由、选举自由、集会自由，拥有反对意见的自由等。

这些恐怖分子妄图推翻许多穆斯林国家的现有政府，比如埃及、沙特阿拉伯和约旦。他们要把以色列人赶出中东，要把基督教徒和犹太教徒从亚洲和非洲的广大地区赶出去。

这些恐怖分子肆意屠杀不仅仅是为了毁灭生命，而是想打乱和终止一种生活方式。他们之所以一次次地制造暴行，就是希望使美国成为一个弥漫着恐惧的国家，从世界舞台上退却下来，并抛弃自己的朋友。他们打击美国，只是因为我们挡住了他们的道路。

我们没有被他们虚伪的宗教虔诚欺骗，我们以前也曾看见过他们所谓的善行，他们只不过是20世纪一些臭名昭著的理论指导下的残渣余孽。通过牺牲献出生命来实现他们极端的思想，通过抛弃一切价值观念唯独相信权利的欲望，他们所走的道路与法西斯、纳粹主义和极端主义如出一辙。他们会沿着这条道路走下去，直到这条路的终点：被遗弃的谎言筑成的历史无名冢。

美国人民在问：“我们怎样去发动这场战争，怎样赢得这场战争呢？”

我们必须动用所有的资源——所有的外交途径、所有的情报机构、所有的执法机关、所有的金融影响以及所有的战争武器——以瓦解和击败全球恐怖主义犯罪组织。

这场战争不像十年前打击伊拉克一样，那时我们的目标就是解放科威特被占领土，迅速结束战争。这场战争也不像两年前在科索沃进行的战争一样，那时我们没有地面部队参战，没有一个美国人丧生。

除了立即报复和单纯的军事打击外，我们要做的事情还有很多。美国人民不应该期望只进行一次战役，这将是一场长期的战争，一场我们从来没有经历过的战争。它可能包括一些大规模的打击，这一点你们将在电视上看见；它还可能包括一些秘密的行动计划，即便是成功你们也可能不知道。我们要切断恐怖分子的资金来源，使他们反目成仇、互相争斗，把他们赶得四处逃散，没有藏身之地。世界各个地区的每个国家，你们现在处在一个抉择的时刻，你们要么和我们站在一起，要么和恐怖分子同流合污。从今天开始，美国将把任何继续庇护和支持恐怖主义的国家看作是敌对国家。

我们已经向民众做出告诫，我们仍有可能遭到袭击。我们将采取防御性措施打击恐怖主义，保卫美国民众。

今天，联邦政府数十个部门和办事处，与各州以及各地区的政府部门，都有保卫国家安全的义不容辞的义务。这些工作都必须由一个最高机构来协调，所以今天晚上，我宣布成立直接向我负责的内阁级别机构——祖国安全办公室。

今晚，我将宣布一位卓越的美国人来领导此项工作，以强化美国的安全。他是一位具有丰富军事经验卓有成效的领导人，他是一位真正的爱国主义者，一个我们都信任的朋友——宾夕法尼亚州的汤姆·瑞吉。他将领导、监督和调整一个综合的国家战略来捍卫我们的祖国，抵制恐怖主义，应对任何可能出现的攻击。

这些措施都是最基本的。但是防止恐怖主义对我们生命构成威胁的唯一办法是在它滋长起来的地方制止它，消除它，毁灭它。

很多人将会为这些行动而努力，从联邦调查局到情报部门，再到我们后备役军人。我们应当感谢他们，为他们祈祷。今天晚上，就在离遭袭的五角大楼数英里的此地，我要对我们的军队说：“做好准备。”我要求军队时刻待命当然是有原因的。当美国行动的那一刻到来时，我们将为你们而自豪！

然而这不仅仅是美国的斗争，危在旦夕的也不仅仅是美国的自由。这是整个世界的斗争；这是整个人类文明的斗争；这是所有相信进步和多元论，相信宽容和自由的人们的斗争。

我们需要每一个国家都加入我们，我们会请求，而且我们也需要全世界的警察、情报机构、银行系统来帮助我们。很多国家和国际机构已经做出了回应——表达同情和支持，这些国家遍布世界各地，从拉美、亚洲、非洲到欧洲，再到伊斯兰世界，美国十分感激。也许北约宪章最准确地反映了国际社会的态度：攻击一个就是攻击我们大家。

文明的社会都站在美国这一边。他们明白如果恐怖主义不受惩罚，那么他们的城市和他们的民众可能就是下一个目标。毫无疑问恐怖主义不仅仅会袭击大楼，还会威胁合法政府的稳定。我们不会允许他们这样做。

美国人民在问：“我们应该做些什么呢？”

我要求你们活着，拥抱你们的孩子。我知道很多民众今晚都感到恐怖，我请求你们镇定，意志坚决，即使威胁仍然存在。

我要求你们弘扬美国的价值观念，记住为什么那么多人来到这里。我们是在为原则而战，我们首要的责任是依靠这些原则生存下去，任何人都不能因为他们的种族和宗教信仰而遭受不公平的对待和不友好的指责。

我希望你们用你们的所有继续支持灾难中的受害者。那些想要捐助的人们可以登录libertyunites.org网站，查找在纽约、宾夕法尼亚和弗吉尼亚提供直接帮助的机构的名称。

成千上万正在工作的联邦调查局职员们也需要你们的帮助，我希望你们也能够帮助他们。

我也希望你们在由于加强安全而导致的各种延误和诸多不便中保持耐心，在可能会长期进行的斗争中保持耐心。

我还希望你们继续投入国家建设，对经济前景充满信心。恐怖主义只是袭击了美国繁荣的一个小标志而已，他们不会触及到美国繁荣的根源。美国之所以成功就是因为他们人民的勤奋、创造力和进取心。这些都是我们在9月11日以前真正的经济实力，也是我们今天的力量。

最后，请为我们在恐怖中的受害者及其家人祈祷，为消防员、警察、战士们祈祷，为我们伟大的祖国祈祷。祈祷将会抚平我们的伤痛，为我们未来的行程鼓足士气。

今天晚上，我感谢所有的美国人，感谢你们为国家所作的一切和将要做的一切。国会的各位女士和先生们，我也感谢你们，感谢你们为国家所作的一切和将要做的一切。

今天晚上，我们国家面临新的突如其来的挑战。我们要一起加强在航空方面的安全，大规模地增加国内航班安全检查人员的数量，制定新的措施阻止劫机事件的发生。

我们要加强我们的执法力度，授予执法机关所需的一切，彻底打击国内的一切恐怖活动。我们还要强化我们的情报机关，以便及时截获恐怖分子的信息，将他们的恐怖活动扼杀在摇篮中。

我们要团结一致，积极采取有关步骤，增强美国的经济，使人们恢复工作。

今天晚上，我们看到的就是在这次事件当中表现得相当出色的两位领导者：纽约市长鲁道夫·朱利安尼和纽约州州长乔治·保陶基。作为美国决心的象征，我的内阁将与国会和这两位领导人加强合作，向世人展示我们要重建纽约。

在这一切发生之后，在所有损失发生之后，大家也许会问，美国的前途究竟会怎么样？是不是会生活在恐惧当中？我知道前面依然有挑战，未来依然有危险。但是我们的国家将书写我们的时代，而不是时代来书写国家。只要美国及其民众有坚定的信念，我们将不会受到恐怖主义的打击，因为这不是恐怖主义活动的年代，这是一个自由的年代，无论是这里还是在世界任何地方。

我们在这次事件当中受到了严重的损害和损失。在悲痛和愤怒当中，我们找到了自己的使命，意识到所处的时刻。自由将和恐惧交战。人类自由事业的前进是我们这个时代的伟大成就，同时也是任何时代人们的伟大追求，现在就指望我们了。我们的国家，我们这代人，为了我们的人民和我们光明的未来，一定要将暴力恐怖的黑暗和威胁驱散。我们不会累，我们不会泄气，我们更不会失败。

在接下来的几个月和几年内，人们的生活能够恢复正常是我的希望。我们将重新恢复我们的正常生活，这是人人都渴望以求的。随着时间的推移悲伤会渐渐过去，但是我们打击恐怖主义的决心必将持续下去。我们每个人都会记得那一天、那一时刻发生的事情，以及谁在那一时刻永远地离我们而去。我们会记得那个恐怖消息来临的时刻，我们在哪里，我们又在做什么。我们中的一些人会记得那个着火的场面，或者一则营救的消息。而某个永远离我们而去的面孔和声音将永远凝固在一些人的脑海中。

而我将会永远保留这个纪念品，它是一位名叫乔治·霍华德的曼哈顿警察留下的警徽，而霍华德却在抢救世贸大厦遇难人员时永远离我们而去。他的母亲阿琳娜将它作为对儿子骄傲的纪念给了我。这个警徽时刻提醒我，一个生命就这样结束了，而我们的事业将继续下去。

我不会忘记这次袭击给我们国家造成的创伤，也不会忘记是谁造成的创伤。我将不会屈服，也不会停滞，更不会在这场关系到美国人民自由和安全的斗争中有一念之仁。

这场斗争的道路还不明朗，但是它的结局是肯定的。自由和恐惧，公正和残酷，自古以来就针锋相对，并且我们知道上帝在两者中是会有所取舍的。

同胞们，我们必须要以忍耐、公正来对付恐怖活动，我们对我们事业的正义性和将要取得的胜利充满信心。展望未来，愿上帝赐予我们智慧，保佑美利坚合众国。

谢谢！

第三节  精彩语录

We have seen the unfurling of flags, the lighting of candles, the giving of blood, the saying of prayers—in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. We have seen the decency of a loving and giving people who have made the grief of strangers their own.

我们看到了飘扬的旗帜、燃烧的烛光、献血的民众以及祈祷中的人们，无论他们是说英语、希伯来语还是阿拉伯语，他们都在为美国祈祷。我们看到了民众相互关爱，无私捐助，他们把陌生人的悲痛当成自己的痛苦。

Our grief has turned to anger, and anger to resolution. Whether we bring our enemies to justice, or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done.

悲痛已经化为愤怒，愤怒已经变成决心。我们要将敌人绳之以法，正义终将被伸张。

They will follow that path all the way, to where it ends: in history’s unmarked grave of discarded lies.

他们会沿着这条道路走下去，直到这条路的终点：被遗弃的谎言筑成的历史无名冢。

These measures are essential. But the only way to defeat terrorism as a threat to our way of life is to stop it, eliminate it, and destroy it where it grows.

这些措施都是最基本的。但是防止恐怖主义对我们生命构成威胁的唯一办法是在它滋长起来的地方制止它，消除它，毁灭它。

This is not, however, just America’s fight. And what is at stake is not just America’s freedom. This is the world’s fight. This is civilization’s fight. This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom.

然而这不仅仅是美国的斗争，危在旦夕的也不仅仅是美国的自由。这是整个世界的斗争；这是整个人类文明的斗争；这是所有相信进步和多元论，相信宽容和自由的人们的斗争。

I ask you to live your lives, and hug your children. I know many citizens have fears tonight, and I ask you to be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat.

我要求你们活着，拥抱你们的孩子。我知道很多民众今晚都感到恐怖，我请求你们镇定，意志坚决，即使威胁仍然存在。

I know there are struggles ahead, and dangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them. As long as the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not be an age of terror; this will be an age of liberty, here and across the world.

我知道前面依然有挑战，未来依然有危险。但是我们的国家将书写我们的时代，而不是时代来书写国家。只要美国及其民众有坚定的信念，我们将不会受到恐怖主义的打击，因为这不是恐怖主义活动的年代，这是一个自由的年代，无论是这里还是在世界任何地方。

In our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment. Freedom and fear are at war. The advance of human freedom—the great achievement of our time, and the great hope of every time—now depends on us. Our nation—this generation—will lift a dark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage. We will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail.

在悲痛和愤怒当中，我们找到了自己的使命，意识到所处的时刻。自由将和恐惧交战。人类自由事业的前进是我们这个时代的伟大成就，同时也是任何时代人们的伟大追求，现在就指望我们了。我们的国家，我们这代人，为了我们的人民和我们光明的未来，一定要将暴力恐怖的黑暗和威胁驱散。我们不会累，我们不会泄气，我们更不会失败。

The course of this conflict is not known, yet its outcome is certain. Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is not neutral between them.

这场斗争的道路还不明朗，但是它的结局是肯定的。自由和恐惧，公正和残酷，自古以来就针锋相对，并且我们知道上帝在两者中是会有所取舍的。

第五章  美国的价值观与中国政府的自信

第一节  背景介绍

北京时间2002年2月21日至22日，美国总统布什对中国进行了为期两天的工作访问。布什此次访问受到了热情的接待，而且还应邀到著名学府清华大学进行演讲和接受学生们的提问。

来访次日，美国总统布什在中国国家副主席胡锦涛的陪同下来到清华大学举行演讲。清华大学校长王大中先生主持演讲会，胡锦涛副主席首先致词，之后布什总统发表演讲并回答清华学子的提问。

清华大学是一所享誉中外、历史悠久的高等学府，“行胜于言”的校风、“严谨、勤奋、求实、创新”的学风和“自强不息、厚德载物”的校训构成了清华精神的核心内涵，激励着一代又一代清华学子为中华民族的振兴和人类的进步奋斗不止。

清华大学的建立与美国有着深厚的渊源。清华大学始于1911年，是由庚子赔款建立的留美预备学校。一位在津鲁最贫穷地区从事传教、医疗、慈善及教育事业达三十多年的美国传教士，在1906年回国募捐时，向当时的美国总统西奥多·罗斯福建议：把两千万的庚子赔款用于中国有益的事业，特别是供给中国的学生到美国来留学，并尽力动员国会。罗斯福致函表示赞同，退款议案顺利获得国会通过。清华学堂的建立使用的就是这笔退款的一部分。

自清华大学建立以来，一批批毕业生成为中国社会的中坚，甚至成为中国的领导者。

王大中校长在欢迎辞里强调了“自强不息，厚德载物”的清华校训之后，国家副主席胡锦涛以清华校友的身份再次对布什来访清华表示欢迎，随后便坐在发言席侧同清华的学子们共同倾听演讲。美国总统布什以浅显清晰的英语向听众表达美国的价值理念。

四年前，克林顿也曾到北大演讲，在演讲中他直言不讳地将北大的学生称做“下一代的中国领袖”。因此，清华大学国际传播研究中心主任李希光教授认为，布什此次来清华演讲，也是希望同中国“未来的或潜在的领导人”对话，通过对话与中国未来的栋梁建立一种信任关系。

中美友好符合两国人民的心愿，中美两国有责任维护亚太地区乃至世界的和平与稳定，促进地区经济和全球经济的增长和繁荣，打击恐怖主义和其他跨国犯罪，以及解决环境恶化等全球性问题，也都拥有广泛的共同利益。这是国际形势发展的要求，也是顺应历史发展的潮流。小布什的此次来访，恰逢尼克松访华和中美上海公报发表三十周年。三十年的时间，在人类的历史上只是短暂的一瞬，但却给中美关系带来了巨大的变化，人们将永远不会忘记，它也势必会被永远载入史册。

第二节  布什于2002年在清华大学的演讲

Vice President Hu, thank you very much for your kind and generous remarks. Thank you for welcoming me and my wife, Laura, here. I see she’s keeping pretty good company, with the Secretary of State, Colin Powell. It’s good to see you, Mr. Secretary. And I see my National Security Advisor, Ms. Condoleezza Rice, who at one time was the provost at Stanford University. So she’s comfortable on university campuses such as this. Thank you for being here, Condi.

I’m so grateful for the hospitality, and honored for the reception at one of China’s, and the world’s, great universities.

This university was founded, interestingly enough, with the support of my country, to further ties between our two nations. I know how important this place is to your Vice President. He not only received his degree here, but more importantly, he met his gracious wife here.

I want to thank the students for giving me the chance to meet with you, the chance to talk a little bit about my country and answer some of your questions.

The standards and reputation of this university are known around the world, and I know what an achievement it is to be here. So, congratulations. I don’t know if you know this or not, but my wife and I have two daughters who are in college, just like you. One goes to the University of Texas. One goes to Yale. They’re twins. And we are proud of our daughters, just like I’m sure your parents are proud of you.

My visit to China comes on an important anniversary, as the Vice President mentioned. Thirty years ago this week, an American President arrived in China on a trip designed to end decades of estrangement and confront centuries of suspicion. President Richard Nixon showed the world that two vastly different governments could meet on the grounds of common interest, in the spirit of mutual respect. As they left the airport that day, Premier Zhou Enlai said this to President Nixon:“Your handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world—25 years of no communication.”During the 30 years since, America and China have exchanged many handshakes of friendship and commerce.

And as we have had more contact with each other, the citizens of both countries have gradually learned more about each other. And that’s important. Once America knew China only by its history as a great and enduring civilization. Today, we see a China that is still defined by noble traditions of family, scholarship, and honor. And we see a China that is becoming one of the most dynamic and creative societies in the world—as demonstrated by the knowledge and potential right here in this room. China is on a rising path, and America welcomes the emergence of a strong and peaceful and prosperous China.

As America learns more about China, I am concerned that the Chinese people do not always see a clear picture of my country. This happens for many reasons, and some of them of our own making. Our movies and television shows often do not portray the values of the real America I know. Our successful businesses show a strength of American commerce, but our spirit, community spirit, and contributions to each other are not always visible as monetary success.

Some of the erroneous pictures of America are painted by others. My friend, the Ambassador to China, tells me some Chinese textbooks talk of Americans of“bullying the weak and repressing the poor.”Another Chinese textbook, published just last year, teaches that special agents of the FBI are used to“repress the working people.”Now, neither of these is true—and while the words may be leftovers from a previous era, they are misleading and they’re harmful.

In fact, Americans feel a special responsibility for the weak and the poor. Our government spends billions of dollars to provide health care and food and housing for those who cannot help themselves—and even more important, many of our citizens contribute their own money and time to help those in need. American compassion also stretches way beyond our borders. We’re the number one provider of humanitarian aid to people in need throughout the world. And as for the men and women of the FBI and law enforcement, they’re working people; they, themselves, are working people who devote their lives to fighting crime and corruption.

My country certainly has its share of problems, no question about that. And we have our faults. Like most nations we’re on a long journey toward achieving our own ideals of equality and justice. Yet there’s a reason our nation shines as a beacon of hope and opportunity, a reason many throughout the world dream of coming to America. It’s because we’re a free nation, where men and women have the opportunity to achieve their dreams. No matter your background or your circumstance of birth, in America you can get a good education, you can start your own business, you can raise a family, you can worship freely, and help elect the leaders of your community and your country. You can support the policies of our government, or you’re free to openly disagree with them.

Those who fear freedom sometimes argue it could lead to chaos, but it does not, because freedom means more than every man for himself.Liberty gives our citizens many rights, yet expects them to exercise important responsibilities. Our liberty is given direction and purpose by moral character, shaped in strong families, strong communities, and strong religious institutions, and overseen by a strong and fair legal system.

My country’s greatest symbol to the world is the Statue of Liberty, and it was designed by special care. I don’t know if you’ve ever seen the Statue of Liberty, but if you look closely, she’s holding not one object, but two. In one hand is the familiar torch we call the“light of liberty”. And in the other hand is a book of law.

We’re a nation of laws. Our courts are honest and they are independent. The President—me—I can’t tell the courts how to rule, and neither can any other member of the executive or legislative branch of government. Under our law, everyone stands equal. No one is above the law, and no one is beneath it.

All political power in America is limited and it is temporary, and only given by the free vote of the people. We have a Constitution, now two centuries old, which limits and balances the power of the three branches of our government, the judicial branch, the legislative branch, and the executive branch, of which I’m a part.

Many of the values that guide our life in America are first shaped in our families, just as they are in your country. American moms and dads love their children and work hard and sacrifice for them, because we believe life can always be better for the next generation. In our families, we find love and learn responsibility and character.

And many Americans voluntarily devote part of their lives to serving other people. An amazing number—nearly half of all adults in America—volunteer time every week to make their communities better by mentoring children, or by visiting the sick, or caring for the elderly, or helping with thousands of other needs and causes.

This is one of the great strengths of my country. People take responsibility for helping others, without being told, motivated by their good hearts and often by their faith.

America is a nation guided by faith. Someone once called us“a nation with the soul of a church”. This may interest you—95 percent of Americans say they believe in God, and I’m one of them.

When I met President Jiang Zemin in Shanghai a few months ago, I had the honor of sharing with him how faith changed my life and how faith contributes to the life of my country.

Faith points to a moral law beyond man’s law, and calls us to duties higher than material gain. Freedom of religion is not something to be feared, it’s to be welcomed, because faith gives us a moral core and teaches us to hold ourselves to high standards, to love and to serve others, and to live responsible lives.

If you travel across America—and I hope you do some day if you haven’t been there—you will find people of many different ethic backgrounds and many different faiths. We’re a varied nation. We’re home to 2.3 million Americans of Chinese ancestry, who can be found working in the offices of our corporations, or in the Cabinet of the President of the United States, or skating for the America Olympic team. Every immigrant, by taking an oath of allegiance to our country, becomes just as just as American as the President. America shows that a society can be vast and it can be varied, yet still one country, commanding the allegiance and love of its people.

And all these qualities of America were widely on display on a single day, September the 11th, the day when terrorists, murderers, attacked my nation. American policemen and firefighters, by the hundreds, ran into burning towers in desperation to save their fellow citizens. Volunteers came from everywhere to help with rescue efforts. Americans donated blood and gave money to help the families of victims. America had prayer services all over our country, and people raised flags to show their pride and unity. And you need to know, none of this was ordered by the government; it happened spontaneously, by the initiative of free people.

Life in America shows that liberty, paired with law is not to be feared. In a free society, diversity is not disorder. Debate is not strife. And dissent is not revolution. A free society trusts its citizens to seek greatness in themselves and their country.

It was my honor to visit China in 1975—some of you weren’t even born then. It shows how old I am. And a lot has changed in your country since then. China has made amazing progress—in openness and enterprise and economic freedom. And this progress previews China’s great potential.

China has joined the World Trade Organization, and as you live up to its obligations, they inevitably will bring changes to China’s legal system. A modern China will have a consistent rule of law to govern commerce and secure the rights of its people. The new China your generation is building will need the profound wisdom of your traditions. The lure of materialism challenges our society—challenges society in our country, and in many successful countries. Your ancient ethic of personal and family responsibility will serve you well.

Behind China’s economic success today are talented, brilliant and energetic people. In the near future, those same men and women will play a full and active role in your government. This university is not simply turning out specialists, it is preparing citizens. And citizens are not spectators in the affairs of their country. They are participants in its future.

Change is coming. China is already having secret ballot and competitive elections at the local level. Nearly 20 years ago, a great Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping, said this—I want you to hear his words. He said that China would eventually expand democratic elections all the way to the national level. I look forward to that day.

Tens of millions of Chinese today are relearning Buddhist, Taoist, and local religious traditions, or practicing Christianity, Islam, and other faiths. Regardless of where or how these believers worship, they’re no threat to public order; in fact, they make good citizens. For centuries, this country has had a tradition of religious tolerance. My prayer is that all persecution will end, so that all in China are free to gather and worship as they wish.

All these changes will lead to a stronger, more confident China—a China that can astonish and enrich the world, a China that your generation will help create. This is one of the most exciting times in the history of your country, a time when even the grandest hopes seem within your reach.

My nation offers you our respect and our friendship. Six years from now, athletes from America and around the world will come to your country for the Olympic games. And I’m confident they will find a China that is becoming a da guo, a leading nation, at peace with its people and at peace with the world.

Thank you for letting me come.

胡副主席，非常感谢您的欢迎致辞，非常感谢您在这里接待我和我的夫人劳拉。我发现她与鲍威尔先生相处得很好。今天很高兴看到你，国务卿先生。同时我也看到我的助理赖斯女士，她曾经是斯德莫大学的校长，因此她回到校园是最适合不过的了。谢谢你此时能在这儿，赖斯。

非常感谢各位对我的热情接待，很荣幸能够来到这所中国甚至是世界最伟大的学府之一。

这所大学恰好是在美国的支持下成立的，成立的目的是为了推动我们两国间的关系。我也知道清华这所大学对于副主席先生有着十分重要的意义，他不仅在这里获得了学位，而且还在这里与他优雅的夫人相识。

我想同时也感谢在座的各位学生给我这个机会跟大家见面，谈一谈我自己的国家，并且回答大家的一些问题。

清华大学的治学标准和名声闻名于世，我也知道能考入这所大学本身是一个很大的成就，祝贺你们。我不知道大家是不是知道，我和我的太太有两个女儿，像你们一样正在上大学，一个女儿上的是德州大学，一个女儿上的是耶鲁大学，她们是双胞胎。我们对我们的两个女儿备感骄傲，我想你们的父母对你们的成就也是同样的引以为荣。

我这次访华恰逢一个重要的周年纪念日，副主席刚才也谈到了，三十年前的这一周，一个美国总统来到了中国，他的访华之旅是为了结束长达数十年的隔阂，和长达数百年的相互猜疑。理查德·尼克松总统向世界展示了两个迥然不同的政府能够本着相互利益，本着相互尊重的精神站在一起。那天他们离开机场的时候，周恩来总理对尼克松总统说：“你与我的握手越过了世界上最为辽阔的海洋，这个海洋就是互不交往的二十五年。”自从那时以来，美国和中国已经握过多次的友谊之手和商业之手。

随着我们两国间接触的日益频繁，我们两国的国民也逐渐地加深了对彼此的了解，这是非常非常重要的。曾经一度，美国人只知道中国是一个历史悠久的伟大国家，有伟大的文明。今天，我们仍然看到中国奉行着重视家庭、学业和荣誉的优良传统，同时，我们所看到的中国正日益成为世界上最富活力和最富创造力的国家之一，这一点最佳的验证便是在座诸位所具备的知识和潜力。中国正走在一个发展的道路上，而美国欢迎一个强大、和平与繁荣的中国出现。

正当美国人在更进一步了解中国的同时，我却担心中国人不一定总是能够很清楚地看到我的国家的真实面貌，这里面有多种原因，其中有一些是我们自己造成的。我们的电影，还有电视节目，往往并没有全面反映出我所认识的美国的真正的价值观。我们成功的企业显示了美国商业的力量，但是我们的精神、我们的社区精神，还有我们相互对彼此的贡献往往并不像我们在金钱方面的成功那样显而易见。

有些关于美国错误的描述则是他人做出的。我的朋友美国驻华大使告诉我，有些中国的教科书里面讲到美国人欺负弱者，压制穷人；另外，有一本去年刚出版的中国教科书，书里面说联邦调查局的特工们被用来压制劳动人民。这两种说法都是不真实的，这种措词很可能是过去时代遗留的产物，不过它确实是误人子弟，而且是有害的。

事实上，美国人民能感受到对弱者和贫者的一种特殊责任感。政府花费数亿美元来向那些无助的人提供卫生保健、食物、房屋。更重要的是，许多公民捐献出自己的时间和金钱来帮助那些需要帮助的人。美国人民甚至将其同情延伸到他国，我们是世界上向需要帮助的人提供人道主义援助的首善。至于联邦调查局和执法机关的人们，他们是劳动人民，是致力于打击犯罪和腐败的劳动人民。

毫无疑问，美国也有自己的问题，我们也有我们的过失。像大多数国家一样，我们在实现平等和公正方面还有很长的路要走。美国成为希望和机会的灯塔，成为全世界的梦想之地是有其原因的。那就是我们是一个自由的国度，无论男性还是女性都有机会实现他们的梦想。无论你的背景如何，无论你的出生环境如何，在美国你都有机会接受良好的教育，可以做自己的生意，可以养家糊口，可以信仰自由，也可以自主选择你所在社区和国家的管理者。你可以支持我们政府的政策，同时你也可以公开地毫不掩饰地表述不同的观点。

有些人害怕自由，他们说自由可能导致混乱，但是实际上并不会这样。因为自由的含义远远超越了人人为己，自由赋予了我们国民许多的权利，同时也邀请他们履行重大的责任。我们的自由因为有道德，所以是一种有方向，有目的的自由。我们的自由在强健的家庭中，在强健的社区中，在强健的宗教团体生活中得到了熏陶，同时也为一个强大而公平的法律制度所监督。

我的国家显示给世界最伟大的象征是自由女神像，她是经过精心设计而成的。我不知道大家是否见过自由女神像，如果仔细观察会发现她手里拿着两件东西，其中一只手拿的是大家比较熟悉的火炬，那是自由之光，另一只手拿的是一部法典。

我们美国是一个法制的国家，我们的法院是清廉、独立的。即使是总统，哪怕是我，也无法告诉法院要如何来判案，行政部门、立法部门任何一个成员都不可以。根据我们的法律每个人都是平等的，没有任何一个人是凌驾于法律之上的，也没有任何一个人是为法律所不耻的。

在美国，所有的政治权利都是有限的、暂时的，只有通过人民的自由投票才能得到。我们拥有一部宪法，现在已经有两百年的历史，它限制并且平衡三个部门之间的权力，这三个部门就是司法、立法和行政机构。我是行政机构中的一员。

我们美国生活中的很多价值观，首先都是在家庭中陶冶形成的，就像在中国一样，美国的妈妈、爸爸们疼爱他们的孩子，为他们的健康成长作出牺牲，因为我们相信下一代的生活总会更好。在我们的家庭中，我们可以找到关爱，可以学习如何负起责任，如何陶冶人格。

很多美国人都主动抽出时间为其他人提供服务，这是一个惊人的数字，几乎一半的成年人每周都拿出时间使他们的社区办得更好，他们辅导儿童、探访病人、照顾老人，并且帮助许许多多其他的人，这种事情数不胜数。

这就是我的国家的一大优点。人们主动地承担起责任帮助他人，他们的原动力就是善良的心，还有他们的信仰。

美国是一个受信仰指导的国度，曾经有人称呼我们为教会之魂的国度，美国有95%的人称他们信仰上帝，我便是其中之一。

我几个月之前在上海见到江泽民主席时，我非常荣幸和他分享了我个人的经历，信仰如何影响了我的一生，信仰如何充实了我们国家的生活。

信仰为我们指出一种道德的规范，这超越人们的法律，也号召我们承担比物质利益更为崇高的使命。宗教自由不仅不可怕，而且应当受到欢迎，因为信仰给我们一种道德的支柱，它教授我们如何用高标准来要求自己，如何爱护他人，为他人提供服务，并且如何有责任地过我们的生活。

如果你到美国旅行的话，我希望诸位有机会到美国去旅行，你会见到来自不同背景有着不同信仰的人。我们是一个多元文化多姿多彩的国家，在那里有230万华人在繁衍生息，在我们大公司的办公室里有华人工作，在美国政府的内阁里有华人工作，在奥林匹克运动会中也有华人代表美国参加滑冰比赛，每个移民只要宣誓效忠美国，就可以成为不折不扣的美国公民，毫不亚于美国总统。美国表明一个社会可以是多姿多彩的，但仍然是一个国家，它得到其人民的效忠和热爱。

美国的所有这些特征都在一天之中生动而有力地显示出来，这就是9月11日。那天恐怖分子的凶手们攻击了我的国家，美国的警察和救火队员们带着拯救同胞的一线希望，成百上千地冲进了燃烧的大楼，来自各地的志愿者，帮助救援工作的进行。美国人中有的献血，有的捐钱来帮助那些受难者的家庭。美国各地的民众举行祈祷会，人们升起国旗，表明他们作为美国人的荣誉和团结。这些都不是政府下令让他们做的，这些都是自由的人民自发和主动做出来的。

美国的生活表明，自由在法律的辅佐下不一定令人生畏。在一个自由的社会中，多样化不是混乱，辩论不是争斗，不同政见不是革命。一个自由的社会，信任其公民，会在其自身和国家的身上寻找到一种伟大的境界。

我在1975年有幸访问过中国，在座的有些人也许还没有出生，这也表明现在我有多老了。从那时以来，贵国发生了深刻的变化，中国取得了举世闻名的进步，在开放方面，在企业方面，在经济自由方面都是如此。而这样的进步预示着中国具有巨大的潜力。

中国已经加入了世界贸易组织，在诸位履行新义务的同时，这些新义务将为贵国的法律制度带来变化。一个现代化的中国将有一个统一的法制，规范其商业活动，保障其人民的权力。诸位这一代所建设的新中国将需要贵国传统中博大精深的智慧，而物质主义的诱惑在我们的国家给我们的社会造成挑战，在很多成功的国家也造成挑战。重视个人和家庭责任的古老道德传统将使诸位受益匪浅。

在中国如今经济成功的背后是有活力的人才。在不久将来，这些人将在政府中发挥积极和全面的作用。清华大学不仅在培养专家，也是在培育公民。公民在其国家的事务中不是袖手旁观者，而是建设未来的参与者。

变化正在到来，中国已经在地方一级进行不计名投票和差额选举。将近二十年前，中国伟大的领导人邓小平说，中国最终将把这种民主选举推广到中央一级。我期待这一天的到来。

如今，上千万中国人都在重温佛教、道教和各地的传统信仰，还有信仰基督教、伊斯兰教和其他宗教的。不管这些信徒在哪里，从事何种宗教活动，他们都不会对公共秩序造成威胁，实际上他们是很好的公民。多个世纪以来，中国在包容各种宗教方面有着古老的传统，我为一切迫害的终结祈祷，让所有的中国人都有集会和从事宗教活动的自由。

所有这些变化将导致中国更加强大，更加自信，这样的中国将使世界瞩目，也使世界更加丰富。这样的中国就是诸位这一代人所共同创建的中国。现在是中国的历史上非常令人振奋的时刻，此时此刻就连最宏伟的梦想也似乎唾手可得。

我的国度与中国相互尊重，友好相处。再过六年来自美国和世界的运动员将到贵国参加奥林匹克比赛。我坚信他们见到的中国，将是一个正在变成大国的中国，一个走在世界前沿的国家，一个与其人民无争，与世界和平相处的中国。

谢谢诸位让我来此发言。

第三节  精彩语录

Faith points to a moral law beyond man’s law, and calls us to duties higher than material gain. Freedom of religion is not something to be feared, it’s to be welcomed, because faith gives us a moral core and teaches us to hold ourselves to high standards, to love and to serve others, and to live responsible lives.

信仰为我们指出一种道德的规范，这超越人们的法律，也号召我们承担比物质利益更为崇高的使命。宗教自由不仅不可怕，而且应当受到欢迎，因为信仰给我们一种道德的支柱，它教授我们如何用高标准来要求自己，如何爱护其他人，并且为其他人提供服务，并且如何有责任地过我们的生活。

A society can be vast and it can be varied, yet still one country, commanding the allegiance and love of its people.

一个社会可以是多姿多彩的，但仍然是一个国家，它得到其人民的效忠和热爱。

Paired with law is not to be feared. In a free society, diversity is not disorder. Debate is not strife. And dissent is not revolution. A free society trusts its citizens to seek greatness in themselves and their country.

自由在法律的辅佐下不一定令人生畏。在一个自由的社会中，多样化不是混乱，辩论不是争斗，不同政件不是革命。一个自由的社会，信任其公民，会在其自身和国家的身上寻找到一种伟大的境界。

I’m confident they will find a China that is becoming a da guo, a leading nation, at peace with its people and at peace with the world.

我坚信他们见到的中国将是一个正在变成大国的中国，一个走在世界前沿的国家，一个与其人民无争，与世界和平相处的中国。

第六章  最后决定的时刻

第一节  背景介绍

1937年4月28日，萨达姆·侯赛因出生于伊拉克萨拉赫丁省提克里特的一个农民家庭。他自幼丧父由叔父抚养成人。1960年，他前往埃及开罗大学攻读法律专业。二十岁时，萨达姆加入阿拉伯复兴社会党，并很快成为该党的主要领导人之一。他曾长期担任该党的地区领导机构副总书记职务。1969年，萨达姆当选为伊拉克革命指挥委员会副主席。1979年，出任伊拉克总统，并兼任伊拉克革命指挥委员会主席、总理和阿拉伯复兴社会党地区领导机构总书记。

萨达姆出任伊拉克总统第二年就引发了同邻国伊朗的两伊战争，这场战争耗时八年之久。之后，又入侵科威特，并引发海湾战争，严重威胁到世界的和平与安全。布什曾在发表讲话时提到：“萨达姆政权是一个与日俱增的严重威胁，任何其他设想都是不顾事实的一厢情愿。如果认为这个政权会有诚意，就等于拿着亿万人民的生命与世界和平进行一场轻率的赌博。我们绝不能冒这个风险。”

2002年11月8日，联合国安理会以15票对0票一致通过的第1441号决议确定，伊拉克已经而且仍在严重违背其义务，这将导致严重后果。此外，国际社会已经对伊拉克的威胁采取了进一步重要的行动，即通过联合国一致要求伊拉克立即和无条件地公开并销毁其大规模毁灭性武器。布什认为第1441号决议是对伊拉克政权的最后一次考验。伊拉克必须立即无条件地完全消除武器，接受全面核查，并彻底改变它坚持了十多年的立场。

自从1991年萨达姆在海湾战争中失败后，他一直表现出对国际社会的蔑视，多次无视联合国强令他销毁核武器的要求。更是从未执行联合国提出的停止迫害伊拉克人民、释放外国囚徒、归还窃取的财物、停止非法利用石油换食品计划的要求。此外，伊拉克在萨达姆的统治下深陷灾难，数以千计的公民常常被任意逮捕，遭受酷刑和被处决。言论自由、宗教活动、政治团体、隐私和合法程序，所有这一切根本都不存在。伊拉克政权用对待任何反对其统治或试图主张某种独立的团体的无情手段来迫害和利用伊拉克的宗教社团。

巴格达更是残酷运动的主战场，他们对什叶派穆斯林领袖和信徒长期施行无故逮捕和草率处决的残酷暴行。而且还利用伊拉克军事和安全机构，对整片伊拉克地区实行民族清洗，使全国约100万人流离失所，并残酷迫害少数民族和那些被认为是异议人士的人。在对他们发动的攻击中，伊拉克部队越来越疯狂地对手无寸铁的伊拉克平民使用化学武器。萨达姆不顾国际核查人员的检查和全面制裁规定，不惜以伊拉克人民的苦难为代价，大肆谋取化学、生物和核武器。

伊拉克政权长期以来一直大力进行恐怖主义训练和组织活动，而且还推行在政治上给各种恐怖主义组织撑腰和为它们提供长期庇护的政策，这充分体现了伊拉克是一个支持恐怖主义的国家。

萨达姆将偷运石油作为其非法收入的主要来源，暗中对石油买卖附加收费并以种种手段操纵利用联合国的石油换食品计划。然而，这些非法收入不是用于改善伊拉克人民的福利上，而是被他的家族和支持者所瓜分。整个国家如同归萨达姆及其家族所有，腐败在伊拉克四处蔓延。

自1979年萨达姆全面掌权以来，他曾两次把伊拉克推入灾难性的冲突中——两伊战争和入侵科威特。两次战争给伊拉克人民带来的都是苦难、死亡、失败和民族耻辱。

我们希望看到一个没有萨达姆及其家族、同伙和支持者的新伊拉克政府。渴望伊拉克成为一个民主、统一的国家，与邻国和平共处，并成为国际社会中受尊重的一员。只有这样，国际社会才有机会和伊拉克一起愈合过去十年来的创伤，帮助伊拉克公民重新建设他们的国家和生活。因此，布什发布最后通牒：限令伊拉克总统萨达姆·侯赛因在48小时内离开伊拉克。

第二节  布什限萨达姆四十八小时内离开伊拉克的电视讲话

My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of decision. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations have pursued patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime without war. That regime pledged to reveal and destroy all its weapons of mass destruction as a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War in 1991.

Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have passed more than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Council. We have sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarmament of Iraq. Our good faith has not been returned.

The Iraqi regime has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage. It has uniformly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmament. Over the years, U.N. weapon inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi officials, electronically bugged, and systematically deceived. Peaceful efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime have failed again and again—because we are not dealing with peaceful men.

Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of mass destruction against Iraq’s neighbors and against Iraq’s people.

The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It has a deep hatred of America and our friends. And it has aided, trained and harbored terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda.

The danger is clear: using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear weapons, obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill their stated ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of innocent people in our country, or any other.

The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite this threat. But we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of drifting along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety. Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed.

The United States of America has the sovereign authority to use force in assuring its own national security. That duty falls to me, as Commander-in-Chief, by the oath I have sworn, by the oath I will keep.

Recognizing the threat to our country, the United States Congress voted overwhelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq. America tried to work with the United Nations to address this threat because we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mission of the United Nations. One reason the U.N. was founded after the second world war was to confront aggressive dictators, actively and early, before they can attack the innocent and destroy the peace.

In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act, in the early 1990s. Under Resolutions 678 and 687—both still in effect—the United States and our allies are authorized to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. This is not a question of authority, it is a question of will.

Last September, I went to the U.N. General Assembly and urged the nations of the world to unite and bring an end to this danger. On November 8th, the Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1441, finding Iraq in material breach of its obligations, and vowing serious consequences if Iraq did not fully and immediately disarm.

Today, no nation can possibly claim that Iraq has disarmed. And it will not disarm so long as Saddam Hussein holds power. For the last four and a half months, the United States and our allies have worked within the Security Council to enforce that Council’s long-standing demands. Yet, some permanent members of the Security Council have publicly announced they will veto any resolution that compels the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our assessment of the danger, but not our resolve to meet it. Many nations, however, do have the resolve and fortitude to act against this threat to peace, and a broad coalition is now gathering to enforce the just demands of the world. The United Nations Security Council has not lived up to its responsibilities, so we will rise to ours.

In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing their part. They have delivered public and private messages urging the dictator to leave Iraq, so that disarmament can proceed peacefully. He has thus far refused. All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam Hussein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to do so will result in military conflict, commenced at a time of our choosing. For their own safety, all foreign nationals—including journalists and inspectors—should leave Iraq immediately.

Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I have a message for them. If we must begin a military campaign, it will be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you. As our coalition takes away their power, we will deliver the food and medicine you need. We will tear down the apparatus of terror and we will help you to build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free. In a free Iraq, there will be no more wars of aggression against your neighbors, no more poison factories, no more executions of dissidents, no more torture chambers and rape rooms. The tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is near.

It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too late for the Iraqi military to act with honor and protect your country by permitting the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clear instructions on actions they can take to avoid being attacked and destroyed. I urge every member of the Iraqi military and intelligence services, if war comes, do not fight for a dying regime that is not worth your own life.

And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully to this warning. In any conflict, your fate will depend on your action. Do not destroy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Iraqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction against anyone, including the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosecuted. War criminals will be punished. And it will be no defense to say,“I was just following orders.”

Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can know that every measure has been taken to avoid war, and every measure will be taken to win it. Americans understand the costs of conflict because we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty, except the certainty of sacrifice.

Yet, the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply the full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so. If Saddam Hussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly foe until the end. In desperation, he and terrorists groups might try to conduct terrorist operations against the American people and our friends. These attacks are not inevitable. They are, however, possible. And this very fact underscores the reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. The terrorist threat to America and the world will be diminished the moment that Saddam Hussein is disarmed.

Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as we are preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actions to protect our homeland. In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the country certain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services. Among other measures, I have directed additional security of our airports, and increased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports. The Department of Homeland Security is working closely with the nation’s governors to increase armed security at critical facilities across America.

Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift our attention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they would fail. No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolve of this country. We are a peaceful people—yet we’re not a fragile people, and we will not be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strike us, they and all who have aided them, will face fearful consequences.

We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater. In one year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all free nations would be multiplied many times over. With these capabilities, Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of deadly conflict when they are strongest. We choose to meet that threat now, where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities.

The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognize new and undeniable realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous dictators, whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global war. In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear terror, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never before seen on this earth.

Terrorists and terror states do not reveal these threats with fair notice, in formal declarations—and responding to such enemies only after they have struck first is not self-defense, it is suicide. The security of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now.

As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honor the deepest commitments of our country. Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi people are deserving and capable of human liberty. And when the dictator has departed, they can set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peaceful and self-governing nation.

The United States, with other countries, will work to advance liberty and peace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but it can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in every life and every land. And the greatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace.

That is the future we choose. Free nations have a duty to defend our people by uniting against the violent. And tonight, as we have done before, America and our allies accept that responsibility.

Good night, and may God continue to bless America.

同胞们，伊拉克事态现已进入最后决定的时刻。十多年来，美国和其他国家进行了耐心和真诚的努力，以便不用战争方式解除伊拉克政权的武器。作为1991年海湾战争的停战条件，伊拉克政权保证公布并销毁其所有大规模毁灭性武器。

自那时起，全世界进行了十二年的外交努力。我们在联合国安理会通过了十多项决议。我们派出了数百名武器核查人员，监督伊拉克消除武器。我们的良好用心没有得到回报。

伊拉克政权一直把外交作为争取时间和优势的策略。它一贯违抗安理会要求其全面消除武器的各项决议。多年来，联合国武器核查人员遭到伊拉克官员的威胁，他们受到电子窃听和蓄意欺骗。和平解除伊拉克政权武器的努力一次次失败──因为我们面对的不是和平之士。

我国和其他政府收集的情报毫无疑问地说明，伊拉克政权继续拥有并隐藏某些有史以来最具杀伤力的武器。该政权已经对伊拉克的邻国和伊拉克人民使用过大规模毁灭性武器。

该政权有在中东地区肆意侵犯的历史。它对美国和美国的盟友怀着刻骨仇恨。它帮助、训练并庇护恐怖主义分子，其中包括“基地”组织成员。

危险是明显的：利用在伊拉克的帮助下获得的化学和生物武器，也许终有一天还会有核武器，恐怖主义分子可能实现他们昭彰的野心，在我国或其他任何国家，杀害成千上万无辜的民众。

美国和其他国家不应受到也没有招致这种威胁。但我们将竭尽全力击败它。我们不会随波逐流滑向悲剧的深渊，而是要开辟通往安全之路。在恐怖来临之前，在采取行动尚未太晚之时，必须铲除这一危险。

美国有使用武力确保自己国家安全的最高权力，作为总司令这一职责落在我的肩上。这既是我发过的誓言，也将是我信守的誓言。

美国国会认识到我国所面临的威胁，于去年以压倒多数的投票支持对伊拉克使用武力。美国同联合国一道努力对付这一威胁，因为我们希望和平解决这个问题。我们相信联合国的使命。在第二次世界大战之后成立联合国的原因之一，就是为了主动、及早地遏制侵略成性的独裁者，不让他们有可能对无辜者发动攻击和破坏和平。

在伊拉克问题上，安理会在20世纪90年代初确实采取过行动。仍然有效的第678和687号决议授权美国和美国的盟友用武力解除伊拉克的大规模毁灭性武器。这不是一个是否有授权的问题，而是一个是否有意愿的问题。

2002年9月，我在联合国大会上敦促世界各国团结起来结束这种危险。2002年11月8日，安理会一致通过第1441号决议，确定伊拉克实质性地违反了其义务，并郑重警告伊拉克，若不立即全面消除武器就将承担严重后果。

今天，没有一个国家能说伊拉克消除了武器。只要萨达姆还在掌权，伊拉克政权就不会消除武器。在过去的四个半月里，美国和美国的盟友一直在安理会内部为落实安理会的长期要求而努力。但某些安理会常任理事国却公开表示，他们将否决任何迫使伊拉克解除武器的决议。这些政府认同我们对危险的评估，但却不认同我们解除这种危险的决心。不过，很多国家确实有决心、有意志对和平的威胁予以反击，一个广泛的联盟目前正在形成，以落实全世界的正义要求。由于联合国安理会未能履行它的职责，我们将站出来承担我们的责任。

最近几天，一些中东国家一直在尽他们的努力。他们公开和不公开地传递信息，敦促这个独裁者离开伊拉克，以便使解除武器的工作和平地进行下去。到目前为止他拒不接受。几十年的欺骗和暴行行将告终，萨达姆和他的儿子们必须在48小时之内离开伊拉克。如果他们拒绝这么做将会导致军事冲突，开始时间由我们选择。所有外国人，包括新闻记者和核查人员，都应为自身安全起见立即离开伊拉克。

今晚，许多伊拉克人通过收音机广播翻译可以听到我的讲话，我在此向他们发出一个信息。如果我们必须开始军事行动，所针对的是那些统治你们国家的不法之徒而不是你们。在我们的联军解除他们权力的同时，我们将提供给你们所需要的食物和药品。我们将摧毁恐怖的机器，帮助你们建立一个繁荣而自由的新伊拉克。在自由的伊拉克，将不再有侵略你们邻国的战争，不再有毒气工厂，不再对持不同政见人士进行杀害，不再有酷刑室和强暴间。这个独裁者很快将一去不复返，你们获得解放的日子即将来临。

现在，萨达姆·侯赛因想要继续掌权已为时过晚。但是对伊拉克军队而言，采取正义的行动，通过让联军和平进入，销毁大规模毁灭性武器保护你们的国家，尚为时不晚。我们的军队将向伊拉克部队提供明确的指示，告诉他们可以采取何种行动来避免遭到攻击和被摧毁。我敦促伊拉克军队和情报部门的每位成员，一旦战争发生，不要为一个行将灭亡的政权而战，它不值得你们牺牲生命。

所有伊拉克军事和非军事人员必须仔细听取这一警告。在任何冲突中，你们的行为将决定你们的命运。不得摧毁油井，这一财富资源属于伊拉克人民。不得服从对包括伊拉克人民在内的任何人动用大规模毁灭性武器的命令。战争罪将受到起诉，战犯将受到惩罚。“我只是执行命令”将不能成为理由。

如果萨达姆·侯赛因选择对抗，美国人民将看到，我们已经为避免战争采取了一切措施，我们也将为赢得战争采取一切措施。美国人民懂得冲突的代价，因为我们过去已为此付出过代价。战争是无常的，而牺牲是必然的。

然而，减少战争伤害，缩短战争时间的唯一途经便是运用我军全部的力量和实力。我们已严阵以待，如果萨达姆·侯赛因妄图握权不放，他至死都将是我们的死敌。他和恐怖主义组织可能孤注一掷，对美国人民和我们的友邦发动恐怖袭击。这些袭击并非不可避免，但却是可能发生的。这一点更加突出说明我们为什么不能在讹诈的威胁中生活。萨达姆·侯赛因一旦被解除武器，恐怖主义对美国和世界的威胁就将减少。

我国政府提高了对这些危险的警戒。我们为确保在伊拉克获胜而进行准备的同时，也在采取进一步行动保护我国国土。近日美国有关当局将某些同伊拉克情报机构有关联的人驱逐出境。其他措施还包括我指示对我国机场加强保安，并且增加了海岸警卫队在重要海港的巡逻。国土安全部同全国各州州长密切合作，增加对全美各地重要设施的武装安全保卫。

敌人想通过对我国发动袭击，妄图制造惊慌来转移我们的注意力，制造恐惧来削弱我们的斗志。他们的企图不会得逞，他们的任何行动都不能改变我们的行动方向，也动摇不了我们国家的决心。我们是爱好和平的民族，然而我们不是脆弱的民族，我们不会被暴徒和杀人凶手所吓倒。如果敌人胆敢向我们发动攻击，他们及其所有支持者都将面临可怕的后果。

我们现在之所以采取行动是因为不行动的危险还要大得多。再过一年或者五年，伊拉克危害所有自由国家的力量将会成倍增加。有了这些能力，萨达姆·侯赛因及其恐怖主义同伙就可能选择在他们最有力量的时刻，挑起致命的冲突。我们选择现在这个时刻，在它刚刚产生，还未能突然出现在我们的天空和城市之前迎战这一威胁。

和平的事业要求所有自由国家认识到当前无可否认的现实。在20世纪，有些国家对杀人不眨眼的独裁者采取了绥靖政策，使其威胁得以发展成灭绝种族的大屠杀和全球大战。在21世纪，在邪恶之徒策划化学、生物和核恐怖之时，绥靖政策可能给地球带来的巨大破坏，将会是前所未见的。

恐怖主义分子和恐怖国家不会以开诚布公、正式宣布的方式来预示这样的威胁。面对这样的敌人，待他们出击之后再做回应，不是自卫而是自杀。世界安全要求现在就解除萨达姆·侯赛因的武器。

我们在执行世界的正义要求之际，还将信守我们国家深深的承诺。不同于萨达姆·侯赛因，我们认为伊拉克人民有权利并且有能力享有人类自由。在独裁者垮台后，他们能为整个中东树立一个极其重要的和平和自治国家的榜样。

美国将同其他国家一道努力推进那个地区的自由与和平。我们的目标不会在一夜之间实现，但是假以时日必将实现。每一个生命、每一片土地都能够感受到人类自由的力量和美好。自由的最大力量就是战胜仇恨和暴力，将人们的创造力转化为对和平的追求。

这就是我们选择的未来。自由国家有责任联合起来打击暴力之徒，保卫我们的人民。今晚，如同我们过去所做的一样，美国及盟国将承担这一责任。

晚安，愿上帝继续保佑美国。

第三节  精彩语录

Instead of drifting along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety. Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed.

我们不会随波逐流滑向悲剧的深渊，而是要开辟通往安全之路。在恐怖来临之前，在采取行动尚未太晚之时，必须铲除这一危险。

In any conflict, your fate will depend on your action.

在任何冲突中，你们的行为将决定你们的命运。

We are a peaceful people—yet we’re not a fragile people, and we will not be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strike us, they and all who have aided them, will face fearful consequences.

我们是爱好和平的民族，然而我们不是脆弱的民族，我们不会被暴徒和杀人凶手所吓倒。如果敌人胆敢向我们发动攻击，他们及其所有支持者都将面临可怕的后果。

We choose to meet that threat now, where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities.

我们选择现在这个时刻，在它刚刚产生，还未能突然出现在我们的天空和城市之前迎战这一威胁。

Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but it can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in every life and every land. And the greatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace.

我们的目标不会在一夜之间实现，但是假以时日必将实现。每一个生命、每一片土地都能够感受到人类自由的力量和美好。自由的最大力量就是战胜仇恨和暴力，将人们的创造力转化为对和平的追求。

第七章  抬起眼帘，望向天空

第一节  背景介绍

1981年4月12日，“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机首次发射，这是美国第一架正式服役的航天飞机。“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机是为了纪念18世纪第一艘环绕世界航行的美国籍帆船“哥伦比亚”号而命名的。“哥伦比亚”号机舱长18米，能装运36吨货物，外形像一架大型三角翼飞机，整个组合装置重约2,000吨，在滑行中还能向两侧方向作2,000公里的机动飞行，以选择合适的着陆场地。美国东部时间2003年2月1日上午9时，美国“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机在得克萨斯州北部上空解体坠毁，七名宇航员全部遇难。

2003年1月16日，“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机发射升空。1月24日航天飞机项目承包商美国波音公司技术人员撰写了事故报告，并于1月27日提交给宇航局飞行控制部门。报告称，在“哥伦比亚”号发射82秒后，有三个泡沫材料碎块从连接外部燃料箱和航天飞机的支架区域脱落，每个碎块长约50厘米，它们击中航天飞机后“似乎出现了瓦解”，化为大量更小的碎片。美国宇航局在公布这份报告时强调说，根据报告得出的结论，泡沫碎块撞击不会影响航天飞机飞行的安全性。宇航局飞行控制部门也“同意这一结论”。

尽管宇航局飞行控制部门同意这一结论，但是新报告公布之后，泡沫材料撞击在“哥伦比亚”号失事中所起的作用，再次引起了人们的关注。2月1日，“哥伦比亚”号解体坠毁后不久，泡沫碎块问题就浮出水面。虽然美国宇航局一直坚持认为，泡沫碎块撞击不会产生严重后果，但负责对“哥伦比亚”号事故进行调查的独立委员会，仍对泡沫碎块产生的影响进行了深入分析。这一独立调查委员会得出的最主要结论是，“哥伦比亚”号机壳上可能出现孔洞，导致超高温气体进入航天飞机，最终酿成事故。而根据美国宇航局1月21日公布的文件，宇航局一位工程师1月29日就曾在电子邮件中警告，航天飞机外部隔热瓦受损，有可能导致轮舱或起落架舱门出现裂孔。

2004年8月13日，美国宇航局进一步确认，美国“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机外部燃料箱表面泡沫材料安装过程中存在的缺陷，是造成整起事故的祸首。“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机事故调查委员会公布的调查报告称，外部燃料箱表面脱落的一块泡沫材料，击中航天飞机左翼前缘名为“增强碳碳”的材料。当航天飞机返回时，经过大气层产生剧烈摩擦，使温度高达1400℃的空气冲入左机翼后融化了内部结构，致使机翼和机体融化，导致悲剧的发生。事故发生后，由于无法迅速找回事发时的泡沫材料和燃料箱进行检验，宇航局和事故调查委员会一直没对事故原因做出最终定论。

目前，“哥伦比亚”号外部燃料箱约50万块碎片已被找到并重新拼接。宇航局负责“哥伦比亚”号外部燃料箱工程的首席工程师尼尔·奥特说，宇航局经多次试验确定，泡沫材料安装过程有缺陷是造成事故的主要原因。奥特说，泡沫材料本身的化学成分没有问题，问题出在用喷枪在燃料箱外敷设泡沫材料的过程。试验表明敷设时会在各块泡沫材料之间留下缝隙，使液态氢能够渗入其间。航天飞机起飞后，氢气受热膨胀，最终导致大块泡沫材料脱落。撞击“哥伦比亚”号的泡沫材料有手提箱大小，重约0.75公斤。几乎是被整块“撕下”后，高速撞击到航天飞机左翼前缘“增强碳碳”的材料上并形成裂隙。航天飞机重返大气层时，超高温气体从裂隙处进入“哥伦比亚”号机体，造成航天飞机解体。

奥特说，根据新标准对燃料箱进行检测是摆在美国宇航局面前的最大障碍。新标准要求，不允许有0.5盎司（14.17克）以上的燃料箱外泡沫材料脱落。美国宇航局需要对航天飞机上的11个燃料箱进行检测，而检查每个燃料箱需要4000万美元。

美国“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机事故委员会专家指出，起飞时遭遇强风，发射前临时更换火箭助推器，以及“年龄太大”，都可能是造成这艘“功勋宇航器”解体的根本原因。在“哥伦比亚”号起飞62秒钟后，突然遭遇异常猛烈的大风，可能导致其左侧机身发生“内伤”，为日后坠毁埋下了隐患，此后仅仅20秒钟，从机身下部主燃料箱上脱落的泡沫绝缘材料击中了左侧机翼前端，造成直接“外伤”。专家认为这些损伤对其他航天飞机来说可能不算什么，但是对“哥伦比亚”号这样二十一岁高龄的“老飞机”则是致命的。

调查委员会指出，有关方面认为美国航空航天局是否在“机体老化”问题上重视不够，以致最终酿成本次悲剧。目前，有关“哥伦比亚”号失事的直接原因基本确定：超高温空气从机体表面缝隙入侵隔热瓦，最终造成航天飞机在返航途中解体坠毁。据介绍飞机起飞一分钟后，遭遇的风力强度已经接近美国航空航天局允许的极限。因此专家认为，原本已老化的机翼因遭受强风吹袭，才在外界异物的撞击下出现破损，为返航途中的超高温空气入侵留下了隐患。

此外，2002年8月，原本和“哥伦比亚”号主燃料箱配套的助推火箭被拆卸下来，安装到另外一艘航天飞机上。直到当年11月，美国航空航天局才重新为“哥伦比亚”号安装了新的助推火箭，可能在拆装过程中，有关人员的操作对燃料箱表面材料形成了伤害，从而造成绝缘材料脱落击中航天飞机左翼。

此外，由于“年事已高”，“哥伦比亚”号左翼前端的超强碳纤维隔热板下面可能发生“缺损现象”。过去十年中，其他航天飞机的类似部位也曾遭受过不同的损伤，其中包括外力（小陨石）撞击、刮伤、密封不严等。调查委员会指出，必须搞清楚的是，美国航空航天局是否对包括“哥伦比亚”号在内的美国航天飞机上述容易受损部位及时进行了检查和更换。据介绍，“哥伦比亚”号首次升空是在1981年，为美国使用时间最长的航天飞机。在事故发生后进行的地面风洞试验发现，“哥伦比亚”号在最后时刻发生的翻滚飞行现象，就是由于左翼前端保护层丢失造成的。专家估计，当时至少有5块U形隔热板脱落才会产生如此强大的拉力。搜索人员已经发现了超过2.8万块“哥伦比亚”号残骸，并将其送到肯尼迪航天中心接受分析调查。据悉，这些残骸不过是“哥伦比亚”号庞大机身的19%。

美国航空航天局在2009年12月30日，公布了“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机失事的最终调查报告，细述了“哥伦比亚”号解体前舱内的最后情况。这份长400页的最终报告还原了更多“哥伦比亚”号解体前舱内宇航员的活动细节。航天飞机翻滚着失去控制，宇航员威廉·麦库尔按下数个按键，试图控制航天飞机。其他大多数宇航员也按美国航空航天局既定程序操作。报告还重点针对宇航员安全问题，提出多项改进意见。

“哥伦比亚”号坠毁了，七条鲜活的生命瞬间消逝。失事前乘员舱里到底发生了什么，宇航员们想了些什么，又做了些什么，人们都无从知晓。痛惜、遗憾、伤心……都不足以表达人们的悲痛之情，人们能做的就是在悼念他们的同时，记住他们伟大的贡献。

第二节  布什于2003年“哥伦比亚”号失事后的演讲

My fellow Americans, this day has brought terrible news and at sadness to our country. At 9:00 a.m. this morning, Mission Control in Houston lost contact with our Space Shuttle Columbia. A short time later, debris was seen falling from the skies above Texas. The Columbia is lost; there are no survivors.

On board was a crew of seven: Colonel Rick Husband; Lt. Colonel Michael Anderson; Commander Laurel Clark; Captain David Brown; Commander William McCool; Dr. Kalpana Chawla; and Ilan Ramon, a Colonel in the Israeli Air Force. These men and women assumed at risk in the service to all humanity.

In an age when space flight has come to seem almost routine, it is easy to overlook the dangers of travel by rocket, and the difficulties of navigating the fierce outer atmosphere of the Earth. These astronauts knew the dangers, and they faced them willingly, knowing they had a high and noble purpose in life. Because of their courage and daring and idealism, we will miss them all the more.

All Americans today are thinking, as well, of the families of these men and women who have been given this sudden shock and grief. You’re not alone. Our entire nation grieves with you. And those you loved will always have the respect and gratitude of this country. The cause in which they died will continue. Mankind is led into the darkness beyond our world by the inspiration of discovery and the longing to understand. Our journey into space will go on.

In the skies today we saw destruction and tragedy. Yet farther than we can see there is comfort and hope. In the words of the prophet Isaiah,“Lift your eyes and look to the heavens. Who created all these? He who brings out the starry hosts one by one and calls them each by name. ause of His at power and mighty strength, not one of them is missing.”

The same Creator who names the stars also knows the names of the seven souls we mourn today. The crew of the shuttle Columbia did not return safely to Earth; yet we can pray that all are safely home.

May God bless the grieving families, and may God continue to bless America.

我的美国同胞们，今天传来噩耗，巨大的悲痛降临我们的国家。今早9点钟，位于休斯敦的航天地面指挥中心同我们的“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机失去了联系。此后不久，便发现得克萨斯州的上空有残骸飘落。“哥伦比亚”号失事，无一人生还。

机上的七名机组成员分别是：里克·赫斯本德空军上校、迈克尔·安德森空军中校、劳蕾尔·克拉克海军中校、戴维·布朗海军上校和威廉·麦库尔海军中校、卡尔帕娜·乔娜博士和以色列空军上校伊兰·拉蒙。这些宇航员为造福全人类承担了巨大的风险。

在一个太空飞行似乎已成为常规作业的时代，人们很容易忽视乘坐火箭飞行的危险性和在恶劣的地球外层空间遨游的难度。虽然宇航员们知道这些危险，但他们甘愿面对，因为他们知道自己拥有远大而崇高的人生目标。正是因为他们的勇气、胆量和崇高的理想，我们才更加缅怀他们。

今天所有的美国人都在牵挂着遭受这种突如其来打击和悲伤的宇航员家人。你们并不孤单，我们全体国民同你们一起哀悼他们。你们所爱的人将永远受到这个国家的尊重和感激。他们为之献身的事业仍将继续。人类正是在探索精神和求知欲望的引导下，超越我们的世界进入到黑暗的外层空间。我们的太空之旅仍将继续。

今天，我们在空中目睹了毁灭和悲剧。然而，在我们看不到的远方有着慰藉与希望。预言家以赛亚说：“抬起眼帘，望向天空。是谁创造了这一切？是造物主创造了点点繁星，并将其逐个命名。由于他的伟大才智与神奇力量才无一遗漏。”

给群星命名的造物主也知道我们今天缅怀的七位亡灵的名字。“哥伦比亚”号航天飞机的机组人员虽未平安返回地球，但我们祈祷他们均已安息。

愿上帝保佑宇航员们悲伤的家属，愿上帝继续保佑美国。

第三节  精彩语录

These astronauts knew the dangers, and they faced them willingly, knowing they had a high and noble purpose in life. Because of their courage and daring and idealism, we will miss them all the more.

虽然宇航员们知道这些危险，但他们甘愿面对，因为他们知道自己拥有远大而崇高的人生目标。正是因为他们的勇气、胆量和崇高的理想，我们才更加缅怀他们。

Mankind is led into the darkness beyond our world by the inspiration of discovery and the longing to understand. Our journey into space will go on.

人类正是在探索精神和求知欲望的引导下，超越我们的世界进入到黑暗的外层空间。我们的太空之旅仍将继续。

In the skies today we saw destruction and tragedy. Yet farther than we can see there is comfort and hope. In the words of the prophet Isaiah,“Lift your eyes and look to the heavens. Who created all these? He who brings out the starry hosts one by one and calls them each by name. ause of His at power and mighty strength, not one of them is missing.”

今天，我们在空中目睹了毁灭和悲剧。然而，在我们看不到的远方有着慰藉与希望。预言家以赛亚说：“抬起眼帘，望向天空。是谁创造了这一切？是造物主创造了点点繁星，并将其逐个命名。由于他的伟大才智与神奇力量才无一遗漏。”

第八章  自由所到之处，仇恨无不让道

第一节  背景介绍

2003年3月20日，伊拉克战争爆发。伊拉克战争又称美伊战争，是以英美军队为主的联合部队对伊拉克发动的军事行动。在“9·11”恐怖袭击事件发生后，美国总统布什将伊拉克等多个国家列入“邪恶轴心国”，并宣布向恐怖主义作战。布什在下令进攻伊拉克之前，曾发布最后通牒：限令伊拉克总统萨达姆·侯赛因在48小时内离开伊拉克。萨达姆拒绝了最后的一线生机，于是引发了伊拉克战争。美国以伊拉克藏有大规模杀伤性武器并暗中支持恐怖分子为由，绕开联合国安理会单方面对伊拉克实施军事打击。到2010年8月美国战斗部队撤出伊拉克为止，历时七年多美方最终没有找到所谓的大规模杀伤性武器，反而找到萨达姆政权早已将其销毁的文件和人证。2011年12月18日，美军全部撤出。

以美国和英国为主的联合部队于2003年3月20日正式宣布对伊拉克开战。澳大利亚和波兰的军队也参与了此次联合军事行动。军事行动是在美国总统乔治·W.布什对伊拉克总统萨达姆·侯赛因所发出的，要求他和他的儿子在48小时内离开伊拉克的最后通牒到期后开始的。联合部队是由12万人的美军部队、4.5万人的英军部队、2千多人的澳大利亚军队和200人的波兰军队所组成的，除此之外还有大约5万人的伊拉克反叛军。他们是通过驻扎在科威特的美军基地正式对伊拉克发动军事打击的，并得到了海湾地区大量的空基和海基航空兵的支援。

美国第三步兵师从科威特西北方向的沙漠向巴格达挺进，伴随他们作战的还有美国第101空中突击师和第82空降师的若干部队。另外，在伊拉克东南部，美国海军陆战队第一远征部队和英国远征军则发动了钳形攻势以打开伊拉克的海运通道。在战争进行两周后，美军又在伊拉克北部山区投入了173空降旅以及特种部队，并和当地的库尔德武装力量结成同盟。美国预期在北方投入的第4步兵师，则由于土耳其议会的反对而未能在该地参加战斗。经过两个星期的激战，英军首先控制了伊拉克南部的石油重镇，伊拉克的第二大城市巴士拉。在伊拉克全境都出现了断水和停电等人道主义危机。国际多个人道组织向伊拉克运输救援物资。这些援助物资大多都从联军所控制的乌姆盖茨尔港进入伊拉克，还有部分则从科威特进入伊拉克。

战争爆发大约三个星期之后，美军顺利进入巴格达市区，途中并没有遇到任何顽强抵抗。伊拉克官员则突然消失去向不明，大批伊拉克军队向美军投降。之后巴格达和巴斯拉等伊拉克城市纷纷陷入无政府状态，巴格达市内频繁发生抢掠事件，城市秩序陷入混乱之中。巴格达博物馆遭到洗劫，上万件珍贵文物失踪。各地大量的古遗迹在战争中遭到破坏，伊拉克民众批评美军并没有努力维持巴格达的市内安全。

伊拉克战争是一场具有争议的战争，遭到世界大多数国家和民众质疑和反对。这场战争在整个世界引起了强烈的震动，产生了广泛而深远的影响，也带给我们多方面的启示和思考，包括政治、军事、经济、外交和文化等许多方面。

美国总统布什于美国东部时间2003年5月1日晚上8时48分，在美国海军“林肯”号航母的飞行甲板上发表了专门讲话，宣布伊拉克境内的主要战斗已经结束。伊拉克的主要战斗已经结束，推翻萨达姆政权是反恐战争的一次重大胜利，但反恐战争并没有结束。布什在“林肯”号航母上的讲话并没有宣布伊拉克战争结束，而只是宣称“伊拉克的主要战斗结束”。布什还警告说，美国将在敌人发动袭击前打击他们，暗示美国将坚持推行“先发制人”的反恐政策。

演讲持续了二十分钟，演讲结束后，布什还在航母上过了一夜。据悉，布什是第三位在军舰上过夜的美国总统。1994年美国前总统克林顿曾在“华盛顿”号航母上慰问官兵并过夜，以纪念诺曼底登陆五十周年；老布什则在美军“的黎波里”号两栖登陆舰上住了两夜，然后访问索马里。

第二节  布什于2003年在“林肯”号航母上的演讲

Thank you all very much. Admiral Kelly, Captain Card, officers and sailors of the USS Abraham Lincoln, my fellow Americans,

Major combat operations in Iraq have ended. In the battle of Iraq, the United States and our allies have prevailed.

And now our coalition is engaged in securing and reconstructing that country.

In this battle, we have fought for the cause of liberty, and for the peace of the world. Our nation and our coalition are proud of this accomplishment—yet, it is you, the members of the United States military, who achieved it. Your courage, your willingness to face danger for your country and for each other, made this day possible. Because of you, our nation is more secure. Because of you, the tyrant has fallen, and Iraq is free.

Operation Iraqi Freedom was carried out with a combination of precision and speed and boldness the enemy did not expect, and the world had not seen before.

From distant bases or ships at sea, we sent planes and missiles that could destroy an enemy division, or strike a single bunker. Marines and soldiers charged to Baghdad across 350 miles of hostile ground, in one of the swiftest advances of heavy arms in history. You have shown the world the skill and the might of the American Armed Forces.

This nation thanks all the members of our coalition who joined in a noble cause. We thank the Armed Forces of the United Kingdom, Australia, and Poland, who shared in the hardships of war. We thank all the citizens of Iraq who welcomed our troops and joined in the liberation of their own country.

And tonight, I have a special word for Secretary Rumsfeld, for General Franks, and for all the men and women who wear the uniform of the United States: America is grateful for a job well done.

The character of our military through history—the daring of Normandy, the fierce courage of Iwo Jima, the decency and idealism that turned enemies into allies—is fully present in this generation.

When Iraqi civilians looked into the faces of our servicemen and women, they saw strength and kindness and goodwill. When I look at the members of the United States military, I see the best of our country, and I’m honored to be your Commander-in-Chief.

In the images of falling statues, we have witnessed the arrival of a new era. For a hundred of years of war, culminating in the nuclear age, military technology was designed and deployed to inflict casualties on an ever-growing scale.

In defeating Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, Allied forces destroyed entire cities, while enemy leaders who started the conflict were safe until tthe final days. Military power was used to end a regime by breaking a nation.

Today, we have the greater power to free a nation by breaking a dangerous and aggressive regime. With new tactics and precision weapons, we can achieve military objectives without directing violence against civilians.

No device of man can remove the tragedy from war; yet it is a great moral advance when the guilty have far more to fear from war than the innocent.

In the images of celebrating Iraqis, we have also seen the ageless appeal of human freedom. Decades of lies and intimidation could not make the Iraqi people love their oppressors or desire their own enslavement.

Men and women in every culture need liberty like they need food and water and air. Everywhere that freedom arrives, humanity rejoices; and everywhere that freedom stirs, let tyrants fear.

We have difficult work to do in Iraq. We’re bringing order to parts of that country that remain dangerous. We’re pursuing and finding leaders of the old regime, who will be held to account for their crimes.

We’ve begun the search for hidden chemical and biological weapons and already know of hundreds of sites that will be investigated.

We’re helping to rebuild Iraq, where the dictator built palaces for himself, instead of hospitals and schools. And we will stand with the new leaders of Iraq as they establish a government of, by, and for the Iraqi people.

The transition from dictatorship to democracy will take time, but it is worth every effort. Our coalition will stay until our work is done. Then we will leave, and we will leave behind a free Iraq.

The battle of Iraq is one victory in a war on terror that began on September the 11th, 2001—and still goes on. That terrible morning, 19 evil men—the shock troops of a hateful ideology—gave America and the civilized world a glimpse of their ambitions. They imagined, in the words of one terrorist, that September the 11th would be the“beginning of the end of America.”

By seeking to turn our cities into killing fields, terrorists and their allies believed that they could destroy this nation’s resolve, and force our retreat from the world. They have failed.

In the battle of Afghanistan, we destroyed the Taliban, many terrorists, and the camps where they trained. We continue to help the Afghan people lay roads, restore hospitals, and educate all of their children.

Yet we also have dangerous work to complete. As I speak, a Special Operations task force, led by the 82nd Airborne, is on the trail of the terrorists and those who seek to undermine the free government of Afghanistan. America and our coalition will finish what we have begun.

From Pakistan to the Philippines to the Horn of Africa, we are hunting down al Qaeda killers. Nineteen months ago, I pledged that the terrorists would not escape the patient justice of the United States. And as of tonight, nearly one-half of al Qaeda’s senior operatives have been captured or killed.

The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in the campaign against terror. We’ve removed an ally of al Qaeda, and cut off a source of terrorist funding. And this much is certain: No terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because the regime is no more.

In these 19 months that changed the world, our actions have been focused and deliberate and proportionate to the offense. We have not forgotten the victims of September the 11th—the last phone calls, the cold murder of children, the searches in the rubble. With those attacks, the terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States. And war is what they got.

Our war against terror is proceeding according to principles that I have made clear to all: Any person involved in committing or planning terrorist attacks against the American people becomes an enemy of this country, and a target of American justice.

Any person, organization, or government that supports, protects, or harbors terrorists is complicit in the murder of the innocent, and equally guilty of terrorist crimes.Any outlaw regime that has ties to terrorist groups and seeks or possesses weapons of mass destruction is a grave danger to the civilized world—and will be confronted.

And anyone in the world, including the Arab world, who works and sacrifices for freedom has a loyal friend in the United States of America. Click here for a USS Abraham Lincoln photo essay. Our commitment to liberty is America’s tradition—declared at our founding; affirmed in Franklin Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms; asserted in the Truman Doctrine and in Ronald Reagan’s challenge to an evil empire.

We are committed to freedom in Afghanistan, in Iraq, and in a peaceful Palestine. The advance of freedom is the surest strategy to undermine the appeal of terror in the world. Where freedom takes hold, hatred gives way to hope. When freedom takes hold, men and women turn to the peaceful pursuit of a better life.

American values and American interests lead in the same direction: We stand for human liberty. The United States upholds these principles of security and freedom in many ways—with all the tools of diplomacy, law enforcement, intelligence, and finance.

We’re working with a broad coalition of nations that understand the threat and our shared responsibility to meet it. The use of force has been—and remains—our last resort. Yet all can know, friend and foe alike, that our nation has a mission: We will answer threats to our security, and we will defend the peace.

Our mission continues. Al Qaeda is wounded, not destroyed. The scattered cells of the terrorist network still operate in many nations, and we know from daily intelligence that they continue to plot against free people. The proliferation of deadly weapons remains a serious danger.

The enemies of freedom are not idle, and neither are we. Our government has taken unprecedented measures to defend the homeland. And we will continue to hunt down the enemy before he can strike.The war on terror is not over; yet it is not endless. We do not know the day of final victory, but we have seen the turning of the tide.

No act of the terrorists will change our purpose, or weaken our resolve, or alter their fate. Their cause is lost. Free nations will press on to victory.

Other nations in history have fought in foreign lands and remained to occupy andexploit. Americans, following a battle, want nothing more than to return home. And that is your direction tonight.

After service in the Afghan—and Iraqi theaters of war—after 100,000 miles, on the longest carrier deployment in recent history, you are homeward bound. Some of you will see new family members for the first time—150 babies were born while their fathers were on the Lincoln. Your families are proud of you, and your nation will welcome you.

We are mindful, as well, that some good men and women are not making the journey home. One of those who fell, Corporal Jason Mileo, spoke to his parents five days before his death. Jason’s father said,“He called us from the center of Baghdad, not to brag, but to tell us he loved us. Our son was a soldier.”

Every name, every life is a loss to our military, to our nation, and to the loved ones who grieve. There’s no homecoming for these families. Yet we pray, in God’s time, their reunion will come.Those we lost were last seen on duty. Their final act on this Earth was to fight a great evil and bring liberty to others.

All of you—all in this generation of our military—have taken up the highest calling of history. You’re defending your country, and protecting the innocent from harm.

And wherever you go, you carry a message of hope—a message that is ancient and ever new. In the words of the prophet Isaiah, “To the captives, ‘come out,’—and to those in darkness,‘be free.’”

Thank you for serving our country and our cause.

May God bless you all, and may God continue to bless America.

非常感谢大家！凯利将军、卡德上校、“林肯”号航母上的所有官兵、美国同胞们：

伊拉克境内的主要战斗已经结束，美国和美国的盟国在伊拉克战争中已经取得了胜利。

现在，我们的联军部队正在维护伊拉克国内的稳定，并帮助伊拉克人民重建家园。

这次战争我们是为自由事业以及世界和平而战的。我们的国家和联军为这次战争所取得的胜利而感到自豪，是你们——美国的军人们经过浴血奋斗才取得了今天的胜利。正是有了你们的勇气，有了你们为祖国、为自己的战友敢于直面危险的积极态度，才会有今天的胜利。正是由于你们，我们的国家才变得更加安全。正是由于你们，暴君才终于倒台，伊拉克终于获得了自由。

“自由伊拉克”行动集中了精确打击、行动快速和士兵们勇往直前等优势。这是敌人事先没有预料到的，世界各国以前也从来没有领略过。

我们的飞机从远距离的军事基地或是海上的军舰上起飞，我们的导弹从很远的海上向敌人发射，打击了一个又一个敌人的作战单位，摧毁了一个又一个敌方掩体。负责向巴格达推进的海军陆战队员和陆军士兵们，在长达350英里的敌方土地上快速穿插，而且他们还携带着相当多的重型武器，他们的这一举动在历史上是少有的。你们向世人展示了美国武装部队出众的作战技巧和强大力量！

我们的国家感谢所有参与这一高尚事业的美国士兵及联军士兵们！感谢英国、澳大利亚和波兰的士兵们，他们与我们共同经历了这场战争的苦难。我们还要感谢欢迎我们的军队，参加解放自己国家的所有伊拉克公民！

今晚，我还要向拉姆斯菲尔德部长、弗兰克斯将军和所有身穿美国军装的军人们特别致敬：美国非常感激你们，你们干得非常棒！

我们的军队从历史上保留下来的作战传统，比如我们在诺曼底登陆战役、硫磺岛战役中表现出来的战斗精神，我们最终化敌为友的风格，在我们这一代人身上全部体现出来了。

伊拉克平民凝视我们军人的面孔时，他们看到的是力量、善意和慷慨。我看到美国军人时，我看到的是我们国家最优秀的国民，我为自己是你们的总司令而感到无比光荣。

随着一座座萨达姆雕像的倒塌，我们看到了一个新时代的到来。几百年的战争史历经演变，最终走到了今天的核时代。军事技术日益高度发达，军事手段所能够造成的伤亡规模也迅猛扩大。

在战胜纳粹德国和日本帝国的战争中，盟军部队摧毁了整座整座的城市，然而直到战争行将结束，发动战争的敌国领导人仍旧安然无恙。在那时，要想结束一个政权的统治，就必须给整个民族造成大规模的破坏。

而如今，我们已经具备了摧毁一个富于侵略性的危险政权的更为强大的能力。依靠新的战术和精确制导武器，我们可以在不会对平民造成较大规模伤害的情况下，实现我们的军事目标。

没有哪一样人类的发明可以避免战争所带来的悲剧，然而像今天这样，我们因为担心战争造成更多无辜平民伤亡而内心备感愧疚，也已经是一个了不起的进步了。

从庆祝战争胜利的伊拉克人的脸上，我们还看到了人类自由的永恒魅力。几十年的谎言和压迫并不能使伊拉克人民热爱压迫他们的暴君，他们也不希望再继续受自己同胞的压迫。

每种文化背景的人们都需要自由，就像他们都需要食物、水和空气一样。自由所能够到达的每一个地方，人类的喜悦之情所能够到达的每一个地方，暴君们都会感到恐惧。

我们在伊拉克还有许多艰苦的工作要做。我们正在恢复伊拉克国内一些仍然十分危险地区的正常社会秩序。我们正在继续寻找旧政权里的部分国家领导人，他们将被送上法庭接受审判。

我们已经开始在伊拉克搜寻被隐藏起来的生化武器，已经查明了几百处可疑地点，并将进一步对这些地点展开调查。

我们正在帮助伊拉克人民重建家园，过去的暴君只知道为自己建造一座又一座的宫殿，而没有为平民建造医院和学校。我们将与伊拉克的新领导人站在一起，帮助他们建立一个伊拉克人民民有、民治和民享的政府。

从独裁到民主将要花费一些时日，但为此而付出的每一项努力都是值得的。我们的联军将一直留在这里，直到我们应该做的工作完成。到那时，我们就会离开这里，留下一个自由的伊拉克。

伊拉克战争是自2001年9月11日开始的反恐战争中的一次胜利，反恐战争仍然会继续进行下去。那天上午十九名心怀邪念的人组成了一支突击队，向美国及其文明世界展示了他们的恐怖野心。其中一名恐怖分子说，他们希望“9·11”事件只是美国终结的开始。

恐怖分子和他们的盟友认为，只要把我们的城市变成他们的杀人战场，他们就可以摧毁整个美利坚民族的意志和决心，迫使我们从世界舞台上撤出。但是他们失败了。

在阿富汗战争中，我们摧毁了塔利班政权，同时杀死了大量恐怖分子，还摧毁了他们用来训练恐怖分子的营地。战争结束后，我们继续帮助阿富汗人铺设道路，重建医院和学校，为他们的孩子提供教育条件。

然而，我们面前仍然有许多危险任务必须去完成。正如我所说的，第82空降师派遣的特种作战部队仍然在对恐怖分子进行追捕，他们将把那些敢于破坏阿富汗自由政府的危险分子捉拿归案。美国包括美国的盟国必将完成我们已经开始的事业。

从巴基斯坦到菲律宾，再到非洲之角，我们正在四处搜索“基地”组织杀手。一年半之前，我曾经保证，在我们坚持不懈地努力之下，恐怖分子逃脱不了我们的法律制裁。到今晚为止，将近一半的“基地”组织高级特工已经落网或被击毙。

解放伊拉克是反恐斗争的关键一步。我们已根除了“基地”组织的同盟，同时切断了恐怖分子的资金来源。我们可以十分肯定地说：恐怖主义网络不会从伊拉克政权获得大规模杀伤性武器，因为该政权已不复存在。

这一年半的时间改变了世界。我们的行动是有针对性的，是深思熟虑的，是对我们所受到的攻击做出的恰如其分的反应。我们不会忘记“9·11”事件中无辜死去的人们，不会忘记那最后的电话，不会忘记恐怖分子对孩子们的残酷杀戮，我们也不会忘记废墟中所进行的遗体搜寻工作。恐怖主义分子以这种攻击向我国进行了宣战，而这场战争也是他们罪有应得。

我们的反恐战争正在按照我已向大家讲解清楚的反恐战争的原则向前进行着。任何策划或参与对美国人民实施恐怖袭击的人，都将成为我们国家的敌人，也将成为美国正义事业的打击目标。

任何支持、保护或包庇恐怖分子的个人、组织和政府，他们在残杀无辜生命的活动中与恐怖分子串通一气，也应该被视为犯有恐怖活动罪。任何与恐怖组织有关联的不法政府，任何寻求拥有或已经拥有大规模杀伤性武器的国家，对于文明世界来说都是非常严重的威胁，都将受到打击。

世界上的所有人，包括阿拉伯世界为自由而战，为自由而牺牲的人们在内，都可以在美国找到忠实的朋友。承担对自由的义务是美国的传统，我们建国之初就宣布了这一点。后来，富兰克林·罗斯福的“四项自由”对此进行了进一步证实，“杜鲁门”主义进行了确认，罗纳德·里根对邪恶帝国的挑战声明更进一步进行了强调。

我们致力于阿富汗、伊拉克的自由事业，并致力于建设一个和平的巴勒斯坦。自由的进步是完全肯定的事情，为了追求这一进步，我们就必须摧毁世界上所有胆敢采取恐怖行动的组织。自由所到之处，仇恨无不让道。只要有了自由，人类就会以和平方式寻求更加美好的生活。

美国人的价值和美国人的利益也都是朝着这个方向迈进的。我们是为了人类的解放而斗争。美国以各种方式来保证这些安全与自由的原则得到实施，包括外交、法律、情报和经济等有效手段。

我们一直都与那些能够意识到威胁和担负共同责任的国家一道建立起广泛的联盟，一起在努力着面对目前的这种局势。动用武力将是我们最后的选择。然而无论是我们的朋友，还是我们的敌人，大家都知道我们的国家具有这样一个使命：我们要面对威胁，对我们的安全负责，而且我们将捍卫和平。

我们的使命还将继续。“基地”组织已经遭到了破坏，但是还没有被彻底消灭。分散在世界各地的恐怖网络仍然在许多国家运行着。从我们日常搜集到的情报当中，我们知道它们还在制定针对自由人民的阴谋、计划。致命武器的扩散仍然是一个重大危险。

自由的敌人不是白痴，我们也不是。我们的政府已经采取了前所未有的措施保卫本土，而且我们还将继续跟踪追击，在敌人发起进攻之前将其消灭。反恐战争还没有结束，但是它并不是无止境的。我们不知道最终胜利的时日，但是我们已经看到了这场决战的转折点。

恐怖分子的任何行动都不会改变我们的目的，或者削弱我们坚强的意志，或者改变他们的命运。他们的道路是一条失败的道路，自由国家将获得胜利。

在历史上，有许多国家在他国的土地上曾经战斗过，并占领了那里，对那些国家进行剥削。而美国在战争结束之后，并不希望得到什么，只是返回自己的国家。这就是今夜“林肯”号航母上美国军人的目标。

在阿富汗和伊拉克战区服役之后，在近代史上航母最远程10万英里部署之后，你们现在正在回归家园的途中。你们当中的一些人将第一次见到自己家庭的新成员，在“林肯”号航母为期九个月的海外部署期间，有150名婴儿在他们的父亲在这艘航母上服役时诞生。你们的家庭为你们感到自豪，你们的祖国欢迎你们归来。

我们永远都不能忘记，我们的一些人不能做这次回乡之旅。海军下士詹森·梅雷奥就是其中之一，他在牺牲的前五天曾经与家人通过电话。詹森的父亲说：“他从巴格达市中心给我们打来电话，并未自夸，而是告诉我们他爱我们。我们的儿子是一名真正的士兵。”

每一个名字、每一个生命对于我们的军队、对于我们的国家、对于那些爱他们并为他们的牺牲而悲痛的人来说都是巨大的损失。对于这些家庭意味着，亲人再也不能回归。因此，我们祈求上帝，让他们与家人心灵团聚的时刻即将到来。那些逝去的人们都是牺牲在他们的岗位上。他们在这个星球上最后的壮举是与一个巨大的恶魔作战，是为了他人的自由而战。

你们之中所有的人，我们军队之中这一代所有的人，响应了最崇高历史使命的呼唤。你们在捍卫你们的国家，使那些无辜的人免受伤害。

无论你们走到哪里，你们都发出了希望的信息——这是一个古老而又常新的信息。先知以赛亚说：“那些被迷惑的人，清醒过来吧！那些处于黑暗的人，寻求自由吧！”

谢谢你们为我们的国家和我们的事业所做的一切！

愿上帝保佑你们！愿上帝继续保佑美国！

第三节  精彩语录

No device of man can remove the tragedy from war.

没有哪一样人类的发明可以避免战争所带来的悲剧。

Men and women in every culture need liberty like they need food and water and air. Everywhere that freedom arrives, humanity rejoices; and everywhere that freedom stirs, let tyrants fear.

每种文化背景的人们都需要自由，就像他们都需要食物、水和空气一样。自由所能够到达的每一个地方，人类的喜悦之情所能够到达的每一个地方，暴君们都会感到恐惧。

Where freedom takes hold, hatred gives way to hope. When freedom takes hold, men and women turn to the peaceful pursuit of a better life.

自由所到之处，仇恨无不让道。只要有了自由，人类就会以和平方式寻求更加美好的生活。

And wherever you go, you carry a message of hope—a message that is ancient and ever new. In the words of the prophet Isaiah, “To the captives, ‘come out,’—and to those in darkness, ‘be free.’”

无论你们走到哪里，你们都发出了希望的信息——这是一个古老而又常新的信息。先知以赛亚说：“那些被迷惑的人，清醒过来吧！那些处于黑暗的人，寻求自由吧！”

第九章  宣布连任

第一节  背景介绍

2004年的美国总统大选，是美国历史上竞争最激烈的一次总统选举，得到了全球范围内前所未有的关注。它是自“9·11”后的第一次总统大选，更是美国有史以来最昂贵的选举。大选中的两党差异，以及大选结果对美国和世界未来局势的影响，超过近代所有美国大选而被称为是“最重要的选举”。

2004年的美国总统大选布什成功连任。布什及其竞选班子获得了选举的胜利，这种胜利从本质上说是传播的胜利。本来布什似乎具备了败选的所有因素：国内经济持续走低，四年来失业人数增加了300万，财政从盈余变成了亏空；拉登仍逍遥法外；伊拉克乱局愈演愈烈，绑架和恐怖袭击依然风行；虐囚丑闻沸沸扬扬；布什的行事风格备受争议，他本人的越战服役记录充满疑点……即使是选举后，民调显示，仍然有56%的美国人认为国家是在错误的方向上，51%的人认为根本不应该去伊拉克打仗，52%的人不赞成布什的工作表现。然而，由于竞选的实质是竞选双方在传播领域的竞争，因此选战就是传播战、新闻战。在这场争斗中，很大程度上比拼的是竞选者及其团队对传播语境的分析把握，对传播策略的选择运用，以及对自身形象的有力塑造和对对手形象的成功破坏。

尽管美国总统大选具有多方面的性质，但不可否认，美国的总统大选的根本性质之一是一项庞大复杂的传播活动。选战的传播战性质贯穿于这一活动的整个过程，竞选双方的竞争很大程度上是传播方面的竞争，并且竞选的成功与否也取决于传播与劝服的成功与否。参与竞选的任何一方在竞选过程中都需要做大量的传播工作，如通过报纸、电视、广播、互联网进行大规模的宣传；就竞选策略、方针及施政纲领进行广泛的民意测验、调查和模拟投票；印制各种宣传品和纪念品，寄送邮件……选民们决定自己的投票意向，就是根据参选者针对他们关心的问题所传播的信息来做出的。

决定一场选举胜利与否的关键在于传播。除此之外，根本因素往往还要看候选人能否敏锐地意识到国民的情绪，能否尽可能平和而亲切地触摸到选民的内心感受，让他们感到候选人是值得信赖的，至少相对于其对手而言。在此前提下候选人及其选举团队制定相应的传播方案，选择有效的传播策略，运用各种传播手段进行有针对性的传播，劝服选民将选票投给自己，才能战胜对手获得胜利。

任何一次美国总统竞选都是在当时特定的政治、经济、社会、文化、心理、宗教价值观等条件下进行的，所有这些因素构成了选举传播的传播语境。在不同的历史时期，不同的问题，不同的因素凸现出来，成为决定如何传播和传播如何成功的关键因素。在2004年美国总统选举中，最重要的语境因素是国家安全问题、国民保守心态和宗教价值观。

布什在第一个任期内，美国的国家安全环境发生了“历史性的变化”。2001年的“9·11”恐怖袭击，打破了长期以来美国民众自恃国力强大而产生的安全感，他们认识到恐怖威胁从此将成为生活的一部分。美联社在选举前进行的民意调查显示，事隔三年以后，仍有大约70%的选民担心美国本土会再次遭到袭击。由此可以看出，对普通美国人来说，国土安全和反恐仍是第一关切，安全高于一切。谁能给美国带来安全，就能成为本次选举的赢家。美联社在选举前进行的民意调查显示，多数人都认为美国比几年前更安全，其中大部分认为布什能更好地保护美国。

大选投票前四天的10月29日，还出现了戏剧性的一幕。卡塔尔半岛电视台播放了一段录像带，“基地”组织一号头目本·拉登在录像中对美国人发表演说。他在录像中首次承认“9·11”袭击由其一手导演，还谈及他在2001年对美国发动“9·11”袭击的原因和结果。美国维吉尼亚大学政治研究中心主任拉里·萨博托说：“这肯定有利于布什，但我不知道力度会有多大。”

布什在种种不利条件下仍能连任成功，很大程度上得益于这次大选是在这种非常独特的背景下进行的。美国选民的焦虑心态和危机意识，希望在纷乱中求稳定，在恐惧中求安全的心理，以及布什在竞选中对这种心理的巧妙利用，最终使超过51%的选民将选票投给了布什。

美国国民心态总体上走向保守。尤其是“9·11”事件后，保守主义在社会和政治议题上占据了优势地位，新保守主义一度主宰了布什政府的外交政策。《爱国者法案》在2001年10月24日得以通过表明，美国社会中对个人自由的推崇正让位于对安全的关注。

本次大选中最能体现国民保守心态对大选结果影响的是，选举中以同性恋婚姻为议题的辩论。在同性恋是否具有合法婚姻权的问题上，美国的保守主义与自由主义的争论由来已久。保守主义的观点站在维护宗教信仰和传统家庭价值的基础上，明确反对同性婚姻；而自由主义者站在人权与个人意志应得到尊重的立场上，不反对同性婚姻。布什总统与民主党候选人克里恰恰是美国保守主义与自由主义两大思潮的代表性人物。

在选举时，共和党利用同性恋婚姻作为大选日公决议题，动员了属于“圣经地带”但传统投票率很低的俄亥俄州南部乡村的大量保守选民，以不到14万票之差险胜过去四年美国制造业工作流失最严重的关键一州。另外，美国有十一个州把同性恋婚姻问题和大选捆绑公投。大选日这十一个州以绝对多数通过禁止同性恋婚姻。而相对的，大选年里克里的家乡马萨诸塞州成为同性恋婚姻合法化的先驱。这对克里的选情也有一定影响。所以可以说，美国社会的日趋保守化为布什赢得本次大选创造了良好的客观环境。《纽约时报》大牌专栏作家弗里德曼总结，这次美国总统大选，与其说是奖惩四年政绩的选举，不如说是按照宗教信仰和道德价值的政治站队。

宗教在此次大选中也发挥了不可估量的作用，甚至影响到了选情。“9·11”以后，伊斯兰原教旨主义进一步激发了基督教原教旨主义，右派的宗教团体在美国的影响进一步扩大，并在大选中表现出来成为影响选情的因素之一。NBC的一项民意调查，选民投票时考虑的最重要因素是什么，在国家安全（恐怖主义）、经济、伊战、道德价值观四项选择中，得票最多的是“道德价值观”。远远超过关心战争、反恐怖甚至经济和工作问题的选民数量。所谓道德价值观，在选民心中也就是“宗教价值观”。在把“道德价值观”作为投票最重要因素的人群中70%的人选了布什。

美国四年一度的总统大选，与其说是一场政治抉择，不如说是一场政治游戏。毫无疑问，美国的这次总统大选是历史上竞争最激烈的一次总统选举。双方旗鼓相当，势均力敌，选战十分激烈。民主党誓言要夺回白宫宝座，为报四年前因佛罗里达州500多票之差使本党候选人与白宫失之交臂的一箭之仇；而共和党候选人布什更誓死要拼尽全力力保连任，摆脱布什家族只能干一届的历史宿命。选战空前激烈，最终，布什击败民主党参选人约翰·克里，以至少286张选举人票的绝对优势获胜当选连任。这在美国是史无前例的。

第二节  布什于2004年竞选获胜后的演讲

Thank you all. Thank you all for coming.

We had a long night—and a great night. The voters turned out in record numbers and delivered an historic victory.

Earlier today, Senator Kerry called with his congratulations. We had a really good phone call. He was very gracious. Senator Kerry waged a spirited campaign, and he and his supporters can be proud of their efforts. Laura and I wish Senator Kerry and Teresa and their whole family all our best wishes.

America has spoken, and I’m humbled by the trust and the confidence of my fellow citizens. With that trust comes a duty to serve all Americans, and I will do my best to fulfill that duty every day as your president.

There are many people to thank, and my family comes first. Laura is the love of my life. I’m glad you love her, too.

I want to thank our daughters, who joined their dad for his last campaign. I appreciate the hard work of my sister and my brothers. I especially want to thank my parents for their loving support.

I’m grateful to the vice president and Lynne and their daughters, who have worked so hard and been such a vital part of our team.The vice president serves America with wisdom and honor, and I’m proud to serve beside him.

I want to thank my superb campaign team. I want to thank you all for your hard work. I was impressed every day by how hard and how skillful our team was.

I want to thank Chairman Mark Racicot and—the campaign manager Ken Mehlman—the architect, Karl Rove. I want to thank Ed Gillespie for leading our party so well.

I want to thank the thousands of our supporters across our country. I want to thank you for your hugs on the rope lines. I want to thank you for your prayers on the rope lines. I want to thank you for your kind words on the rope lines. I want to thank you for everything you did to make the calls and to put up the signs, to talk to your neighbors, and to get out the vote.

And because you did the incredible work, we are celebrating today.

There’s an old saying,“Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers, pray for powers equal to your tasks.”In four historic years, America has been given great tasks and faced them with strength and courage. Our people have restored the vigor of this economy and shown resolve and patience in a new kind of war. Our military has brought justice to the enemy and honor to America. Our nation—our nation has defended itself and served the freedom of all mankind. I’m proud to lead such an amazing country, and I am proud to lead it forward.

Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope. We will continue our economic progress. We will reform our outdated tax code. We will strengthen the Social Security for the next generation. We will make public schools all they can be, and we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.

We will help the emerging democracies of Iraq and Afghanistan—so they can—so they can grow in strength and defend their freedom, and then our servicemen and -women will come home with the honor they have earned.

With good allies at our side, we will fight this war on terror with every resource of our national power so our children can live in freedom and in peace.

Reaching these goals will require the broad support of Americans, so today I want to speak to every person who voted for my opponent. To make this nation stronger and better, I will need your support and I will work to earn it. I will do all I can do to deserve your trust.

A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation. We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us. And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatness of America.

Let me close with a word to the people of the state of Texas. We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey. On the open plains of Texas, I first learned the character of our country; sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day. I will always be grateful to the good people of my state. And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.

A campaign has ended, and the United States of America goes forward with confidence and faith. I see a great day coming for our country, and I am eager for the work ahead.

God bless you. And may God bless America.

谢谢大家，谢谢你们的到来。

我们有一个漫长和伟大的夜晚。此次选民的投票率创下了历史新高，带来了历史性的胜利。

今天早些时候，克里参议员打电话祝贺我竞选成功。我们在电话中谈得很好，他非常亲切。克里参议员发起了猛烈的竞选攻势，他和他的支持者可以为此感到自豪。劳拉和我向克里、特里萨以及他们全家表示最衷心的祝愿。

美国做出了选择。对于同胞们的信任，我很感激。这种信任意味着我将承担为所有美国公民服务的义务。作为你们的总统，我每天都将竭尽全力。

我需要感谢许多人，首先是我的家人。劳拉是我一生的挚爱，我对你们也爱她感到高兴。

我还要感谢在竞选后期加入竞选团的女儿，感谢兄弟姐妹们付出的努力，特别感谢严父慈母的支持。

我感谢副总统、莱尼和他们的女儿。他们付出了努力，是竞选团的重要成员。副总统聪明睿智、正直高贵，我为跟他共事感到自豪。

我感谢优秀的竞选团，感谢你们所有人付出的努力。你们的勤奋和智慧每天都给我留下了深刻的印象。

我感谢前蒙大拿州州长马克·拉西科特，竞选总部主管肯·梅尔曼，总统顾问卡尔·罗孚。我感谢格莱斯比将我们的政党领导得如此之好。

我感谢全国上下成千上万名支持者，感谢你们在竞选集会上的拥抱、祈祷和亲切言语，感谢你们想方设法打出标语，呼吁邻居前去投票。

正是由于你们付出了惊人的努力，我们今天才能庆祝胜利。

俗话说，不要祈求能力所能胜任的任务，要祈求能胜任任务的能力。在四年历史性时期，美国被赋予了伟大的任务，并以实力和勇气面对这些任务。我国人民使经济活力复苏，并在新型战争中显示出决心和耐心。我军已经将敌人绳之以法，给美国带来了荣誉。我国保卫了自己，维护了全人类的自由。领导这样出色的国家，我感到自豪；带领这个国家前进，我感到自豪。

我们已经完成了艰难的任务，进入了充满希望的时期。我们将继续推动经济增长，改革落后的税法，为下一代加强社会保障。我们将尽量改善公立学校，维护在家庭和信仰方面的核心价值观。

我们将帮助伊拉克和阿富汗建立民主制度，以便他们增强实力和维护自由。然后，我军官兵将带着他们获得的荣誉回国。

在优秀盟国的支持下，我们将动用美国的一切力量打赢这场反恐战争，确保我们孩子们的自由与和平。

要实现这些目标，美国公民的广泛支持是必不可缺的。因此，今天我要对支持对手的所有人说，为了让美国变得更强大更美好，我需要你们的支持，我也将努力获得你们的支持，并将竭尽所能担当得起你们的支持。

新一届任期使我有机会影响整个国家。正是同一个国家、同一部宪法和同一个未来把我们联系到了一起。当我们一起努力的时候，美国的前途无可限量。

作为结束语，请允许我向得克萨斯州人民讲几句话。我们彼此认识的时间最长，你们是我旅程的起点。在得州广阔无垠的平原上，我初次学到了美国的特点：强壮有力、真诚坦率，充满了黎明般的希望。我将永远感谢这个州优秀的人民。不管前方的路怎么样，这条路都将带我回家。

选举已经结束，美利坚合众国将充满自信地前进。我看到我们的国家正迎来伟大的日子，很期待下一周的开始。

愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美国！

第三节  精彩语录

There’s an old saying,“Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers, pray for powers equal to your tasks.”

俗话说，不要祈求能力所能胜任的任务，要祈求能胜任任务的能力。

Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope. We will continue our economic progress. We will reform our outdated tax code. We will strengthen the Social Security for the next generation. We will make public schools all they can be, and we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.

我们已经完成了艰难的任务，进入了充满希望的时期。我们将继续推动经济增长，改革落后的税法，为下一代加强社会保障。我们将尽量改善公立学校，维护在家庭和信仰方面的核心价值观。

A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation. We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us. And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatness of America.

新一届任期使我有机会影响整个国家。正是同一个国家、同一部宪法和同一个未来把我们联系到了一起。当我们一起努力的时候，美国的前途无可限量。

We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey. On the open plains of Texas, I first learned the character of our country; sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day. I will always be grateful to the good people of my state. And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.

我们彼此认识的时间最长，你们是我旅程的起点。在得州广阔无垠的平原上，我初次学到了美国的特点：强壮有力、真诚坦率，充满了黎明般的希望。我将永远感谢这个州优秀的人民。不管前方的路怎么样，这条路都将带我回家。

第十章  学会感恩

第一节  背景介绍

感恩节的由来要一直追溯到美国历史的发端。感恩节由美国人民独创，是美国和加拿大共有的节日，原意是为了感谢上天赐予的好收成，感谢印第安人的帮助。1620年，著名的“五月花”号船满载不堪忍受英国国内宗教迫害的102名清教徒到达美洲，在那里他们遇到了难以想象的困难，在经历了1620年和1621年之交饥寒交迫的冬天，他们当中只有50几名移民活了下来。心地善良的印第安人给幸存的移民送来了生活必需品，还特地派人教他们狩猎、捕鱼和种植玉米、南瓜。在印第安人的帮助下，移民们终于获得了丰收。在欢庆丰收的日子，移民们按照传统宗教习俗规定了感谢上帝的日子，并决定为了感谢印第安人的真诚帮助，邀请他们一同庆祝节日。

在第一个感恩节，印第安人和移民们欢聚一堂，他们在黎明时鸣放礼炮，列队走进一间用作教堂的屋子，虔诚地向上帝表达谢意，然后点起篝火举行盛大宴会。第二天和第三天又举行了摔跤、赛跑、唱歌、跳舞等活动。第一个感恩节非常成功，其中许多庆祝方式流传了三百多年，一直保留到今天。

每逢感恩节这一天，美国举国上下热闹非凡，人们按照习俗前往教堂做感恩祈祷，城乡市镇到处都有化装游行、戏剧表演或体育比赛等。孩子们还模仿当年印第安人的模样画上脸谱或戴上面具到街上唱歌、吹喇叭。分开了一年的亲人们也从天南海北归来，一家人团团圆圆品尝美味的感恩节火鸡。同时，好客的美国人还会在这一天邀请好友、单身汉或远离家乡的人共度佳节。从18世纪起，美国开始出现在感恩节给贫穷人家送一篮子食物的风俗。当时有一群年轻妇女想在一年中选一天专门做善事，认为选定感恩节是最恰当不过的。所以感恩节一到，她们就装上满满一篮食物亲自送到穷人家。不久就有许多人学着她们的样子做起来。不管遇到谁，他们都会说：“THANK YOU！”

最初感恩节没有固定日期，由各州临时决定，直到美国独立后，感恩节才成为全国性的节日。1863年，林肯总统把感恩节定为法定假日。1941年，美国国会通过一项法令，把感恩节定在每年十一月的第四个星期四。加拿大和美国的感恩节不在同一天，加拿大议会将感恩节列为法定假日稍晚于美国。但加拿大的第一个感恩节要比美国早四十年，加拿大感恩节的庆祝活动是在十月的第二个星期一。与美国人缅怀清教徒先辈定居新大陆的传统不同，加拿大人主要感谢上天给予的成功的收获。加拿大的感恩节早于美国的感恩节是因为加拿大更靠近北部，加拿大的收获季节相对于美国早一些。

加拿大的感恩节通常被认为受三个传统习惯的影响。

其一是来自欧洲传统的影响。从大约两千年以前最早的一次收获开始，人们就已经庆祝丰收，感谢富饶的大自然给予他们的恩施和好运。当欧洲人来到加拿大后，也将这一传统带入加拿大，并对后来加拿大的感恩节产生影响。

其二是英国探险家庆祝生存的影响。在清教徒登陆美国马萨诸塞州的前四十年，加拿大就举行了第一个正式的感恩节。1578年，一位英国探险家马丁·法贝瑟试图发现一个连接东方的通道，但是他没有成功。于是他在现今的加拿大纽芬兰省建立了定居点，并举行了一个庆祝生存和收获的宴餐。其他后来的移居者继续这种“感恩”仪式。此次的庆祝活动被认为是加拿大的第一个感恩节。

其三的影响来自于后来的美国。1621年的秋天，远涉重洋来到美洲新大陆的英国移民，为了感谢上帝赐予的丰收，举行了三天的狂欢活动。从此，这一习俗沿续下来，并逐渐风行各地。在美国革命其间，美国一批忠于英皇室的保皇党迁移到加拿大，并将美国感恩节的习俗和方式带到了加拿大。1750年庆祝丰收的活动被来自美国南部的移居者带到了新斯科舍，同时，法国移居者到达并且举行“感恩”宴餐。这些庆祝活动均对加拿大的感恩节产生了深远的影响。

1879年加拿大议会宣称11月6日是感恩节和全国性的假日。在随后的年代，感恩节的日期多次改变。直到1957年1月31日，加拿大议会宣布每年十月的第二个星期一为感恩节，在这一天感谢万能的上帝保佑加拿大并给予丰富的收获。

在美国，感恩节还有一项特殊的习俗，就是总统放生火鸡仪式。每年一度的总统放生火鸡仪式始于1947年杜鲁门总统当政时期，但实际上这个传统仪式可以追溯到美国内战林肯总统当政的时期。1863年的一天，林肯的儿子泰德突然闯入内阁会议，请求赦免一只名叫杰克的宠物火鸡，因为这只被送进白宫的火鸡，即将成为人们的圣诞节大餐。布什在白宫玫瑰花园举行的感恩节放生仪式上，曾特赦了一只名叫“飞鸟”的火鸡。

第二节  布什于2004年感恩节的演讲

Good morning. As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We’re grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We’re grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God. We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America’s generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We’re fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We’re grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

Like generations before them, today’s armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. In the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. They’ve captured a brutal dictator, aided last month’s historic election in Afghanistan, and help set Iraq on the path to democracy.

Our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. Many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. Families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one’s safe return. America is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this Thanksgiving can know that America will honor their sacrifices forever.

As Commander-in-Chief, I’ve been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and I’ve been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to express their own gratitude. This month, I met Shauna Fleming, a 15-year-old from California who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. In October, I met Ken Porwoll,  a World War II veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a VA medical center in Minneapolis. And we’ve seen the generosity of so many organizations, like Give2theTroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

Thanksgiving reminds us that America’s true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. I thank all those who volunteer this season, and Laura and I wish every American a happy and safe Thanksgiving weekend.

Thank you for listening.

早上好。这周美国人民聚集在一起，感谢生活带给我们的诸多祝福，感谢带给我们希望和爱的家人和朋友，感谢我们美丽的祖国，感谢我们享有的繁荣和成功。我们也感谢这些自由生活、自由工作和自由信仰的机会。在这感恩节到来之际，我们要感谢和颂扬赐予我们这一切的全能的上帝。我们也得承认我们有分享我们的幸福的责任。整个节日期间，学校、教堂、犹太教会堂和其他慷慨的机构收集食物和衣服来帮助附近有需要的朋友。许多年轻人将一部分假期时间用于在收容所或食品储藏室中当志愿者。在感恩节期间，乃至在这一年的每一天，美国因这些服务弱势群体的志愿者，将越发成为一个充满希望的国度。

充满同情和谦逊的感恩节传统可以追溯到很久以前的历史。这些年来，我们最真切的感恩往往出自我们最困难的时候。大约四百年前，先辈们在度过一个严酷的冬天之后举行了丰收庆典，感谢上帝的恩赐。乔治·华盛顿总统在艰难度日的福吉谷宣布了第一个举国欢庆的感恩节。林肯总统在内战期间恢复了这个传统节日。

在过去一年里，美国面对了许许多多的挑战，美国人民在应对每一次挑战时都充满活力、乐观和信心。经济衰退减缓之后，制造商和企业家再次创造就业的机会。来自全国各地的志愿者联合起来帮助遭受飓风的灾民重建家园。当比兰事件发生，俄罗斯遭受残酷的恐怖袭击时，世界从美国人民流露的同情和给予的救济中看到了我们的慷慨。

那些保护祖国安全的人们面临了最大的挑战。在今年的感恩节，我们向恪尽职守维护国土安全的消防队员和警务人员表示感谢。我们向不辞辛劳、坚守岗位的国土安全人员和情报人员表示感谢。我们向为保护我们的国家和促进自由事业正在世界各地服务的美国武装部队人员表示感谢。这些英勇无畏的军人让我们整个国家感到自豪。

和前几代军人一样，今天的军队解放了被俘虏的人民，同情遭受苦难的人们，并将希望带给备受压迫的人。在过去的一年中，他们纷纷转战国外的恐怖分子，让我们不必在祖国的土地上面对敌人。他们已经抓获了一名恐怖组织的领导者，于上月帮助阿富汗举行了一次具有历史性的选举，并在建立民主的道路上帮助了伊拉克一把。

反恐战争的进展使我们的国家更加安全，但它也给我们的军人家庭带来更重的负担。许多军人都要忍受长时间的军事部署和与家人分离的痛苦。军人家属一方面要抚养孩子，另一方面又要祈祷亲人的平安返乡。美国感谢我们所有的军人家属，为每一个失去亲人的家庭默哀，美国人民将永远尊敬他们的牺牲。

作为总指挥，我很荣幸地在此感谢我们驻扎在世界各地基地的军队，我深有所感，所有的普通公民都通过自己的努力来表达各自的感激之情。这个月我会见了绍纳·弗莱明，一个来自加州的15岁的少年，他组织写了一百万封感谢信给我们的军事人员。十月，我会见了肯·鲍沃尔，一个二战老兵，退休后一直在维吉尼亚州明尼阿波利斯的医疗中心当志愿者。我们还可以看到许多爱心机构，比如已经看到了这么多的组织，如Give2theTroops，一个在地下室开始，由一个母亲和一个儿子将数以千计的护具送到前线而形成的组织。

感恩节提醒我们，美国真正的力量是来自我们的同情和尊重。我感谢所有志愿者在这个季节的所有努力，劳拉和我祝愿每一个美国人都能度过一个平安快乐的感恩节周末。

感谢你们的倾听。

第三节  精彩语录

We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We’re grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We’re grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

感谢带给我们希望和爱的家人和朋友，感谢我们美丽的祖国，感谢我们享有的繁荣和成功。我们也感谢这些自由生活、自由工作和自由信仰的机会。在这感恩节到来之际，我们要感谢和颂扬赐予我们这一切的全能的上帝。

On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

在感恩节期间，乃至在这一年的每一天，美国因这些服务弱势群体的志愿者，将越发成为一个充满希望的国度。

Thanksgiving reminds us that America’s true strength is the compassion and decency of our people.

感恩节提醒我们，美国真正的力量是来自我们的同情和正直。

第十一章  将自由带到全世界

第一节  背景介绍

在2004年大选中成功连任的美国候任总统布什，于2005年1月20日中午12点在美国国会大厦西侧室外正式宣誓就任美国总统。这是他的第二任期。出席就职典礼的除了布什的家族成员，还有美国前总统克林顿、内阁成员、美国国会参众两院议员、最高法院大法官等来宾。在第一夫人劳拉和两个女儿的陪伴下，布什站在最高法院首席法官伦奎斯特面前，庄严地举起右手，模仿美国开国元勋华盛顿的做法，把左手按在一本《圣经》上，面对宪法宣读誓词：“我承诺将忠诚地履行美国总统的职务，竭尽所能保护、遵守和捍卫美国宪法。”当布什说完美国总统宣誓就职的最后一句话：“愿上帝帮助我。”宣誓就职仪式随着“主佑美国”的乐曲结束。之后，仪仗队鸣放21响礼炮，美国陆军铜管乐队演奏前奏曲《鼓号齐鸣》，美国海军陆战队乐队演奏《向统帅致敬》。

随后在一片欢呼喝彩声中，布什开始发表他第二任期的就职演说。布什就职演说的主题，除了阐述他在未来四年的治国方略和奋斗目标，还宣扬了自由，呼吁，团结，期待和平。在内政问题上，他谈到要对美国的社会保障、医疗保险和税收制度进行改革。在国外，布什鼓吹传播美国的民主自由。由于布什将于2月2日到国会发表国情咨文演讲，因此，他的就职演讲只持续了17分钟。当天，美国首都华盛顿刚刚迎来了一场大雪，国会山前银装素裹，身为这场盛大庆典的主角，布什春风得意，踌躇满志地迎来了自己的第二个任期。雪花纷飞的华盛顿，大约25万人齐集总统就职仪式的国会山前。就在布什欢庆二度入主白宫的胜利之际，美国国内出现了不少对他第一个任期的批评之声。有人指出，布什在四年前首次入主白宫时许下的那些诺言，许多都成为了空话。

当时，布什做出的一个最受关注的承诺就是将正视大规模杀伤性武器，使新世纪不会有新的恐怖主义。据说，布什的父亲美国前总统老布什给儿子四年前就职演说打的分数是“A”。在随后的四年任期内，布什打着“反恐”的旗号，牺牲数以千计的美国士兵的生命，花掉数百亿美元，先后发动了阿富汗战争和伊拉克战争。但是，全球多地发生恐怖袭击的频率较“9·11”前反而明显增加。“9·11”事件加上两场大规模战争，尤其是备受批评的伊拉克战争，使布什的第一个四年任期，似乎一直处于风雨飘摇之中，也使来自美国国内外的非议之声空前增多。

美国多家媒体不约而同地指出身为“战时总统”，布什在第二个任期内将面临巨大挑战。虽然布什最主要的选战幕僚罗夫声称，布什对自己的第二任期专注而乐观。但政治分析家欧汉伦在接受采访时说：“布什在第一任期内所犯下最严重的错误，莫过于在缺乏缜密计划的情况下入侵伊拉克，而这场战争将成为他第二任期内深重的阴影。”民主党参议员泰德·肯尼迪干脆直言，伊拉克战争就是布什的“越战”，其后果将会直接作用于布什的第二任期。

从美国历史上看，布什并非唯一被战争地雷“灼伤”的美国总统。从杜鲁门的朝鲜“战后倦怠症”到克林顿的被弹劾，美国历史上不少总统连任之后，反而备受战争和丑闻困扰，尤其是在战后，连任总统的第二任期总是特别艰难。历史学家也指出，一场不受大众支持时间又拖延得太长的战争，往往会给总统的第二任期带来更为严重的后遗症。

《华盛顿观察》19日刊出长篇分析文章，多名美政治学家对布什的第二任期做出了预测。乔治敦大学著名的美国总统史研究学者维恩教授指出，布什第二任期的首要外交挑战，将是重新修补美国与旧日盟友间因伊拉克战争所造成的嫌隙，其次则是改进美国在中东的形象。但维恩同时指出，对于布什面临的这两大挑战，可以看到希望但不会有太高期待，因为布什政府推行的单边主义很可能会持续下去，不久前美国媒体披露布什可能在第二任期内攻打伊朗就是一个隐患。

在正式宣誓就职的前一天，布什特意偕夫人劳拉到美国国家档案馆参观，阅览了一些珍贵的美国历史资料，包括首任总统华盛顿手写版的就职演说、《独立宣言》和《美国宪法》等。有记者问他是否感到了历史的分量，布什回答：“当然。”不久之前，布什的高级助手罗夫接受媒体采访时说的一句话，似乎代表了布什的心迹：“他（布什）将在今后四年埋头做自己的事，至于是对是错历史会做出评判。”无论如何，随着布什正式宣誓就职，他的第二任期履历也将呈现在人们面前。

布什在第一个任期的四年间，充分显示出自己是个性情中人。爱说乏味段子，总是坐卧不宁活像老顽童；辞去得州州长一职时曾失声痛哭，在教堂祈祷时坐立不安，受到挑战时向对方横眉怒对，和助手在一起时经常大开玩笑……布什天性爱笑爱闹，即便在“9·11”事发后仍然如此。“9·11”后一个月，布什前往扬基队棒球馆参加开球仪式，在“空军一号”上，布什练起了投球，其间不时开玩笑地将球掷向同僚，还不停地扮鬼脸。

第二节  布什于2005年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

Vice President Cheney, Mr. Chief Justice, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, members of United States’ Congress, reverend clergy, distinguished guests, fellow citizens,

On this day, prescribed by law and marked by ceremony, we celebrate the durable wisdom of our Constitution, and recall the deep commitments that unite our country. I am grateful for the honor of this hour, mindful of the consequential times in which we live, and determined to fulfill the oath that I have sworn and you have witnessed.

At this second gathering, our duties are defined not by the words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical—and then there came a day of fire.

We have seen our vulnerability—and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny—prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder—violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.

We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.

America’s vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation’s security, and the calling of our time.

So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.

The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America’s influence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America’s influence is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom’s cause.

My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people from further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen to test America’s resolve, and have found it firm.

We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.

We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people. America’s belief in human dignity will guide our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.

Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty—though this time in history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals. Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.

Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world: All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.

Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free country. The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did:“Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it” The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your side.

And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom’s enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy is a prelude to our enemies’ defeat.

Today, I also speak anew to my fellow citizens: From all of you, I have asked patience in the hard task of securing America, which you have granted in good measure. Our country has accepted obligations that are difficult to fulfill, and would be dishonorable to abandon. Yet because we have acted in the great liberating tradition of this nation, tens of millions have achieved their freedom. And as hope kindles hope, millions more will find it. By our efforts, we have lit a fire as well—a fire in the minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world.

A few Americans have accepted the hardest duties in this cause—in the quiet work of intelligence and diplomacy ... the idealistic work of helping raise up free governments ... the dangerous and necessary work of fighting our enemies. Some have shown their devotion to our country in deaths that honored their whole lives—and we will always honor their names and their sacrifice.

All Americans have witnessed this idealism, and some for the first time. I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of your eyes. You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined faces of our soldiers. You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is real, and courage triumphs. Make the choice to serve in a cause larger than your wants, larger than yourself—and in your days you will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.

America has need of idealism and courage, because we have essential work at home—the unfinished work of American freedom. In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the meaning and promise of liberty.

In America’s ideal of freedom, citizens find the dignity and security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the edge of subsistence. This is the broader definition of liberty that motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I. Bill of Rights. And now we will extend this vision by reforming great institutions to serve the needs of our time. To give every American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership society. We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance—preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society. By making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more prosperous and just and equal.

In America’s ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on private character—on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self. That edifice of character is built in families, supported by communities with standards, and sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of our people. Americans move forward in every generation by reaffirming all that is good and true that came before—ideals of justice and conduct that are the same yesterday, today, and forever.

In America’s ideal of freedom, the exercise of rights is ennobled by service, and mercy, and a heart for the weak. Liberty for all does not mean independence from one another. Our nation relies on men and women who look after a neighbor and surround the lost with love. Americans, at our best, value the life we see in one another, and must always remember that even the unwanted have worth. And our country must abandon all the habits of racism, because we cannot carry the message of freedom and the baggage of bigotry at the same time.

From the perspective of a single day, including this day of dedication, the issues and questions before our country are many. From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us are narrowed and few. Did our generation advance the cause of freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?

These questions that judge us also unite us, because Americans of every party and background, Americans by choice and by birth, are bound to one another in the cause of freedom. We have known divisions, which must be healed to move forward in great purposes—and I will strive in good faith to heal them. Yet those divisions do not define America. We felt the unity and fellowship of our nation when freedom came under attack, and our response came like a single hand over a single heart. And we can feel that same unity and pride whenever America acts for good, and the victims of disaster are given hope, and the unjust encounter justice, and the captives are set free.

We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner“Freedom Now”—they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.

When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said,“It rang as if it meant something.”In our time it means something still. America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength—tested, but not weary—we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.

May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States of America.

切尼副主席、首席大法官、卡特总统、布什总统、克林顿总统、美国国会议员、尊敬的牧师、贵宾们、同胞们：

今天，按照宪法规定我们举行这个仪式。我们在此欢庆我国宪法常青的智慧，追寻我们团结全国的深切责任感。我感恩这个时刻带来的荣耀，意识到我们时代的期盼并期待着完成我的誓言，请你们做证。

这是我们第二次聚会，我们的责任并非由我的讲演来确定，它源于我们当前历史时期的要求。半个世纪以来，美国在遥远的边界上捍卫着我们的自由，极权专政破产后我们有相对平静、懒散的岁月，而后是火光四射的那一天。

我们已明了自身的弱点，我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满，滋生着暴君，就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态，就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量，它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严，那就是人类的自由。

我们受常识的指引和历史的教诲得出如下结论：自由是否能在我们的土地上存在，正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利。对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。

美国生死存亡的利益和我们基本的信念已合而为一。自立国始，我们就宣示：生于世间的每个人都拥有他们的权力、尊严和无可比拟的价值，因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形象。我们世代重申着民有政权的重要性，没有什么人应该是主人而另一些人应该做奴隶。实现这一理念的使命是我们的立国之本。我们的先父荣耀地完成了这一使命。进一步扩展这一理念是国家安全的要求，是我们的当务之急。

有鉴于此，美国的政策是寻求并支持世界各国和各种文化背景下成长的民主运动，寻求并支持民主的制度化。最终的目标是终结世间的任何极权制度。

这个目标最终不应由暴力达成，尽管在必要时我们将以武力自卫，并保卫我们的朋友。自由的性质要求公民去自觉地选择它，捍卫它，并通过立法加以维护，同时保障弱势者。当一个国家的魂魄最终选择自由时，它的制度将反映不同于我们的文化和传统。美国不会强迫任何国家接受我们的国家体制。我们的目的是帮助其他国家找到自己的声音，获得自身的自由，发现自己的自由之路。

终结专制统治的巨大使命是几代人努力的目标，其难度不是无所作为的借口。美国的影响是有限的，但值得庆幸的是，美国的影响也是有力的，我们将充满信心地在追求自由的道路上帮助你们。

我最庄严的责任是保护我的国家和它的人民不再受到任何袭击和威胁。有些人不明智地选择了试探美国的决心，他们发现了我们坚定的意志。

我们坚定地给每一位统治者和每一个国家提出这样的选择：请在压迫——这终究是错的，与自由——这永远是正确的，之间做出道义的选择。美国不会装模作样地默许被关押的异议者自我选择了枷锁，也不会默许妇女成为可耻的代名词，看着她们变成奴仆，同样不会默许任何人类的一员仰人鼻息地生活。

我们将鼓励其他政府的改革，我们将明确表示若与美国建立良好的关系需要他们善待自己的公民。美国对人的尊严的信念将指导我们的政策，但是人民的权利并不是源于独裁者违心的让步，它们应该源于人民有反对的自由和被统治者的平等参与。从长远看，没有自由就没有正义，没有人民的自由就不存在人权。

我知道有些人质疑全球自由，尽管经过四十年自由迅猛的发展，这个怀疑似乎不合时宜。美国人民不应被我们理念的力量所震惊，最终自由的呼唤将发自每一个心灵。我们拒绝接受永恒的专制，因为我们拒绝接受永久的奴役。自由将来到热爱她的人们中间。

今天，美国再次向世界人民宣布：那些生活在专制下绝望的人民应该知道，美利坚合众国不会漠视你们被压迫，不会原谅你们的压迫者。当你们保卫自己的自由时，美国将站在你们的一边。

那些面对压制、监禁和流放的民主变革的参与者应该知道，美国知道你们的潜力，你们是自由国家未来的领袖。那些无法无天的统治者应该知道，我们仍然抱有林肯总统的信念：“那些剥夺他人自由的人不配享有自由，而且在公正的上帝面前，他们也不会长久。”那些习惯于控制人民的统治者应该知道，为了服务你的人民你应该给予他们信任。开始踏上进步和正义之路，那样，美国将站在你这一边。

美国的所有盟友们应该知道，我们珍视我们的友谊，我们尊重你们的建议，我们依赖于你们的帮助。分裂自由国家的团结是自由敌人的目的。自由国家相互配合地推进民主是敌人失败的开始。

今天，我也要对我的同胞和公民们说：我要求得到你们所有人的耐心，保卫国家安全是艰巨的任务，这样的耐心你们已经给予我很多了。我们的国家承担着一个困难重重的义务，中途放弃是可耻的。正是因为我们继续着我们国家解放者的传统，成千上万的人们获得了自由。希望催生新的希望，更多的人将获得自由。通过我们的努力，我们点燃了人们心中的火种，那火种温暖着感受到它力量的人们，并烧毁那些试图阻挠进步的人。终有一天，这不可熄灭的自由之火将照亮这个世界最阴暗的角落。

一些美国人已经接受这项事业中最困难的工作——那些默默无闻的情报和外交工作……那些帮助建立自由政府的理想主义的工作……那些打击我们的敌人危险而必要的工作。他们中的一些人献出了生命，他们的国家永远以他们为荣——我们也会永远记住他们的名字和他们的贡献。

所有的美国人都见证了这种理想主义，有些人是第一次看到。我要求我们的青年公民相信自己的亲眼所见。你们看到了我们的士兵充满责任和忠诚的坚毅面孔，你们也看到了生命的脆弱和魔鬼的真实，你们更看到了战胜邪恶的勇气。请选择参加这一进程，它比起个人需要重要得多，比个人自身伟大得多。一旦轮到你们，你们不但为我们的国家增加了财富，也将为她增添光彩。

美国需要理想主义和勇气，因为我们要完成国内的任务——美国自由的未竞之业。在一个走向自由的世界里，我们要展示自由的真义和自由的承诺。

在美国自由的信念里，公民享有尊严和经济上的独立，不是生活在潦倒的边缘。这是更广义自由的定义，它促生了《房屋法案》《社会安全法案》和《人权法案》。现在，我们将改革形成伟大的制度来服务于我们的时代，并扩展这一定义。每个美国人将分享国家的承诺和未来。我们将用最高的标准来要求我们的学校，建立一个有产者的社会。我们要让更多的人拥有自己的住房和事业，拥有自己的退休基金和医疗保险。让我们的人民对自由社会未来的挑战做好准备，让每个公民做自己命运的主人。我们将把美国人民从匮乏和担忧中解脱出来，并把我们的社会建成更为富强平等的社会。

在美国的自由信念中，公共利益依赖于个人品质，这包括完善的人格和宽容他人，以及有理性的生活。自我管理依赖于管理良好的自我。品格大厦的建立来自于家庭，以及社会对道德标准的支持，并在国家生活里贯彻始终。它依赖于西奈的真知、宝山临训、可兰经的教诲，与各种各样的信仰。它在每一代美国人民的推动下前进着，他们坚信源于历史的公益和真实——公正的理念和行为都是相同的，无论过去、现在，还是永远的未来。

在美国自由的信念中，个人权力的运用是由服务，宽容和对弱者的同情构成的。为全体的自由并不意味着人们的互相背离。我们国家依赖于那些互相守望的邻里和用爱围绕失落者的人们。美国人最良好的表现在于珍重我们每一个人的生活，而且永远记得那些所谓无用之辈也有他们的价值。我们的国家一定要丢弃一切种族主义的偏见，因为要知道我们不可能肩负自由的使命而又同时携带偏见的包袱。

从每一天看，就以今天为例，我们国家面临着诸多问题。从一个世纪看，我们面对的问题是集中而突出的。我们这一代有没有拓展自由的疆界？我们的所作所为有没有为这事业增添光彩？

这些问题是我们的裁判，并且团结了我们。因为无论是任何党派或背景的美国人，移民或出生于此的美国人，在自由的道路上都是不可分离的。我们知道分裂必须弥合我们才能向伟大的目标前进，我将做出最大的努力去弥合分裂，但是这种裂痕不能左右美国。当自由受到威胁时，我们深感相互的团结和关联，我们的反击也如出自同手一心。当美国仗义而行，当灾民们得到救助，当正义得到伸张，当人民获得自由，我们也同样自豪地感到我们是统一体。

我们所有人都满怀信心地踏着自由胜利之路前进。这并非因为这是不可避免的历史进程，而是因为人类的选择促成进步。我们并不认为我们的国家就是上帝的选民，上帝自有他的意志和选择。我们坚信这是因为自由是人类永恒的希望，是黑暗中的渴望，是灵魂的渴望。当我们的立国先贤宣布新时代的准则时，当一批批士兵为了保卫基于自由的联邦而牺牲时，当公民手举“立即自由”的横幅和平抗议时——他们在实践着那古老的希望，这希望一定会成为现实。虽然公正在历史上潮起潮落，但是历史也有一条清晰的脉络，那是由自由和自由的实践者确定的。

当第一次对公众宣读独立宣言时，自由的钟声由此敲响。一个亲眼目睹的人这样说道：“它在鸣响着，似乎意味深长。”在我们的时代，这钟声依然意味深长。美国在新的世纪向世界，向所有它的居民传播着自由。我们充满活力，我们经历过艰难的斗争，但并没有疲倦，-我们已做好准备去完成自由史上最伟大的功绩。

上帝保佑你们，愿他眷顾美国。

第三节  精彩语录

We have seen our vulnerability—and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny—prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder—violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat.

我们已明了自身的弱点，我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满，滋生着暴君，就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态，就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量，它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。

There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.

这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严，那就是人类的自由。

We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.

我们受常识的指引和历史的教诲得出如下结论：自由是否能在我们的土地上存在，正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利。对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。

Every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth.

生于世间的每个人都拥有他们的权力、尊严和无可比拟的价值，因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形象。

Rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.

人民的权利并不是源于独裁者违心的让步，它们应该源于人民有反对的自由和被统治者的平等参与。从长远看，没有自由就没有正义，没有人民的自由就不存在人权。

Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.

最终，自由的呼唤将发自每一个心灵。我们拒绝接受永恒的专制，因为我们拒绝接受永久的奴役。自由将来到热爱她的人们中间。

The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did:“Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it.”

那些无法无天的统治者应该知道，我们仍然抱有林肯总统的信念：“那些剥夺他人自由的人不配享有自由，而且在公正的上帝面前，他们也不会长久。”

And as hope kindles hope, millions more will find it. By our efforts, we have lit a fire as well—a fire in the minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world.

希望催生新的希望，更多的人将获得自由。通过我们的努力，我们点燃了人们心中的火种，那火种温暖着感受到它力量的人们，并烧毁那些试图阻挠进步的人。终有一天，这不可熄灭的自由之火将照亮这个世界最阴暗的角落。

When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said,“It rang as if it meant something.”In our time it means something still.

当第一次对公众宣读独立宣言时，自由的钟声由此敲响。一个亲眼目睹的人这样说道：“它在鸣响着，似乎意味深长。”在我们的时代，这钟声依然意味深长。

第十二章  打击恐怖主义，消除贸易壁垒

第一节  背景介绍

“9·11”恐怖袭击事件发生后，反恐成了国际社会妇孺皆知的主题词和关键词。的确，“9·11”事件以来，国际社会面临的最大威胁和挑战就是恐怖主义。2005年，进入了全球“向恐怖宣战”的第五个年头，恐怖主义从美洲蔓延到亚洲，又在欧洲“强势”登陆，恐怖袭击事件不仅有增无减而且愈演愈烈，全球反恐形势似乎陷入了越反越恐的尴尬局面。俗话说，时移事异。随着国际社会反恐的不断深入以及打击措施和手段的变幻，恐怖主义也开始凸显新的变化和特点。

恐怖袭击多缘于伊拉克战争的余波，不仅有大举回潮之势，而且矛头直指美英等国。继“9·11”之后，恐怖分子又成功延续了一年一次的标志性袭击，即英国伦敦的公交系统连环大爆炸，使在伊拉克战争中对美国亦步亦趋的英国也成为恐怖袭击的重点目标。埃及与约旦也没有幸免，同样遭到了来自伊拉克本土恐怖分子的袭击，因为在伊拉克战争和巴以问题上他们都给予美国支持与合作。

在反恐呼声日渐高涨，打击力度日渐加大的强大压力之下，恐怖势力开始重新分化演变。伊拉克形形色色的圣战组织和反美武装等与伊拉克的教派和民族矛盾结合在一起，与境外极端主义分子相整合，使伊拉克安全形势持续恶化。特别是扎卡维领导的伊拉克“基地”组织，在伊境内与美军对抗的同时，还不断在与伊接壤的阿拉伯国家发动恐怖袭击，大有超越本·拉登之势。扎卡维领导的伊拉克“基地”组织迅速“崛起”，表明在伊拉克战争的土壤上生长出新的恐怖主义势力。其组织实施的恐怖主义活动同伊拉克战争紧密联系，与“9·11”事件有很大的区别，已经发生了变异。在表象上更容易引起同情，容易与地区矛盾融为一体，使国际社会同恐怖主义的斗争更加复杂，更难将其消灭。有人说，恐怖主义就像弹簧，加大反恐力度，就会隐匿下去，一旦有机会，又会重新冒出来，这使反恐形势“越反越恐”。

整个2005年恐怖主义此起彼伏，几个回合下来，反恐进入了一个相持阶段。身陷伊拉克战场的美国和对国内安全局势高度紧张的英国，在经历了阿富汗、伊拉克等大规模“反恐战争”后，已暂时无力发动新的大规模“反恐”军事行动，其国民也渐渐对以单纯的军事行动进行“反恐”表示怀疑。于是，美国的反恐政策出现了新的动向和变化。美国国防部长拉姆斯菲尔德承认应该用“反恐怖斗争”代替“反恐战争”，各国依托联合国实施合作共同反恐前景堪忧。一方面，恐怖主义分子借助其活动的隐蔽性，出其不意、此起彼伏地实施袭击；另一方面，美英等国陷入战争和国内民众的诸多压力，又无法同其他大国真正地搞好合作，恐怖与反恐呈现出一种艰难的相持状态。此外，在打击恐怖主义的同时，美国既要面临自然灾害的侵害，重建家园，还要面对进出口贸易问题。

美国整体关税水平较低，但在一些部门仍然存在高关税和关税高峰。美国超过平均关税水平三倍以上的高关税税目约占总税目的7％，关税超过15％的税目约占总税目的4％。高关税和关税高峰主要体现在纺织品和服装、皮革、橡胶、陶瓷、鞋类和旅行产品等大类产品。

美国为控制进口数量，保护国内生产商利益，对部分农产品实行关税配额管理。配额内的平均关税水平为2.2％～5％，配额外的关税税率较高，各产品不尽相同，如脱脂奶粉为52.6%。美国从各国进口农产品的关税配额数量在《北美自由贸易协定》、《中美洲自由贸易协定》以及美国与澳大利亚、智利、摩洛哥、新加坡和泰国签订的《自由贸易协定》中做了具体规定。

美国海关在进口产品通关时要求出口商提供所有附加单证及相关信息，对某些进口产品，如纺织品、服装或鞋，要求提供的信息远远超出正常通关的需要。这些手续不仅繁琐而且费用高昂，对出口商特别是小出口商构成了壁垒。美国海关对纺织品、服装的进口在某些情况下还要求提供保密的加工程序信息。例如，对外表由一种以上材料构成的服装，必须提供相关重量、构成价值和每一部件的表面积等信息，此类做法客观上导致了成本增加。

另外，美国海关还将结税期最长延至210天。在某些情况下，发票上的小错误或小问题将导致结税期超过210天，美国海关不会给予具体的理由。在结税期内，美国海关可能要求额外的信息以便对产品进行分类并确定原产国。由于服装更新较快，必须马上售出，比如时装必须在二至三个月内售出。如果进口商无法在美国海关规定的结税期内保留进口服装，以便于美国海关确定最终的关税，美国海关将征收相当于进口货价值100％的罚金。

美国国家安全事务顾问赖斯指出：此时此刻与1945～1947年那个时期相似，那是遏制政策形成的时期……今天国际政治的结构板块已经发生了巨变。“9·11”事件发生后，国家安全事务委员会要认真、严肃地思考如何利用和抓住这一机会从根本上改变美国的对外政策，重新安排世界，重新界定美国的利益和对国际机制的立场，所有这些均是从前难以实现的。

国际反恐形势依然不容乐观，要彻底根治恐怖主义国际社会还有很长的路要走。世界各国应该将眼前利益与长远利益相结合，加强协作与交流，彻底摒弃单边主义思维和“双重标准”，真正消除国际社会不公正现象，缩小发达国家与发展中国家的经济差距。通过政治对话、经济交往、文化交流等诸手段的综合运用，标本兼治地共同消除恐怖主义。

第二节  布什于2005年在联合国六十周年大会上的演讲

Mr. Secretary General, Mr. President, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,

Thank you for the privilege of being here for the 60th anniversary of the United Nations. Thank you for your dedication to the vital work and great ideals of this institution.

We meet at a time of great challenge for America and the world. At this moment, men and women along my country’s Gulf Coast are recovering from one of the worst natural disasters in American history. Many have lost homes, and loved ones, and all their earthly possessions. In Alabama and Mississippi and Louisiana, whole neighborhoods have been lifted from their foundations and sent crashing into the streets. A great American city is working to turn the flood waters and reclaim its future.

We have witnessed the awesome power of nature—and the greater power of human compassion. Americans have responded to their neighbors in need, and so have many of the nations represented in this chamber. All together, more than 115 countries and nearly a dozen international organizations have stepped forward with offers of assistance. To every nation, every province, and every community across the world that is standing with the American people in this hour of need, I offer the thanks of my nation.

Your response, like the response to last year’s tsunami, has shown once again that the world is more compassionate and hopeful when we act together. This truth was the inspiration for the United Nations. The U.N.’s founding members laid out great and honorable goals in the charter they drafted six decades ago. That document commits this organization to work to“save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,”“reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights,”and“promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.”We remain committed to those noble ideals. As we respond to great humanitarian needs, we must actively respond to the other great challenges of our time. We must continue to work to ease suffering, and to spread freedom, and to lay the foundations of lasting peace for our children and grandchildren.

In this young century, the far corners of the world are linked more closely than ever before—and no nation can remain isolated and indifferent to the struggles of others. When a country, or a region is filled with despair, and resentment and vulnerable to violent and aggressive ideologies, the threat passes easily across oceans and borders, and could threaten the security of any peaceful country.

Terrorism fed by anger and despair has come to Tunisia, to Indonesia, to Kenya, to Tanzania, to Morocco, to Israel, to Saudi Arabia, to the United States, to Turkey, to Spain, to Russia, to Egypt, to Iraq, and the United Kingdom. And those who have not seen attacks on their own soil have still shared in the sorrow—from Australians killed in Bali, to Italians killed in Egypt, to the citizens of dozens of nations who were killed on September the 11th, 2001, here in the city where we meet. The lesson is clear: There can be no safety in looking away, or seeking the quiet life by ignoring the hardship and oppression of others. Either hope will spread, or violence will spread—and we must take the side of hope.

Sometimes our security will require confronting threats directly, and so a great coalition of nations has come together to fight the terrorists across the world. We’ve worked together to help break up terrorist networks that cross borders, and rout out radical cells within our own borders. We’ve eliminated terrorist sanctuaries. We’re using our diplomatic and financial tools to cut off their financing and drain them of support. And as we fight, the terrorists must know that the world stands united against them. We must complete the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism that will put every nation on record: The targeting and deliberate killing by terrorists of civilians and non-combatants cannot be justified or legitimized by any cause or grievance.

And the world’s free nations are determined to stop the terrorists and their allies from acquiring the terrible weapons that would allow them to kill on a scale equal to their hatred. For that reason, more than 60 countries are supporting the Proliferation Security Initiative to intercept shipments of weapons of mass destruction on land, on sea, and in air. The terrorists must know that wherever they go, they cannot escape justice.

Later today, the Security Council has an opportunity to put the terrorists on notice when it votes on a resolution that condemns the incitement of terrorist acts—the resolution that calls upon all states to take appropriate steps to end such incitement. We also need to sign and implement the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism, so that all those who seek radioactive materials or nuclear devices are prosecuted and extradited, wherever they are. We must send a clear message to the rulers of outlaw regimes that sponsor terror and pursue weapons of mass murder: You will not be allowed to threaten the peace and stability of the world.

Confronting our enemies is essential, and so civilized nations will continue to take the fight to the terrorists. Yet we know that this war will not be won by force of arms alone. We must defeat the terrorists on the battlefield, and we must also defeat them in the battle of ideas. We must change the conditions that allow terrorists to flourish and recruit, by spreading the hope of freedom to millions who’ve never known it. We must help raise up the failing states and stagnant societies that provide fertile ground for the terrorists. We must defend and extend a vision of human dignity, and opportunity, and prosperity—a vision far stronger than the dark appeal of resentment and murder.

To spread a vision of hope, the United States is determined to help nations that are struggling with poverty. We are committed to the Millennium Development Goals. This is an ambitious agenda that includes cutting poverty and hunger in half, ensuring that every boy and girl in the world has access to primary education, and halting the spread of AIDS—all by 2015.

We have a moral obligation to help others—and a moral duty to make sure our actions are effective. At Monterrey in 2002, we agreed to a new vision for the way we fight poverty, and curb corruption, and provide aid in this new millennium. Developing countries agreed to take responsibility for their own economic progress through good governance and sound policies and the rule of law. Developed countries agreed to support those efforts, including increased aid to nations that undertake necessary reforms. My own country has sought to implement the Monterrey Consensus by establishing the new Millennium Challenge Account. This account is increasing U.S. aid for countries that govern justly, invest in their people, and promote economic freedom.

More needs to be done. I call on all the world’s nations to implement the Monterrey Consensus. Implementing the Monterrey Consensus means continuing on the long, hard road to reform. Implementing the Monterrey Consensus means creating a genuine partnership between developed and developing countries to replace the donor-client relationship of the past. And implementing the Monterrey Consensus means welcoming all developing countries as full participants to the global economy, with all the requisite benefits and responsibilities.

Tying aid to reform is essential to eliminating poverty, but our work doesn’t end there. For many countries, AIDS, malaria, and other diseases are both humanitarian tragedies and significant obstacles to development. We must give poor countries access to the emergency lifesaving drugs they need to fight these infectious epidemics. Through our bilateral programs and the Global Fund, the United States will continue to lead the world in providing the resources to defeat the plague of HIV-AIDS.

Today America is working with local authorities and organizations in the largest initiative in history to combat a specific disease. Across Africa, we’re helping local health officials expand AIDS testing facilities, train and support doctors and nurses and counselors, and upgrade clinics and hospitals. Working with our African partners, we have now delivered lifesaving treatment to more than 230,000 people in sub-Sahara Africa. We are ahead of schedule to meet an important objective: providing HIV-AIDS treatment for nearly two million adults and children in Africa. At the G-8 Summit at Gleneagles, Scotland, we set a clear goal: an AIDS-free generation in Africa. And I challenge every member of the United Nations to take concrete steps to achieve that goal.

We’re also working to fight malaria. This preventable disease kills more than a million people around the world every year—and leaves poverty and grief in every land it touches. The United States has set a goal of cutting the malaria death rate in half in at least 15 highly endemic African countries. To achieve that goal, we’ve pledged to increase our funding for malaria treatment and prevention by more than $1.2 billion over the next five years. We invite other nations to join us in this effort by committing specific aid to the dozens of other African nations in need of it. Together we can fight malaria and save hundreds of thousands of lives, and bring new hope to countries that have been devastated by this terrible disease.

As we strengthen our commitments to fighting malaria and AIDS, we must also remain on the offensive against new threats to public health such as the Avian Influenza. If left unchallenged, this virus could become the first pandemic of the 21st century. We must not allow that to happen. Today I am announcing a new International Partnership on Avian and Pandemic Influenza. The Partnership requires countries that face an outbreak to immediately share information and provide samples to the World Health Organization. By requiring transparency, we can respond more rapidly to dangerous outbreaks and stop them on time. Many nations have already joined this partnership; we invite all nations to participate. It’s essential we work together, and as we do so, we will fulfill a moral duty to protect our citizens, and heal the sick, and comfort the afflicted.

Even with increased aid to fight disease and reform economies, many nations are held back by another heavy challenge: the burden of debt. So America and many nations have also acted to lift this burden that limits the growth of developing economies, and holds millions of people in poverty. Today poor countries with the heaviest debt burdens are receiving more than $30 billion in debt relief. And to prevent the build-up of future debt, my country and other nations have agreed that international financial institutions should increasingly provide new aid in the form of grants, rather than loans. The G-8 agreed at Gleneagles to go further. To break the lend-and-forgive cycle permanently, we agreed to cancel 100 percent of the debt for the world’s most heavily indebted nations. I call upon the World Bank and the IMF to finalize this historic agreement as soon as possible.

We will fight to lift the burden of poverty from places of suffering—not just for the moment, but permanently. And the surest path to greater wealth is greater trade. In a letter he wrote to me in August, the Secretary General commended the G-8’s work, but told me that aid and debt relief are not enough. The Secretary General said that we also need to reduce trade barriers and subsidies that are holding developing countries back. I agree with the Secretary General: The Doha Round is“the most promising way”to achieve this goal.

A successful Doha Round will reduce and eliminate tariffs and other barriers on farm and industrial goods. It will end unfair agricultural subsidies. It will open up global markets for services. Under Doha, every nation will gain, and the developing world stands to gain the most. Historically, developing nations that open themselves up to trade grow at several times the rate of other countries. The elimination of trade barriers could lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty over the next 15 years. The stakes are high. The lives and futures of millions of the world’s poorest citizens hang in the balance—and so we must bring the Doha trade talks to a successful conclusion.

Doha is an important step toward a larger goal: We must tear down the walls that separate the developed and developing worlds. We need to give the citizens of the poorest nations the same ability to access the world economy that the people of wealthy nations have, so they can offer their goods and talents on the world market alongside everyone else. We need to ensure that they have the same opportunities to pursue their dreams, provide for their families, and live lives of dignity and self-reliance.

And the greatest obstacles to achieving these goals are the tariffs and subsidies and barriers that isolate people of developing nations from the great opportunities of the 21st century. Today, I reiterate the challenge I have made before: We must work together in the Doha negotiations to eliminate agricultural subsidies that distort trade and stunt development, and to eliminate tariffs and other barriers to open markets for farmers around the world. Today I broaden the challenge by making this pledge: The United States is ready to eliminate all tariffs, subsidies and other barriers to free flow of goods and services as other nations do the same. This is key to overcoming poverty in the world’s poorest nations. It’s essential we promote prosperity and opportunity for all nations.

By expanding trade, we spread hope and opportunity to the corners of the world, and we strike a blow against the terrorists who feed on anger and resentment. Our agenda for freer trade is part of our agenda for a freer world, where people can live and worship and raise their children as they choose. In the long run, the best way to protect the religious freedom, and the rights of women and minorities, is through institutions of self-rule, which allow people to assert and defend their own rights. All who stand for human rights must also stand for human freedom.

This is a moment of great opportunity in the cause of freedom. Across the world, hearts and minds are opening to the message of human liberty as never before. In the last two years alone, tens of millions have voted in free elections in Afghanistan and Iraq, in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories, in Kyrgyzstan, in Ukraine, and Georgia. And as they claim their freedom, they are inspiring millions more across the broader Middle East. We must encourage their aspirations. We must nurture freedom’s progress. And the United Nations has a vital role to play.

Through the new U.N. Democracy Fund, the democratic members of the U.N. will work to help others who want to join the democratic world. It is fitting that the world’s largest democracy, India, has taken a leadership role in this effort, pledging $10 million to get the fund started. Every free nation has an interest in the success of this fund—and every free nation has a responsibility in advancing the cause of liberty.

The work of democracy is larger than holding a fair election; it requires building the institutions that sustain freedom. Democracy takes different forms in different cultures, yet all free societies have certain things in common. Democratic nations uphold the rule of law, impose limits on the power of the state, treat women and minorities as full citizens. Democratic nations protect private property, free speech and religious expression. Democratic nations grow in strength because they reward and respect the creative gifts of their people. And democratic nations contribute to peace and stability because they seek national greatness in the achievements of their citizens, not the conquest of their neighbors.

For these reasons, the whole world has a vital interest in the success of a free Iraq—and no civilized nation has an interest in seeing a new terror state emerge in that country. So the free world is working together to help the Iraqi people to establish a new nation that can govern itself, sustain itself, and defend itself. It’s an exciting opportunity for all of us in this chamber. And the United Nations has played a vital role in the success of the January elections, where eight and a half million Iraqis defied the terrorists and cast their ballots. And since then, the United Nations has supported Iraq’s elected leaders as they drafted a new constitution.

The United Nations and its member states must continue to stand by the Iraqi people as they complete the journey to a fully constitutional government. And when Iraqis complete their journey, their success will inspire others to claim their freedom, the Middle East will grow in peace and hope and liberty, and all of us will live in a safer world.

The advance of freedom and security is the calling of our time. It is the mission of the United Nations. The United Nations was created to spread the hope of liberty, and to fight poverty and disease, and to help secure human rights and human dignity for all the world’s people. To help make these promises real, the United Nations must be strong and efficient, free of corruption, and accountable to the people it serves. The United Nations must stand for integrity, and live by the high standards it sets for others. And meaningful institutional reforms must include measures to improve internal oversight, identify cost savings, and ensure that precious resources are used for their intended purpose.

The United Nations has taken the first steps toward reform. The process will continue in the General Assembly this fall, and the United States will join with others to lead the effort. And the process of reform begins with members taking our responsibilities seriously. When this great institution’s member states choose notorious abusers of human rights to sit on the U.N. Human Rights Commission, they discredit a noble effort, and undermine the credibility of the whole organization. If member countries want the United Nations to be respected—respected and effective, they should begin by making sure it is worthy of respect.

At the start of a new century, the world needs the United Nations to live up to its ideals and fulfill its mission. The founding members of this organization knew that the security of the world would increasingly depend on advancing the rights of mankind, and this would require the work of many hands. After committing America to the idea of the U.N. in 1945, President Franklin Roosevelt declared:“The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation.”Peace is the responsibility of every nation and every generation.

In each era of history, the human spirit has been challenged by the forces of darkness and chaos. Some challenges are the acts of nature; others are the works of men. This organization was convened to meet these challenges by harnessing the best instincts of humankind, the strength of the world united in common purpose. With courage and conscience, we will meet our responsibilities to protect the lives and rights of others. And when we do, we will help fulfill the promise of the United Nations, and ensure that every human being enjoys the peace and the freedom and the dignity our Creator intended for all.

秘书长先生、主席先生、各位尊贵的来宾、女士们、先生们：

感谢你们让我有幸在联合国成立六十周年之际来到这里。感谢你们为这个机构的重要使命和伟大理想做出的奉献。

我们在美国和全世界面临重大挑战的时刻在这里聚会。此时此刻我国墨西哥湾沿岸地区的男女民众刚刚经历了美国有史以来最严重的自然灾害之一，正在恢复重建。很多人失去了家园、亲人和他们所有的财产。在亚拉巴马、密西西比和路易斯安那州，一个个街区被夷为平地，成为一片废墟。这座伟大的美国城市正在战胜洪灾，重建自己的未来。

我们目睹了大自然的惊人威力，但更有威力的是人类的关爱。美国人民向受灾同胞伸出援手，在座各位所代表的很多国家也提供了援助。总共有超过115个国家和十几个国际组织主动提出支援救灾。我谨代表我的国家，向在这个困难时刻援助美国人民的全世界每一个国家、每一个地区、每一个社区表示感谢。

你们的救援行动，与去年援助海啸灾区的行动一样，再次说明我们齐心协力能使全世界更富有关爱之情，也更有希望。这条真理正体现了联合国的精神所在。六十年前，联合国创始会员国在起草的宪章中阐明了伟大崇高的目标。宪章要求联合国决心“欲免后世再遭惨不堪言之战祸”，“重申基本人权之信念”，并“促成大自由中之社会进步及较善之民生”。我们一如既往决心实现上述崇高目标。我们在满足巨大的人道主义需求之时，必须积极应对我们这个时代其他的重大挑战。我们必须继续努力减轻苦难，积极传播自由，并为我们的子孙后代奠定持久和平的基础。

在这个新的世纪，全世界各个偏远的角落比以往任何时候都更加紧密地联系在一起，没有任何国家能继续置身事外，对其他国家的艰苦奋斗无动于衷。当一个国家或一个地区充满绝望，充满怨恨，无力抵挡暴力和侵略意识之时，威胁就会穿越大洋和国界，有可能危及任何爱好和平国家的安全。

从仇恨和绝望中滋生的恐怖主义袭击了突尼斯、印度尼西亚、肯尼亚、坦桑尼亚、摩洛哥、以色列、沙特阿拉伯、美国、土耳其、西班牙、俄罗斯、埃及、伊拉克和英国等很多国家。在本国领土上未遇到袭击的人们也承受了恐怖袭击带来的悲伤──澳大利亚人在巴厘遇难，意大利人在埃及被害，2001年9月11日，来自数十个国家的公民就在我们今天开会的这个城市被夺去了生命。教训是不言自明的：对此视若无睹，或为了寻求安宁生活对他人遭受的苦难和压迫不闻不问，绝对不可能带来安全。不是希望传遍人间，就是暴力四处蔓延。两者必居其一，而我们必须站在希望的一边。

有时我们为了安全而必须直接抗击威胁，许多国家因此而结成一个伟大的联盟，并肩打击世界各地的恐怖分子。我们共同努力，为瓦解跨国恐怖网络和摧毁本国境内的激进基层组织做出贡献。我们清除了恐怖分子的庇护所。我们正运用外交和财政手段切断他们的财源，断绝他们得到支援的渠道。恐怖分子必须明白，我们正在与他们进行斗争，全世界团结一致共同对敌。我们必须完成《全面制止国际恐怖主义公约》，使每个国家都明确：不论出于什么原因，也不论有什么怨恨，都不能成为恐怖分子蓄意袭击和杀害平民和非战斗人员的理由或使其行为合法化。

全世界的自由国家决心制止恐怖分子及其同盟者获得致命的大规模杀人武器发泄他们的仇恨。有鉴于此，有六十多个国家支持防扩散安全倡议，以阻截通过陆地、海上和空中运送的大规模毁灭性武器。恐怖分子必须明白，他们无论在何处藏身，都无法逃脱正义的惩罚。

今天晚些时候，安理会将表决谴责煽动恐怖行为的决议，向恐怖分子发出警告。这项决议要求所有的国家采取适当步骤终止这类煽动活动。我们还需要签署并实施《制止核恐怖行为国际公约》，使所有寻求放射性物质或核装置的人无论走到哪里都会受到起诉和引渡。我们必须向支持恐怖和寻求大规模毁灭性武器的非法政权统治者发出明确的信息：绝不允许你们威胁世界和平与稳定。

直接抗击我们的敌人是绝对必要的，因此文明国家必须继续主动向恐怖分子出击。然而，大家知道这场战争不能单靠武力获胜。我们必须在战场上击败恐怖分子，也必须在意识形态的战斗中战而胜之。我们必须向从不了解自由为何物的亿万人民传播自由的希望，铲除恐怖分子滋生和招兵买马的环境。我们必须帮助国力衰退的国家和停滞不前的社会，不使恐怖分子得到生长的土壤。我们必须保卫并扩大人类尊严、机会与繁荣的前景，这样的前景远比怨恨和屠杀的吸引力要强大。

为了传播希望的种子，美国决心帮助那些在贫穷中挣扎的国家。美国坚持要求实现千年发展目标。这是一个宏伟的目标，要求到2015年将贫穷挨饿的人口减少一半，保障全世界所有的儿童都能受到初级教育并制止艾滋病的蔓延等。

我们有帮助他人的道德义务，也有确保我们的行动切实有效的道德责任。2002年，我们在蒙特雷一致同意有关在新千年消除贫困、制止腐败和提供援助的新设想。发展中国家同意通过良好的国家治理、健全的政策和法治承担本国经济发展的责任。发达国家同意支持这些努力，其中包括对采取必要改革措施的国家增加援助。我国设立了新的世纪挑战账户，以执行《蒙特雷共识》。这一账户逐渐增加美国对实行公正治理，为本国人民谋利益并促进经济自由的国家提供的援助。

还有更多的工作需要做。我呼吁世界所有的国家执行《蒙特雷共识》。执行《蒙特雷共识》意味着继续沿着改革这条艰巨和漫长的道路走下去。执行《蒙特雷共识》意味着在发达国家和发展中国家之间建立真诚的合作伙伴关系，取代过去援助与受援的关系。执行《蒙特雷共识》意味着欢迎所有发展中国家全面参与全球经济，享有所有必要的益处，同时承担所有的义务。

要求使援助与改革挂钩对消除贫困至关重要，但是我们的工作并不因此结束。对于许多国家而言，艾滋病、疟疾及其他疾病既是人道主义的悲剧，也是明显阻碍发展的绊脚石。我们必须为贫困国家提供他们所需的拯救生命的应急药物，帮助他们抗击这些传染病。通过我们的双边项目和全球基金，美国将继续发挥主导作用，为抗击艾滋病的危害提供资源。

今天，美国正与当地政府及组织合作，开展有史以来为抗击某一种疾病而采取的规模最大的行动计划。在非洲大陆，我们正帮助地方卫生官员扩大艾滋病测试设施，为医生、护士和辅导人员提供培训和支援，改善诊所和医院条件。我们与非洲合作伙伴共同努力，已向撒哈拉沙漠以南地区23万多人提供了拯救生命的治疗。我们提前完成一个重要目标，为非洲近200万成人和儿童提供艾滋病治疗。在苏格兰格伦伊格尔斯举行八国首脑会议期间，我们制定了明确的目标，为非洲这一代人根除艾滋病。我在此呼吁联合国各会员国采取具体措施实现这个目标。

我们还在努力防治疟疾。这个可以预防的疾病每年在全世界范围内造成100多万人死亡。在这种疾病肆虐的每一个国家，人们都遭受了贫困和痛苦。美国已制定目标，要求至少使非洲十五个高发病国家的疟疾死亡率降低一半。为了实现这个目标，我们已承诺在今后五年内，为防治疟疾基金增拨12亿美元以上的资金。我们邀请其他国家与我们共同努力，承诺为需要基金帮助的其他几十个国家提供具体援助。通过共同努力我们就能防治疟疾，拯救成千上万人的生命，为受到这种可怕的疾病摧残的国家带来希望的曙光。

在承诺加强抗击疟疾和艾滋病的同时，我们还必须坚持积极防范禽流感等新的疾病，避免公众健康受到威胁。如果听之任之，禽流感病毒将引发21世纪的第一场流行病。我们决不能坐视不顾。今天，我宣布新的“预防禽流感国际合作计划”。这个国际合作计划要求面临疾病爆发的国家迅速向世界卫生组织传递信息，提供病毒取样。通过增加透明度的要求，我们就能对危害健康的疫情做出迅速反应，及时防止病毒蔓延。许多国家已参加了这项计划，我们邀请所有国家参与。我们共同努力是十分必要的，我们在这么做的同时也在履行保护我国公民，救死扶伤和抚慰受害者的道义责任。

即使用于抗击疾病和改革经济的援助不断增加，许多国家仍然受困于另外一项严重挑战：债务负担。债务重担使发展中的经济增长受到限制，使千百万人民处于贫困状态。因此，美国及许多其他国家还采取行动减免债务重负。今天，债务负担最重的贫穷国家正在接受300多亿美元的债务救助。为了防止今后的债务累积，我国和其他国家已一致同意，国际金融机构应该逐步增加以赠款方式而不是以借贷的方式提供新的援助。八国集团在苏格兰的格伦伊格尔斯开会时同意采取进一步行动。为了永久打破“借贷—减免”的循环，我们同意百分之百取消全世界负债最重的一些国家的债务。我呼吁世界银行和国际货币基金组织尽快落实这项具有历史意义的协议。

我们将积极努力帮助遭受苦难的地区摆脱贫困的重荷──不只限于目前，而是持之以恒。为了实现更富裕的前景，最有保障的途径是扩大贸易。联合国秘书长在今年8月写给我的信中赞赏八国集团的工作，但他告诉我，援助与债务减免仍然不够。秘书长说，我们还需要取消阻碍发展中国家前进的贸易壁垒和补贴。我同意秘书长的看法：多哈回合谈判是实现这项目标的“最有希望的途径”。

多哈回合谈判取得成功将降低和取消阻碍农工产品贸易的关税及其他壁垒。不公平的农业补贴将不复存在。全球服务业市场将实现开放。根据多哈协议每个国家都会受益，而发展中国家会获得最大的收益。历史上凡是敞开贸易大门的发展中国家，经济增长率高于其他国家数倍之多。取消贸易壁垒有可能在今后十五年内使几亿人脱离贫困。此事关系重大。全世界千百万最贫穷人民的生活与未来何去何从──我们务必要促使多哈贸易谈判取得成功。

多哈谈判是朝一个更大目标迈出的重要一步：我们必须拆除阻隔发达国家和发展中国家的一道道围墙。我们必须使最贫穷国家的人民获得与富裕国家人民同样的融入世界经济的能力，如此他们就能与其他人一样在世界市场上提供自己的商品，发挥自己的才能。我们需要保证他们拥有同样的机会实现他们的理想，供养他们的家庭，过上有尊严和自立的生活。

实现这些目标的最大障碍是关税壁垒、补贴以及把发展中国家人民与21世纪提供的重要机会隔离开来的种种障碍。今天，我重申我以前提出的艰巨任务：我们必须通过多哈谈判共同努力，取消扭曲贸易和阻碍发展的农业补贴，撤除关税壁垒及其他障碍，为全世界农民开放市场。今天，我通过提出下列保证扩大上述挑战的范围：美国准备与其他国家一起取消一切关税、补贴及其他阻碍商品和服务自由流通的各种障碍。这是全世界最贫穷国家战胜贫困的关键。我们必须为所有的国家促进繁荣，创造机会。

我们通过扩大贸易，让希望和机遇遍及全世界每个角落，并沉重打击在忿恨与不满中滋生的恐怖主义分子。我们扩大自由贸易的要求是我们增进世界自由的使命的一部分，使世界人民能够按照自己选择的方式生活、祈祷并养育子女。从长远来看，捍卫宗教自由和保护妇女和少数族裔权利的最佳途径是建立自我管理机制，从而使人们能够坚持并捍卫自己的权利。所有倡导人权的人也必须倡导人类自由。

当前自由的事业面临重大机遇。在世界各地人类自由的理念如此深入人心，堪称前所未有。仅在过去的两年中，千百万民众在阿富汗、伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦领土、吉尔吉斯斯坦、乌克兰和格鲁吉亚的自由选举中参加了投票。他们行使自己的自由权利，同时也激励了大中东地区其他国家的千百万大众。我们必须鼓舞他们的士气。我们必须扶持民主进程。联合国应为此发挥关键作用。

通过新设立的联合国民主基金，联合国会员国中的民主国家将向希望加入民主共同体的国家提供帮助。世界上人口最多的民主国家印度承诺提供1000万美元启动民主基金，发挥了应有的主导作用。民主基金的成功关系到每一个自由国家的利益，每一个自由国家都有责任推进自由的事业。

实现民主不仅在于举行公平的选举，还必须建立长期维护自由的机制。民主在不同的文化中有不同的形式，但所有的自由社会都有一些共同的特点。民主国家维护法治，限制国家权力，并让妇女和少数族裔享有全部公民权利。民主国家保护私有财产、言论自由和宗教言论。民主国家奖励并尊重本国人民的聪明才智，从而使国力不断增强。民主国家依靠本国公民的努力实现国家强盛，从不对邻国强取豪夺，从而为和平与稳定做出贡献。

由于这些原因，自由伊拉克的成败关系到整个世界的重大利益，任何文明国家都不愿意看到一个新的恐怖政权在这个国家重新出现。因此，自由世界正共同努力，帮助伊拉克人民建立一个能够进行自治、自立和自卫的新国家。这为在座的所有人提供了一个令人振奋的机会。而联合国为今年1月伊拉克选举的成功发挥了极其重要的作用，850万伊拉克选民不顾恐怖分子的威胁参加了投票。此后，联合国又支持伊拉克民选领导人起草新宪法。

为建立完全符合宪法原则的政府，伊拉克人民正走上这条征途，联合国及其会员国必须继续同他们站在一起。伊拉克人民一旦完成这项使命，他们的成功将鼓舞其他国家的人民争取自己的自由，中东将在和平、希望与自由的氛围中成长壮大，我们所有的人都将在一个更安全的世界上生活。

推进自由与安全是我们时代的呼唤，也是联合国承担的使命。联合国的创建就是为了传播自由的希望，为了抗击贫困和疾病，为了帮助全世界所有的人获得人的权利和人的尊严。为了实现这些许诺，联合国必须做到强大有效，必须拒绝受腐败侵蚀，必须向服务对象负责。联合国必须坚持廉正，必须以其为别人制订的高标准来要求自己。联合国有意义的机构改革必须包括采取措施改进内部监察机制，确定节省开支的方案，保证宝贵资源用于既定目的。

联合国已在改革道路上迈出了第一步。改革进程将在今秋的联合国大会期间继续进行，美国将与其他国家一起主导改革工作。而改革的进程应以会员国认真对待自己承担的责任为起点。这个重要机构的会员国曾推选臭名昭著侵犯人权的国家为联合国人权委员会成员，使这项崇高的事业蒙羞，使整个联合国组织的信誉受到损害。会员国如果希望联合国受到尊重并发挥高效，就应该从保证联合国值得令人尊重开始。

新世纪伊始，全世界都需要联合国忠实于自己的理想并履行自己的使命。联合国的创始会员国笃信，全世界的安全日益取决于增进人类权利的努力，这需要多方面共同努力。富兰克林·罗斯福总统在1945年决定美国接受建立联合国的构想后表示：“构筑世界和平绝非一人、一党、一国之功。”每一个国家和每一代人都肩负着维护和平的重任。

在每一个历史阶段，人类精神都不免因出现黑暗与混乱受到挑战。有一些挑战是天灾，也有一些挑战是人祸。联合国成立的宗旨是发挥人类的最高智慧，动员全世界团结一致迎接这些挑战。我们将以我们的胆识和良知履行保护人类生命和权利的职责。我们将努力实现联合国的承诺，保障我们大家都能按照造物主的意旨，人人享有平安、自由和尊严。

第三节  精彩语录

We have witnessed the awesome power of nature—and the greater power of human compassion.

我们目睹了大自然的惊人威力，但更有威力的是人类的关爱。

Your response, like the response to last year’s tsunami, has shown once again that the world is more compassionate and hopeful when we act together. This truth was the inspiration for the United Nations.

你们的救援行动，与去年援助海啸灾区的行动一样，再次说明我们齐心协力能使全世界更富有关爱之情，也更有希望。这条真理正体现了联合国的精神所在。

In this young century, the far corners of the world are linked more closely than ever before—and no nation can remain isolated and indifferent to the struggles of others. When a country, or a region is filled with despair, and resentment and vulnerable to violent and aggressive ideologies, the threat passes easily across oceans and borders, and could threaten the security of any peaceful country.

在这个新的世纪，全世界各个偏远的角落比以往任何时候都更加紧密地联系在一起，没有任何国家能继续置身事外，对其他国家的艰苦奋斗无动于衷。当一个国家或一个地区充满绝望，充满怨恨，无力抵挡暴力和侵略意识之时，威胁就会穿越大洋和国界，有可能危及任何爱好和平国家的安全。

Either hope will spread, or violence will spread—and we must take the side of hope.

不是希望传遍人间，就是暴力四处蔓延，两者必居其一，而我们必须站在希望的一边。

We must defend and extend a vision of human dignity, and opportunity, and prosperity—a vision far stronger than the dark appeal of resentment and murder.

我们必须保卫并扩大人类尊严、机会与繁荣的前景，这样的前景远比怨恨和屠杀的吸引力要强大。

By expanding trade, we spread hope and opportunity to the corners of the world, and we strike a blow against the terrorists who feed on anger and resentment. Our agenda for freer trade is part of our agenda for a freer world, where people can live and worship and raise their children as they choose.

我们通过扩大贸易，让希望和机遇遍及全世界每个角落，并沉重打击在忿恨与不满中滋生的恐怖主义分子。我们扩大自由贸易的要求是我们增进世界自由的使命的一部分，使世界人民能够按照自己选择的方式生活、祈祷并养育子女。

第十三章  振兴美国经济

第一节  背景介绍

美国在开国初期就有了国情咨文这种形式。国情咨文是美国统治阶级的施政纲领，主要阐明美国总统每年面临的国内外情况，也就是对于国家政治、经济、文化等方面基本情况的报告，以及政府将要采取的政策措施。按照美国惯例，每年年初现任总统都要在国会做年度报告，阐述政府的施政方针。

《美利坚合众国宪法》中写道：“总统应随时向国会报告联邦情况。”也就是对于国家政治、经济、文化等方面基本情况的报告。这个“联邦情况”后来有了专用名“国情咨文”。乔治·华盛顿于1790年1月8日做了第一份关于“联邦情况”的报告，该报告当时被称为“年度咨文”。1801年，托马斯·杰斐逊将他的“年度报告”以书面形式递交国会。此后，这一形式延续了112年。1913年，伍德罗·威尔逊又回到国会大厦，亲自向国会做“年度报告”。1945年，该报告开始被正式称为“国情咨文”，并且不再仅仅面对国会议员，而是通过广播电视面向广大民众传递总统的政策主张。1947年，哈里·杜鲁门在电视上公开向全国做年度报告。自此以后，总统的年度报告被称为“国情咨文演说”。

国情咨文经过一百多年的演变，特别是电视直播的出现，已经从空洞的政策演说演变成一项重大的游说宣传。更是总统驾驭与国会关系的一个基本手段和发挥国家领导作用的有力方式。因此，美国历届总统都非常重视国情咨文的作用，历史上著名的“门罗主义”就是门罗总统通过国情咨文的形式传递出来的。

在此次国情咨文中，布什提到：“美国经济正经历不确定阶段……长期来讲，美国人对经济增长持有信心。短期来看，我们发现经济增长正在放缓。”然而，正值全球经济正出现显著变化之时，由于担心美国经济陷入衰退，全球金融市场已经因为美国股市的剧烈震荡显示出“过山车”行情，令包括美国人在内的全球投资者神经高度紧张。布什也承认美国经济增速正在放缓，但他仍坚持长期基本面依然良好的判断。鉴于此，布什敦促国会参议院尽快通过总额为1,500亿美元的经济刺激计划，以支持消费开支和企业投资增长，确保经济健康和扩大就业。

布什呼吁国会能够永久实施他提出的减税措施，因为他确信这是确保美国经济持续健康发展的最重要一步，也是能促使美国经济增长的重要经济刺激计划，以保证美国人人有工作。他相信美国国会会尽快批复。此外，他还警告那些旨在提高税收的提案都将遭到他的否决。

由于美国的经济增长越来越依赖于其向全球出口美国商品和服务的能力。因此，布什敦促国会批准美国与哥伦比亚、巴拿马和韩国的自由贸易协定，想以此来缓解美国自身正遭遇的经济困难。

此次发表的国情咨文是布什总统在任期内的最后一次国情咨文演说，这也代表着他总统任期结束或结尾阶段的开始。

第二节  布什于2008年在国会大厦最后一次发表国情咨文

Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens,

Seven years have passed since I first stood before you at this rostrum. In that time, our country has been tested in ways none of us could have imagined. We have faced hard decisions about peace and war, rising competition in the world economy, and the health and welfare of our citizens. These issues call for vigorous debate, and I think it’s fair to say we’ve answered that call. Yet history will record that amid our differences, we acted with purpose. And together, we showed the world the power and resilience of American self-government.

All of us were sent to Washington to carry out the people’s business. That is the purpose of this body. It is the meaning of our oath. And it remains our charge to keep.

The actions of the 110th Congress will affect the security and prosperity of our Nation long after this session has ended. In this election year, let us show our fellow Americans that we recognize our responsibilities and are determined to meet them. And let us show them that Republicans and Democrats can compete for votes and cooperate for results at the same time.

From expanding opportunity to protecting our country, we have made good progress. Yet we have unfinished business before us, and the American people expect us to get it done.

In the work ahead, we must be guided by the philosophy that made our Nation great. As Americans, we believe in the power of individuals to determine their destiny and shape the course of history. We believe that the most reliable guide for our country is the collective wisdom of ordinary citizens. So in all we do, we must trust in the ability of free people to make wise decisions, and empower them to improve their lives and their futures.

To build a prosperous future, we must trust people with their own money and empower them to grow our economy. As we meet tonight, our economy is undergoing a period of uncertainty. America has added jobs for a record 52 straight months, but jobs are now growing at a slower pace. Wages are up, but so are prices for food and gas. Exports are rising, but the housing market has declined. And at kitchen tables across our country, there is concern about our economic future.

In the long run, Americans can be confident about our economic growth. But in the short run, we can all see that growth is slowing. So last week, my administration reached agreement with Speaker Pelosi and Republican Leader Boehner on a robust growth package that includes tax relief for individuals and families and incentives for business investment. The temptation will be to load up the bill. That would delay it or derail it, and neither option is acceptable. This is a good agreement that will keep our economy growing and our people working. And this Congress must pass it as soon as possible.

We have other work to do on taxes. Unless the Congress acts, most of the tax relief we have delivered over the past 7 years will be taken away. Some in Washington argue that letting tax relief expire is not a tax increase. Try explaining that to 116 million American taxpayers who would see their taxes rise by an average of $1,800. Others have said they would personally be happy to pay higher taxes. I welcome their enthusiasm, and I am pleased to report that the IRS accepts both checks and money orders.

Most Americans think their taxes are high enough. With all the other pressures on their finances, American families should not have to worry about the Federal government taking a bigger bite out of their paychecks. There is only one way to eliminate this uncertainty: make the tax relief permanent. And members of Congress should know: If any bill raising taxes reaches my desk, I will veto it.

Just as we trust Americans with their own money, we need to earn their trust by spending their tax dollars wisely. Next week, I will send you a budget that terminates or substantially reduces 151 wasteful or bloated programs totaling more than $18 billion. And this budget will keep America on track for a surplus in 2012. American families have to balance their budgets, and so should their government.

The people’s trust in their government is undermined by congressional earmarks—special interest projects that are often snuck in at the last minute, without discussion or debate. Last year, I asked you to voluntarily cut the number and cost of earmarks in half. I also asked you to stop slipping earmarks into committee reports that never even come to a vote. Unfortunately, neither goal was met. So this time, if you send me an appropriations bill that does not cut the number and cost of earmarks in half, I will send it back to you with my veto. And tomorrow, I will issue an Executive Order that directs Federal agencies to ignore any future earmark that is not voted on by the Congress. If these items are truly worth funding, the Congress should debate them in the open and hold a public vote.

Our shared responsibilities extend beyond matters of taxes and spending.

On housing, we must trust Americans with the responsibility of homeownership and empower them to weather turbulent times in the housing market. My administration brought together the HOPE NOW alliance, which is helping many struggling homeowners avoid foreclosure. The Congress can help even more. Tonight I ask you to pass legislation to reform Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, modernize the Federal Housing Administration, and allow state housing agencies to issue tax-free bonds to help homeowners refinance their mortgages. These are difficult times for many American families, and by taking these steps, we can help more of them keep their homes.

To build a future of quality health care, we must trust patients and doctors to make medical decisions and empower them with better information and better options. We share a common goal: making health care more affordable and accessible for all Americans. The best way to achieve that goal is by expanding consumer choice, not government control. So I have proposed ending the bias in the tax code against those who do not get their health insurance through their employer. This one reform would put private coverage within reach for millions, and I call on the Congress to pass it this year. The Congress must also expand health savings accounts, create association health plans for small businesses, promote health information technology, and confront the epidemic of junk medical lawsuits. With all these steps, we will help ensure that decisions about your medical care are made in the privacy of your doctor’s office—not in the halls of Congress.

On education, we must trust students to learn if given the chance and empower parents to demand results from our schools. In neighborhoods across our country, there are boys and girls with dreams—and a decent education is their only hope of achieving them. Six years ago, we came together to pass the No Child Left Behind Act, and today no one can deny its results. Last year, fourth and eighth graders achieved the highest math scores on record. Reading scores are on the rise. And African-American and Hispanic students posted all-time highs. Now we must work together to increase accountability, add flexibility for states and districts, reduce the number of high school dropouts, and provide extra help for struggling schools. members of Congress: The No Child Left Behind Act is a bipartisan achievement. It is succeeding. And we owe it to America’s children, their parents, and their teachers to strengthen this good law.

We must also do more to help children when their schools do not measure up. Thanks to the D.C. Opportunity Scholarships you approved, more than 2,600 of the poorest children in our nation’s capital have found new hope at a faith-based or other non-public school. Sadly, these schools are disappearing at an alarming rate in many of America’s inner cities. So I will convene a White House summit aimed at strengthening these lifelines of learning. And to open the doors of these schools to more children, I ask you to support a new $300 million program called Pell Grants for Kids. We have seen how Pell Grants help low-income college students realize their full potential. Together, we have expanded the size and reach of these grants. Now let’s apply that same spirit to help liberate poor children trapped in failing public schools.

On trade, we must trust American workers to compete with anyone in the world and empower them by opening up new markets overseas. Today, our economic growth increasingly depends on our ability to sell American goods, crops, and services all over the world. So we are working to break down barriers to trade and investment wherever we can. We are working for a successful Doha round of trade talks, and we must complete a good agreement this year. At the same time, we are pursuing opportunities to open up new markets by passing free trade agreements.

I thank the Congress for approving a good agreement with Peru. Now I ask you to approve agreements with Colombia, Panama, and South Korea. Many products from these nations now enter America duty-free, yet many of our products face steep tariffs in their markets. These agreements will level the playing field. They will give us better access to nearly 100 million customers. And they will support good jobs for the finest workers in the world: those whose products say“Made in the USA”.

These agreements also promote America’s strategic interests. The first agreement that will come before you is with Colombia, a friend of America that is confronting violence and terror and fighting drug traffickers. If we fail to pass this agreement, we will embolden the purveyors of false populism in our hemisphere. So we must come together, pass this agreement, and show our neighbors in the region that democracy leads to a better life.

Trade brings better jobs, better choices, and better prices. Yet for some Americans, trade can mean losing a job, and the Federal government has a responsibility to help. I ask the Congress to reauthorize and reform trade adjustment assistance, so we can help these displaced workers learn new skills and find new jobs.

To build a future of energy security, we must trust in the creative genius of American researchers and entrepreneurs and empower them to pioneer a new generation of clean energy technology. Our security, our prosperity, and our environment all require reducing our dependence on oil. Last year, I asked you to pass legislation to reduce oil consumption over the next decade, and you responded. Together we should take the next steps: Let us fund new technologies that can generate coal power while capturing carbon emissions. Let us increase the use of renewable power and emissions-free nuclear power. Let us continue investing in advanced battery technology and renewable fuels to power the cars and trucks of the future. Let us create a new international clean technology fund, which will help developing nations like India and China make greater use of clean energy sources. And let us complete an international agreement that has the potential to slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of greenhouse gases. This agreement will be effective only if it includes commitments by every major economy and gives none a free ride. The United States is committed to strengthening our energy security and confronting global climate change. And the best way to meet these goals is for America to continue leading the way toward the development of cleaner and more efficient technology.

To keep America competitive into the future, we must trust in the skill of our scientists and engineers and empower them to pursue the breakthroughs of tomorrow. Last year, the Congress passed legislation supporting the American Competitiveness Initiative, but never followed through with the funding. This funding is essential to keeping our scientific edge. So I ask the Congress to double Federal support for critical basic research in the physical sciences and ensure America remains the most dynamic nation on earth.

On matters of science and life, we must trust in the innovative spirit of medical researchers and empower them to discover new treatments while respecting moral boundaries. In November, we witnessed a landmark achievement when scientists discovered a way to reprogram adult skin cells to act like embryonic stem cells. This breakthrough has the potential to move us beyond the divisive debates of the past by extending the frontiers of medicine without the destruction of human life. So we are expanding funding for this type of ethical medical research. And as we explore promising avenues of research, we must also ensure that all life is treated with the dignity it deserves. So I call on the Congress to pass legislation that bans unethical practices such as the buying, selling, patenting, or cloning of human life.

On matters of justice, we must trust in the wisdom of our Founders and empower judges who understand that the Constitution means what it says. I have submitted judicial nominees who will rule by the letter of the law, not the whim of the gavel. Many of these nominees are being unfairly delayed. They are worthy of confirmation, and the Senate should give each of them a prompt up-or-down vote.

In communities across our land, we must trust in the good heart of the American people and empower them to serve their neighbors in need. Over the past seven years, more of our fellow citizens have discovered that the pursuit of happiness leads to the path of service. Americans have volunteered in record numbers. Charitable donations are higher than ever. Faith-based groups are bringing hope to pockets of despair, with newfound support from the Federal government. And to help guarantee equal treatment for faith-based organizations when they compete for Federal funds, I ask you to permanently extend Charitable Choice.

Tonight the armies of compassion continue the march to a new day in the Gulf Coast. America honors the strength and resilience of the people of this region. We reaffirm our pledge to help them build stronger and better than before. And tonight I am pleased to announce that in April we will host this year’s North American Summit of Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the great city of New Orleans.

There are two other pressing challenges that I have raised repeatedly before this body, and that this body has failed to address: entitlement spending and immigration.

Every member in this chamber knows that spending on entitlement programs like Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid is growing faster than we can afford. And we all know the painful choices ahead if America stays on this path: massive tax increases, sudden and drastic cuts in benefits, or crippling deficits. I have laid out proposals to reform these programs. Now I ask members of Congress to offer your proposals and come up with a bipartisan solution to save these vital programs for our children and grandchildren.

The other pressing challenge is immigration. America needs to secure our borders—and with your help, my administration is taking steps to do so. We are increasing worksite enforcement, we are deploying fences and advanced technologies to stop illegal crossings, we have effectively ended the policy of “catch and release”at the border, and by the end of this year, we will have doubled the number of border patrol agents. Yet we also need to acknowledge that we will never fully secure our border until we create a lawful way for foreign workers to come here and support our economy. This will take pressure off the border and allow law enforcement to concentrate on those who mean us harm. We must also find a sensible and humane way to deal with people here illegally. Illegal immigration is complicated, but it can be resolved. And it must be resolved in a way that upholds both our laws and our highest ideals.

This is the business of our nation here at home. Yet building a prosperous future for our citizens also depends on confronting enemies abroad and advancing liberty in troubled regions of the world.

Our foreign policy is based on a clear premise: We trust that people, when given the chance, will choose a future of freedom and peace. In the last seven years, we have witnessed stirring moments in the history of liberty. We have seen citizens in Georgia and Ukraine stand up for their right to free and fair elections. We have seen people in Lebanon take to the streets to demand their independence. We have seen Afghans emerge from the tyranny of the Taliban to choose a new president and a new parliament. We have seen jubilant Iraqis holding up ink-stained fingers and celebrating their freedom. And these images of liberty have inspired us.

In the past seven years, we have also seen images that have sobered us. We have watched throngs of mourners in Lebanon and Pakistan carrying the caskets of beloved leaders taken by the assassin’s hand. We have seen wedding guests in blood-soaked finery staggering from a hotel in Jordan, Afghans and Iraqis blown up in mosques and markets, and trains in London and Madrid ripped apart by bombs. And on a clear September day, we saw thousands of our fellow citizens taken from us in an instant. These horrific images serve as a grim reminder: The advance of liberty is opposed by terrorists and extremists—evil men who despise freedom, despise America, and aim to subject millions to their violent rule.

Since September 11, we have taken the fight to these terrorists and extremists. We will stay on the offense, we will keep up the pressure, and we will deliver justice to the enemies of America.

We are engaged in the defining ideological struggle of the 21st century. The terrorists oppose every principle of humanity and decency that we hold dear. Yet in this war on terror, there is one thing we and our enemies agree on: In the long run, men and women who are free to determine their own destinies will reject terror and refuse to live in tyranny. That is why the terrorists are fighting to deny this choice to people in Lebanon,Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Palestinian Territories. And that is why, for the security of America and the peace of the world, we are spreading the hope of freedom.

In Afghanistan, America, our 25 NATO allies, and 15 partner nations are helping the Afghan people defend their freedom and rebuild their country. Thanks to the courage of these military and civilian personnel, a nation that was once a safe haven for al-Qaeda is now a young democracy where boys and girls are going to school, new roads and hospitals are being built, and people are looking to the future with new hope. These successes must continue, so we are adding 3,200 Marines to our forces in Afghanistan, where they will fight the terrorists and train the Afghan Army and police. Defeating the Taliban and al-Qaeda is critical to our security, and I thank the Congress for supporting America’s vital mission in Afghanistan.

In Iraq, the terrorists and extremists are fighting to deny a proud people their liberty and to establish safe havens for attacks across the world. One year ago, our enemies were succeeding in their efforts to plunge Iraq into chaos. So we reviewed our strategy and changed course. We launched a surge of American forces into Iraq. And we gave our troops a new mission: Work with Iraqi forces to protect the Iraqi people, pursue the enemy in its strongholds, and deny the terrorists sanctuary anywhere in the country.

The Iraqi people quickly realized that something dramatic had happened. Those who had worried that America was preparing to abandon them instead saw tens of thousands of American forces flowing into their country. They saw our forces moving into neighborhoods, clearing out the terrorists, and staying behind to ensure the enemy did not return. And they saw our troops, along with provincial reconstruction teams that include foreign service officers and other skilled public servants, coming in to ensure that improved security was followed by improvements in daily life. Our military and civilians in Iraq are performing with courage and distinction, and they have the gratitude of our whole nation.

The Iraqis launched a surge of their own. In the fall of 2006, Sunni tribal leaders grew tired of al Qaeda’s brutality and started a popular uprising called “The Anbar Awakening.”Over the past year, similar movements have spread across the country. And today, this grassroots surge includes more than 80,000 Iraqi citizens who are fighting the terrorists. The government in Baghdad has stepped forward as well—adding more than 100,000 new Iraqi soldiers and police during the past year.

While the enemy is still dangerous and more work remains, the American and Iraqi surges have achieved results few of us could have imagined just 1 year ago.

When we met last year, many said containing the violence was impossible. A year later, high profile terrorist attacks are down, civilian deaths are down, and sectarian killings are down.

When we met last year, militia extremists—some armed and trained by Iran—were wreaking havoc in large areas of Iraq. A year later, coalition and Iraqi forces have killed or captured hundreds of militia fighters. And Iraqis of all backgrounds increasingly realize that defeating these militia fighters is critical to the future of their country.

When we met last year, al-Qaeda had sanctuaries in many areas of Iraq, and their leaders had just offered American forces safe passage out of the country. Today, it is al-Qaeda that is searching for safe passage. They have been driven from many of the strongholds they once held, and over the past year, we have captured or killed thousands of extremists in Iraq, including hundreds of key al-Qaeda leaders and operatives. Last month, Osama bin Laden released a tape in which he railed against Iraqi tribal leaders who have turned on al-Qaeda and admitted that coalition forces are growing stronger in Iraq. Ladies and gentlemen, some may deny the surge is working, but among the terrorists there is no doubt. Al-Qaeda is on the run in Iraq, and this enemy will be defeated.

When we met last year, our troop levels in Iraq were on the rise. Today, because of the progress just described, we are implementing a policy of“return on success,”and the surge forces we sent to Iraq are beginning to come home.

This progress is a credit to the valor of our troops and the brilliance of their commanders. This evening, I want to speak directly to our men and women on the frontlines. Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, and Coast Guardsmen: In the past year, you have done everything we have asked of you, and more. Our nation is grateful for your courage. We are proud of your accomplishments. And tonight in this hallowed chamber, with the American people as our witness, we make you a solemn pledge: In the fight ahead, you will have all you need to protect our nation. And I ask the Congress to meet its responsibilities to these brave men and women by fully funding our troops.

Our enemies in Iraq have been hit hard. They are not yet defeated, and we can still expect tough fighting ahead. Our objective in the coming year is to sustain and build on the gains we made in 2007, while transitioning to the next phase of our strategy. American troops are shifting from leading operations, to partnering with Iraqi forces, and, eventually, to a protective overwatch mission. As part of this transition, one Army brigade combat team and one Marine Expeditionary Unit have already come home and will not be replaced. In the coming months, four additional brigades and two Marine battalions will follow suit. Taken together, this means more than 20,000 of our troops are coming home.

Any further drawdown of U.S. troops will be based on conditions in Iraq and the recommendations of our commanders. General Petraeus has warned that too fast a drawdown could result in the“disintegration of the Iraqi security forces, al-Qaeda-Iraq regaining lost ground, and a marked increase in violence.”Members of Congress: Having come so far and achieved so much, we must not allow this to happen.

In the coming year, we will work with Iraqi leaders as they build on the progress they are making toward political reconciliation. At the local level, Sunnis, Shia, and Kurds are beginning to come together to reclaim their communities and rebuild their lives. Progress in the provinces must be matched by progress in Baghdad. And we are seeing some encouraging signs. The national government is sharing oil revenues with the provinces. The parliament recently passed both a pension law and de-Ba’athification reform. Now they are debating a provincial powers law. The Iraqis still have a distance to travel. But after decades of dictatorship and the pain of sectarian violence, reconciliation is taking place—and the Iraqi people are taking control of their future.

The mission in Iraq has been difficult and trying for our nation. But it is in the vital interest of the United States that we succeed. A free Iraq will deny al-Qaeda a safe haven. A free Iraq will show millions across the Middle East that a future of liberty is possible. And a free Iraq will be a friend of America, a partner in fighting terror, and a source of stability in a dangerous part of the world.

By contrast, a failed Iraq would embolden extremists, strengthen Iran, and give terrorists a base from which to launch new attacks on our friends, our allies, and our homeland. The enemy has made its intentions clear. At a time when the momentum seemed to favor them, al-Qaeda’s top commander in Iraq declared that they will not rest until they have attacked us here in Washington. My fellow Americans: We will not rest either. We will not rest until this enemy has been defeated. We must do the difficult work today, so that years from now people will look back and say that this generation rose to the moment, prevailed in a tough fight, and left behind a more hopeful region and a safer America.

We are also standing against the forces of extremism in the Holy Land, where we have new cause for hope. Palestinians have elected a president who recognizes that confronting terror is essential to achieving a state where his people can live in dignity and at peace with Israel. Israelis have leaders who recognize that a peaceful, democratic Palestinian state will be a source of lasting security. This month in Ramallah and Jerusalem, I assured leaders from both sides that America will do, and I will do, everything we can to help them achieve a peace agreement that defines a Palestinian state by the end of this year. The time has come for a Holy Land where a democratic Israel and a democratic Palestine live side-by-side in peace.

On the homefront, we will continue to take every lawful and effective measure to protect our country. This is our most solemn duty. We are grateful that there has not been another attack on our soil since September 11. This is not for a lack of desire or effort on the part of the enemy. In the past six years, we have stopped numerous attacks, including a plot to fly a plane into the tallest building in Los Angeles and another to blow up passenger jets bound for America over the Atlantic. Dedicated men and women in our government toil day and night to stop the terrorists from carrying out their plans. These good citizens are saving American lives, and everyone in this chamber owes them our thanks. And we owe them something more: We owe them the tools they need to keep our people safe.

One of the most important tools we can give them is the ability to monitor terrorist communications. To protect America, we need to know who the terrorists are talking to, what they are saying, and what they are planning. Last year, the Congress passed legislation to help us do that. Unfortunately, the Congress set the legislation to expire on February 1. This means that if you do not act by Friday, our ability to track terrorist threats would be weakened and our citizens will be in greater danger. The Congress must ensure the flow of vital intelligence is not disrupted. The Congress must pass liability protection for companies believed to have assisted in the efforts to defend America. We have had ample time for debate. The time to act is now.

Protecting our nation from the dangers of a new century requires more than good intelligence and a strong military. It also requires changing the conditions that breed resentment and allow extremists to prey on despair. So America is using its influence to build a freer, more hopeful, and more compassionate world. This is a reflection of our national interest and the calling of our conscience.

America is opposing genocide in Sudan and supporting freedom in countries from Cuba and Zimbabwe to Belarus and Burma.

America is leading the fight against global poverty, with strong education initiatives and humanitarian assistance. We have also changed the way we deliver aid by launching the Millennium Challenge Account. This program strengthens democracy, transparency, and the rule of law in developing nations, and I ask you to fully fund this important initiative.

America is leading the fight against global hunger. Today, more than half the world’s food aid comes from the United States. And tonight, I ask the Congress to support an innovative proposal to provide food assistance by purchasing crops directly from farmers in the developing world, so we can build up local agriculture and help break the cycle of famine.

America is leading the fight against disease. With your help, we are working to cut by half the number of malaria-related deaths in 15 African nations. And our Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief is treating 1.4 million people. We can bring healing and hope to many more. So I ask you to maintain the principles that have changed behavior and made this program a success. And I call on you to double our initial commitment to fighting HIV/AIDS by approving an additional $30 billion over the next five years.

America is a force for hope in the world because we are a compassionate people, and some of the most compassionate Americans are those who have stepped forward to protect us. We must keep faith with all who have risked life and limb so that we might live in freedom and peace. Over the past seven years, we have increased funding for veterans by more than 95 percent. As we increase funding, we must also reform our veterans system to meet the needs of a new war and a new generation. I call on the Congress to enact the reforms recommended by Senator Bob Dole and Secretary Donna Shalala, so we can improve the system of care for our wounded warriors and help them build lives of hope, promise, and dignity.

Our military families also sacrifice for America. They endure sleepless nights and the daily struggle of providing for children while a loved one is serving far from home. We have a responsibility to provide for them. So I ask you to join me in expanding their access to childcare, creating new hiring preferences for military spouses across the Federal government, and allowing our troops to transfer their unused education benefits to their spouses or children. Our military families serve our nation, they inspire our Nation, and tonight our nation honors them.

The secret of our strength, the miracle of America, is that our greatness lies not in our government, but in the spirit and determination of our people. When the Federal Convention met in Philadelphia in 1787, our nation was bound by the Articles of Confederation, which began with the words,“We the undersigned delegates.”When Gouverneur Morris was asked to draft the preamble to our new Constitution, he offered an important revision and opened with words that changed the course of our nation and the history of the world: “We the people.”

By trusting the people, our Founders wagered that a great and noble nation could be built on the liberty that resides in the hearts of all men and women. By trusting the people, succeeding generations transformed our fragile young democracy into the most powerful nation on earth and a beacon of hope for millions. And so long as we continue to trust the people, our nation will prosper, our liberty will be secure, and the State of our Union will remain strong. So tonight, with confidence in freedom’s power, and trust in the people, let us set forth to do their business.

议长女士、切尼副总统、各位国会议员、尊贵的来宾以及各位同胞：

我第一次站在这个讲坛上向各位发表国情咨文演说是在七年以前。当时，我国经受了我们大家都无法预见的考验。我们必须就和平与战争、世界经济中日益激烈的竞争以及我国公民的健康与福祉作出艰难的抉择。这些问题要求我们展开激烈的辩论，我认为可以公平地说，我们响应了这一召唤。而且历史将会见证，我们虽有分歧，但采取了果断行动。我们共同向世人展示了美国民治制度的力量和韧性。

我们在座的各位受命来到华盛顿都是要为民众服务。这是这个机构的使命，这是我们誓言的含义。这始终是我们应当履行的职责。

第110届国会采取的行动在其任期结束后仍将对我国的安全与繁荣产生深远影响。在这个大选年，让我们向美国同胞们表明我们深知自己的责任，并决心履行职责。让我们向他们表明共和党人和民主党人能在为赢得选票而竞争的同时为争取实效而合作。

从扩大机遇到保护国土，我们已取得长足进展。但我们还有很多工作要做，而美国人民要求我们完成这些工作。

在今后的工作中，我们必须奉行那些把我国造就成一个伟大国家的原则。作为美国人，我们相信个人能够掌握自己的命运并影响历史的进程。我们相信普通公民的集体智慧是我国最可靠的指南。因此，我们不论做什么都必须相信自由的人民有能力做出明智的决定，并让他们有力量改善自己的生活和前途。

为建设一个繁荣的未来，我们必须让人民支配自己的钱财，并让他们有能力推动我国经济增长。今晚我们在这里集会之时，我国经济正处于一个充满变数的时期。美国的就业机会连续五十二个月持续增加，打破了历史纪录，但目前的增速有所减缓。工资水平得到提高，但食品和汽油价格也不断上涨。出口正在增加，但房产市场却出现下滑。美国各地的家庭都在饭桌上谈论着对我国经济前景的担忧。

从长远来看，我们应当对我国的经济增长抱有信心。但在短期内，我们都看出增长速度正在减缓。因此，本届政府于上周同佩洛西议长和共和党领袖博纳就一套强有力的增长计划达成了协议，其中包括针对个人和家庭的退税计划以及鼓励企业投资的计划。人们难免希望增加议案的内容，但这样做会使议案拖延或脱轨，而这两种结果都是不可接受的。这是一项很好的协议，能保持我国经济增长，并保障人民就业。本届国会必须尽快通过这项议案。

我们在税收方面还有其他工作有待完成。除非本届国会采取行动，否则我们七年来实施的大多数减税计划将由于到期而被废弃。华盛顿的某些人士声称让减税计划到期作废并不是提高税率。请这些人向1.16亿美国纳税人做出解释，他们要缴纳的税款为什么将平均增加1,800美元。还有一些人声称他们乐意付更高的税。我赞赏他们的热情，并乐意告诉他们国税局既收支票也收汇票。

大多数美国人都认为他们要付的税够高的了。美国家庭承受着种种经济压力，不应当再让他们担心联邦政府要从他们的收入中扣除更大的一部分。消除这种顾虑的唯一办法是将减税政策永久化。各位国会议员都应当知道：任何一项增税议案如果送到我这里都会被我否决。

就像我们相信美国人民会合理理财，我们也需要理智地使用他们缴纳的税金，以赢得他们的信任。下一周，我将向各位提交一份预算，终止和大幅削减151项浪费性或过分膨胀的项目，其总额超过180亿美元。按照我将提交的预算，美国可于2012年实现财政盈余。美国家庭必须平衡预算，他们的政府也应当这样做。

人民对自己政府的信任受到了国会专项拨款的损害，一些特殊利益项目常常在最后一刻被偷偷塞了进来，既不讨论也不辩论。去年，我请你们自动将专项拨款的数目和金额减少一半。我还请你们停止把从未经过表决的专项拨款偷偷塞进委员会的报告中。令人遗憾的是，两个目标都没有达到。因此，这一次如果你们送给我一份未能将专项拨款的数目和金额减少一半的拨款法案，我就会否决它，把它退还给你们。明天我将发布一个行政令，指示联邦机构将来不要理睬任何未经国会表决的专项拨款。如果这些项目确实值得花费资金，国会应该就其进行公开辩论，公开投票表决。

我们的共同责任不限于征税和开支。

在住房领域，我们必须让美国人能够担起房屋所有人的责任，让他们有能力渡过房产市场的动荡期。本届政府组成了“希望在眼前”联盟，帮助许多处境艰难的房主避免丧失房屋赎回权。国会可以提供更多的帮助。今晚，我吁请你们通过关于改革房利美公司和房贷美公司的法案，并对联邦住房管理局进行现代化改造，允许州住房机构发行免税债券，帮助房主重新贷款。美国很多家庭目前正经历难关，通过这些步骤，我们可以帮助更多的人保住房产。

为了建设一个有优质医疗保健的未来，我们必须把医疗决定权交到病人和医生手中，让他们获得更好的信息，拥有更好的选择。我们的一个共同目标是：让所有美国人都更能够负担和得到医疗服务。实现这一目标的最好办法是扩大消费者的选择，而不是政府的控制。因此我已提议，取消税法中对那些无法参加团体医疗保险计划的人不利的条款。此项改革可以使千百万人有能力自行购买保险，我吁请国会今年通过此项立法。国会还必须发展医疗储蓄帐户，为小企业制定联合医疗计划，推动医疗信息技术，并遏制虚假医疗诉讼的泛滥。通过采取这些措施，我们将帮助确保个人的医疗决定是在其医生的诊所，而不是在国会的大厅内做出。

关于教育我们必须相信，学生只要有机会就会学习，必须让父母有权利要求学校展示教学效果。全国各地社区都有满怀理想的学生──良好的教育是他们实现理想的唯一希望。六年前，我们共同通过了《不让任何一个孩子掉队法》。今天，它的成果无可否认。去年，四年级和八年级学生的数学分数达到最高纪录。阅读成绩正在提高。非洲裔和拉丁裔学生的成绩达到历史最高水平。现在我们必须共同努力，加强问责制，给予州和地区更大的灵活性，减少高中辍学率，为面临困难的学校提供更多帮助。各位议员：《不让任何一个孩子掉队法》是两党的共同成就，它正在取得成功。我们有责任为美国儿童、他们的父母和他们的老师加强这一良好的法律。

我们还必须付出更大努力帮助在落后学校中的孩子。你们批准的哥伦比亚特区机会奖学金使我国首都的2,600多名最贫困儿童从一个教会学校和其他非公立学校获得了新的希望。可悲的是这类学校正在以令人不安的速度从许多美国城市的市区中大批消失。为巩固这些学习的生命线，我将召集一次白宫高峰会议。为了向更多的孩子敞开这些学校的大门，我请你们支持一项3亿美元的“佩尔儿童助学金”新项目。我们已经看到佩尔助学金如何使低收入家庭的大学生充分实现了他们的潜力。我们通过共同努力，扩大了这些赠款的规模和受益人数。现在，让我们以同样的精神来帮助贫困儿童从瘫痪的公立学校中解放出来。

在贸易问题上，我们必须相信美国劳工有与世界上任何人进行竞争的能力，并通过在国外开辟新市场加强他们的竞争力。今天，我国的经济增长越来越依赖于我们在世界各地出售美国商品、农产品和服务的能力。因此，我们正在一切可能的领域努力拆除贸易和投资壁垒。我们正在为多哈回合贸易谈判的成功而努力，我们必须在今年达成一项好的协议。同时，我们正在通过签定自由贸易协定的途径寻求打开新市场的机会。

我感谢国会批准了与秘鲁签定的好协定。现在，我请你们批准与哥伦比亚、巴拿马和韩国签定的协定。目前，这些国家的很多产品免关税进入美国，而我们的很多产品在这些国家的市场上却面临过高的关税。这些协定将创造平等的竞争条件。这些协定将为近一亿名顾客购买我国产品提供便利。这些协定将有助于世界上最优秀的工人保持良好的就业机会：在他们的产品上标有“美国制造”的字样。

这些协定还将推进美国的战略利益。最先请你们审议的将是与哥伦比亚签定的协定，美国的这一友邦正在勇敢地抗击暴力与恐怖，打击毒品贩子。如果我们不能批准这项协定，我们就将使本半球兜售虚假民粹主义的人更加肆无忌惮。因此，我们必须一致行动，通过这项协定，向本地区的邻国表明，民主会带来更美好的生活。

贸易创造更好的就业机会、更好的选择、更低廉的价格。但对有些美国人来说，贸易会导致失业，联邦政府有责任提供帮助。我请国会重新授权和改革贸易调整补助，以便帮助这些失业工人掌握新技能，找到新工作。

为了保障未来的能源，我们必须相信美国科研工作者和企业家的创造才智，使他们有能力开发新一代的清洁能源技术。我们的安全、我们的繁荣和我们的环境都要求我们减少对石油的依赖。去年，我促请你们通过未来十年减少油耗的法案，你们做出了响应。我们应该共同采取下列步骤：让我们为研发捕获碳排放的燃煤发电技术提供资金。让我们增加可再生动力和无排放核动力的使用。让我们继续对先进的电池燃料技术和可再生燃料进行投资，为未来的轿车和卡车提供动力。让我们设立新的国际清洁技术基金，帮助印度和中国等发展中国家更多地利用清洁能源。让我们达成一项有可能减缓和停止增加并最终减少温室气体排放的国际协议。要使这项协议产生效果，每个主要经济体都必须做出承诺，任何国家都不能坐享其成。美国致力于加强本国的能源安全，积极应对全球气候变化。实现这些目标的最佳途径就是美国继续带头开发更清洁、更高效的技术。

要保持美国的竞争力，我们就必须相信我国科技工作者和工程人员的技能，使他们有能力去实现明天的突破。去年，国会通过了支持《提高美国竞争力行动计划》的法案，但一直未能提供资金。提供资金对保持我国的科技优势是必不可少的。因此，我诚请国会将极为重要的对物理科学基础研究的资助加倍，确保美国继续是世界上最有活力的国家。

在生命与科学的问题上，我们必须相信医学科研工作者的创新精神，使他们有能力发现新的治疗方法，同时尊重伦理界限。11月，我们看到了一项具有里程碑意义的成就：科学工作者发现了将人体皮肤细胞改造成胚胎干细胞的方法。这一突破有可能使我们摆脱过去加深分歧的争论，扩展医学研究的领域，而无须毁灭人的生命。因此，我们正在扩大对这类符合伦理的医学研究的资助。在探索大有希望的研究途径时，我们还必须确保所有的生命都得到应有的尊重。因此，我吁请国会通过立法，禁止购买、出售克隆人的生命或就此颁发专利等违反道德的做法。

在司法问题上，我们必须相信我国建国先贤的智慧，使懂得宪法真谛的法官获得应有的职权。我已提交法官提名人，他们将依法作出裁决，而不是敲击木槌，心血来潮地做出裁决。其中很多法官提名人的审议被不公平地拖延。他们都应当获得批准，参议院应立即就每一位提名人进行表决。

在我国各地社区，我们必须相信美国人民是善良的人民，并要让他们能够为有需要的邻人提供服务。过去七年来，我们越来越多的同胞意识到，追求幸福意味着奉献。参与志愿服务的人数创下新高。慈善捐助超过以往任何时候。从联邦政府得到新的支持的信仰组织正为那些困境中的人带来希望。为确保信仰组织在竞争联邦资金时得到平等对待，我提请各位永久性地延长“慈善选择”条款。

今晚，关爱之军正在墨西哥湾沿岸朝向一个新的黎明继续挺进。美国敬佩这一地区人民的顽强力量。我们再次承诺帮助他们把家园建设得比过去更牢固、更美好。今晚我欣慰地宣布，4月份我们将在新奥尔良这个伟大城市举办今年的“加墨美北美洲峰会”。

我们还面临着另外两个我在国会多次提及，但国会未能做出反应的紧迫挑战：福利开支和移民问题。

在座各位都知道，社会保障、退休医疗和医疗补助等福利项目的开支增长速度大于我们的承受能力。我们都清楚，如果美国继续这一趋势，未来将面临痛苦的选择：税收大幅增加，福利急剧减少，或者赤字不堪重负。我已提出改革这些项目的方案。现在我请国会议员们提出你们的计划，并制定出跨党派解决方案，为我们的子孙后代保全这些重要项目。

另一紧迫挑战是移民问题。美国需要保护边界──在各位帮助下，本届政府正在采取相关措施。我们正在工作场所加强执法，我们正在设置屏障和采用先进技术阻止非法越境，我们实际上已经终止了边界的“随抓随放”政策，到今年年底我们将把边防巡逻人员增加一倍。然而，我们也需承认，除非建立一种途径使外籍工人能够合法前来为我国经济贡献力量，否则我们就不可能完全保护边界。这将缓解边界的压力，使执法工作集中于对付图谋危害我们的人。我们还必须找到一种合理和人道的方式处理非法居留者。非法移民问题虽然复杂但可以解决，我们必须以一种既捍卫我们的法律又维护我们的最高理念的方式予以解决。

这便是我国的国情。然而，为我国公民建设一个繁荣的未来还有赖于打击国外敌人和促进世界动荡地区的自由事业。

我国的外交政策基于一个明确的理念：我们相信，如果赋予机会人们将选择自由与和平的未来。在过去七年里，我们目睹了自由发展史上一些风云激荡的时刻。我们看到格鲁吉亚和乌克兰公民争取自由公正选举的斗争。我们看到黎巴嫩人民走上街头要求独立自主。我们看到阿富汗人民摆脱塔利班暴政并选举了新总统和新议会。我们看到喜气洋洋的伊拉克人民伸出浸有墨汁的手指，欢庆他们的自由。这些自由的画面激励人心。

在过去七年时间里，我们也看到令人警醒的画面。在黎巴嫩和巴基斯坦，我们看到抬着被刽子手杀害的敬爱领袖灵柩的哀悼人流。在约旦，我们看到参加婚礼的宾客礼服上浸透鲜血挣扎着走出宾馆。阿富汗人和伊拉克人在清真寺和街市被炸死。伦敦和马德里的地铁被炸弹炸毁。在9月的一个晴朗日子，我们目睹数千名美国同胞瞬间被夺走生命。这些可怕的画面无情地提醒我们：恐怖分子和极端分子反对自由进步，他们是蔑视自由、蔑视美国，妄图将亿万人置于其暴力统治之下的邪恶之徒。

自从“9·11”事件发生以来，我们向这些恐怖分子和极端分子主动出击。我们将保持攻势，保持压力，把我们的敌人绳之以法。

我们正在进行一场决定21世纪命运的思想斗争。恐怖分子反对我们珍惜的每一项人道与文明的原则。然而在这场反恐战争中，我们和我们的敌人在一件事情上具有相同的看法：长期而言，有权自由决定自己命运的人们最终会抵制恐怖行为，拒绝在暴政统治下生活。这就是恐怖分子为了不让黎巴嫩、伊拉克、阿富汗、巴基斯坦和巴勒斯坦领土的人民享有这种选择而发动攻击的原因。这也是我们为了美国的安全和世界的和平正在传播自由的希望的原因。

在阿富汗，美国和美国的25个北约盟国以及15个伙伴国家正在帮助阿富汗人民捍卫他们的自由和重建他们的国家。由于这些军事和文职人员的勇气，一个曾是“基地”组织庇护所的国家，现在成了一个儿童上学读书、新的道路与医院正在建造、人民对未来怀着新希望的年轻民主国家。这些成果必须保持，因此我们向驻阿富汗部队增派了3,200名海军陆战队员，他们将在阿富汗与恐怖分子作战，并对阿富汗军队和警察进行培训。战胜塔利班与“基地”组织对我国的安全至关重要，我感谢国会对美国在阿富汗重要使命的支持。

在伊拉克，为了阻止自豪的伊拉克人民获得自由，为了建立一个能够在世界各地发动袭击的庇护所，恐怖分子与极端分子正在进行破坏活动。一年前，我们的敌人在使伊拉克陷入混乱方面一度得逞。因此我们回顾了我们的战略并改变了做法。我们向伊拉克增加了美国的兵力。我们向我们的军队布置了一项新的任务：与伊拉克部队合作保护伊拉克人民，追击躲在堡垒里的敌人，在伊拉克任何地方都不给恐怖分子以藏身之地。

伊拉克人民很快认识到局势发生了重大变化。那些曾经担心美国准备遗弃他们的人却看到数万名美国士兵前来增援他们的国家。他们看到我们的部队进入各个社区清剿恐怖分子，并留驻下来以确保敌人不再反扑。他们看到我们的部队同包括外交官和其他业务熟练的公职人员在内的省级重建队一起进驻，以确保在安全得到加强之后接踵而至的日常生活的改善。我们在伊拉克的军事和文职人员勇敢而杰出，我们全国人民感激他们。

伊拉克人自己的斗争也进入高潮。2006年秋天，逊尼派部落领导人对“基地”组织的残暴行为忍无可忍，发动了一场名为“安巴尔觉醒”的群众运动。过去一年内，类似运动已遍及伊拉克各地。今天，这种基层力量已经壮大至包括正在与恐怖分子战斗的八万多名伊拉克公民。巴格达的伊拉克政府也迈出了前进的步伐，在过去一年里增加了十多万名伊拉克士兵与警察。

虽然敌人仍然十分危险，我们还有更多工作要做，但美国与伊拉克的增兵措施已取得了我们中很少有人在一年前能够想象的结果。

去年这个时候，许多人认为限制暴力行为是不可能做到的事情。一年后，重大恐怖主义袭击事件减少了，平民百姓的死亡减少了，教派之间的杀戮减少了。

去年这个时候，民兵极端分子──其中一些由伊朗武装和培训──正在伊拉克的广大地区造成严重的破坏。一年后，联盟部队和伊拉克部队已击毙和捕获了数百名民兵战斗人员。具有各种背景的伊拉克人日益认识到战胜这些民兵战斗人员对他们国家的前途至关重要。

去年这个时候，“基地”组织在伊拉克大有栖身之处，其头目当时还给美国军队指出离开伊拉克的安全出路。而今，是“基地”组织在寻找安全出路。他们被赶出了过去盘踞的很多据点，过去一年里，我们在伊拉克捕获和击毙了数千名极端分子，包括“基地”组织的数百名重要头目和成员。上个月，本·拉登在公开的一盘录像带中斥责与“基地”组织反目的伊拉克部落领袖，并承认联盟军队在伊拉克日益强大。女士们、先生们，也许有人否认增兵战略正取得成效，但恐怖主义分子对此确知无疑。“基地”组织正在伊拉克逃窜，我们的敌人将被击败。

去年这个时候，我们正在向伊拉克增加兵力。今天，由于取得了上述进展，我们正在实施“功成而归”的方针，被派到伊拉克的增援部队开始返回家园。

这一进展归功于我们英勇的战士和他们卓越的指挥官。今晚，我要直接对前线的将士讲话。陆海空三军战士们、海军陆战队员们、海岸警卫队员们：一年来，你们超量完成了我们交给你们的一切使命。祖国感谢你们的英勇气概，我们为你们的成就而骄傲。今晚，在这个神圣的会议厅，我们面对美国人民向你们庄严保证：在未来的战斗中，你们将得到保卫国家所需的一切。我要求国会履行对这些勇士的职责，让我们的部队得到全部拨款。

伊拉克境内的敌人已受到沉重打击，但他们尚未溃败，未来还有艰苦的搏斗。我们在今后一年中的目标是，保持和扩大2007年的战果，同时向下一战略阶段过渡。美国军队正在从承担主要作战任务转向配合伊拉克部队的行动，最终将转为防护性监测。随着过渡的开始，一个陆军旅作战部队和一支海军陆战队远征队已经归国，并且不再派出换防部队。在未来几个月内，还将有另外四个旅和海军陆战队的两个营相继撤回。这意味着即将有两万多部队返回家园。

美国进一步的减兵计划将取决于伊拉克局势和我军指挥官的建议。彼得雷乌斯上将警告说，过于迅速地削减兵力有可能导致“伊拉克安全部队解体”，“基地”组织“卷土重来，暴力激增”。各位议员：时至今日，面对已经取得的进展与战果，我们绝不能让此种情况发生。

在未来一年中，我们将与伊拉克领导人合作，帮助他们在实现政治和解方面继续取得进展。在地方一级，逊尼派、什叶派和库尔德人开始团结起来，收复社区，重建生活。巴格达必须取得与外省同样的进展。我们已经看到一些令人鼓舞的迹象：中央政府与各省分享石油收入，议会最近通过了养老金法律和允许前复兴党支持者在政府任职的法律，并且正在讨论一部加强省政府权力的法案。伊拉克人仍然有一段很长的路要走。但是，经历了数十年的专制统治和族群冲突的痛苦之后，和解正在成为现实──伊拉克人民正在掌控自己的未来。

对我们的国家而言，在伊拉克承担的使命是困难而艰巨的，但取得成功对美国的利益至关重要。一个自由的伊拉克将不会为“基地”组织提供庇护所。一个自由的伊拉克将向中东地区千百万人民显示自由的未来是能够实现的。一个自由的伊拉克将是美国的朋友和反恐合作伙伴，并将在世界上一个危险的地区促进稳定。

相反，一个失败的伊拉克将使极端分子更加狂妄，将加强伊朗的力量，并将为恐怖分子提供一个向我们的朋友、盟国和我们的国土发动新攻击的基地。敌人的图谋已经昭然若揭。曾几何时，当形势看似对他们有利时，伊拉克“基地”组织的总指挥宣称他们在攻击华盛顿之前绝不罢手。同胞们：我们也不会罢手。我们在打败这个敌人之前绝不会罢手。我们必须现在完成这项困难的工作，这样，未来人们在回顾历史时会说，那一代人临危不惧，承担重任，在艰苦的斗争中取胜，为后代留下了一个更有希望的地区和更安全的美国。

我们还在“圣地”与极端主义势力斗争，我们有了新的理由对那里充满希望。一位巴勒斯坦人选出的总统认识到，与恐怖势力抗争对建立一个人民享有尊严，与以色列和平共处的巴勒斯坦国至关重要。以色列领导人认识到，一个和平、民主的巴勒斯坦国将促进持久的安全。这个月我在拉马拉和耶路撒冷向双方领导人保证，美国和我本人都将尽最大努力帮助他们在今年年底前达成一项确立巴勒斯坦国的和平协议。一个民主的以色列和一个民主的巴勒斯坦在”圣地”和平共处的日子已经到来。

在国内，我们将继续采取所有既合法又有效的手段来保卫国土。这是我们最庄严的职责。令我们感到欣慰的是，自“9·11”以来我国没有再遭受袭击。这并不是因为敌人没有这种企图或行为。六年来，我们挫败了无数起袭击，其中包括企图驾机撞毁洛杉矶最高建筑的阴谋，以及另一起妄图在大西洋上空炸毁飞往美国客机的阴谋。我国政府恪尽职守的工作人员为制止恐怖分子实施图谋而日夜操劳。这些优秀公民正在保护美国人民的生命，在座各位都应当向他们表示感谢。但这还不够，我们应给予他们保障我国人民安全所必需的工具。

我们能给予他们的最重要的工具之一是监控恐怖主义通讯的能力。为了保护美国的安全，我们需要知道恐怖分子在和谁通话，说些什么以及有何图谋。去年，国会通过了有助于我们采取上述行动的立法。但令人遗憾的是，国会限定这项立法于2月1日到期。这意味着如果你们不在星期五之前采取行动，我们追踪恐怖主义威胁的能力就会被削弱，我国公民将处于更危险的境地。国会必须确保重要的情报渠道不被阻断。国会必须通过责任保护法，以保护那些据信在保卫美国的行动中提供了一臂之力的公司。我们已经花费大量的时间进行辩论，现在是采取行动的时候了。

要保卫国家并防范新世纪的种种威胁，单凭可靠的情报和强大的军队是不够的。还必须改变滋生怨恨、让极端分子乘机利用绝望情绪的环境。因此，美国正在利用其影响力来建设一个更加自由、更有希望、更富同情心的世界。这反映了我们的国家利益，也是我们良心的召唤。

美国反对苏丹的种族大屠杀。我们支持从古巴到津巴布韦，从白俄罗斯到缅甸的众多国家赢得自由。

美国正在以强有力的教育计划和人道援助领导并展开战胜全球贫困的斗争。我们还通过建立“世纪挑战账户”改变了提供援助的方式。这个项目的宗旨是在发展中国家加强民主，提高透明度并增强法治。我请你们为这项重要的计划提供足够的经费。

美国正在领导战胜全球饥饿的斗争。今天，全世界一半以上的食品援助来自美国。今晚，我请国会支持一项创新方案，通过直接从发展中国家的农民那里购买农产品来提供食品援助，使我们能够推动当地农业的发展，帮助终止连年饥荒。

美国正在领导战胜疾病的斗争。在各位的帮助下，我们正在做出努力，使十五个非洲国家与疟疾相关的死亡人数下降一半。我们的“防治艾滋病紧急救援计划”正在为140万人提供治疗服务。我们能够治疗更多的人，给他们带去希望。因此，我请你们维护使行为方式得到改变并使这一项目获得成功的原则。我吁请你们批准在今后五年追加拨款300亿美元，将我们承诺用于防治艾滋病的首期拨款翻一番。

美国在世界上是希望的力量，因为我国人民充满关爱之心，而那些挺身而出保卫我们的人是最有关爱之心的。我们必须守信于那些舍生忘死，使我们能够在自由与和平中生活的人。过去七年来，我们给退伍军人的拨款增加了95%以上。我们在增加拨款的同时还必须改革我们的退伍军人制度，以满足新型战争和新一代人的需要。我吁请国会实施多尔参议员和沙拉拉部长提议实行的改革，使我们能够改进护理我军伤兵的制度，帮助他们建设充满希望、憧憬和尊严的生活。

我国的军人家属也为美国做出了牺牲。当亲人在远方服役时，他们忍受了多少个不眠之夜，每天承担着养育子女的重担。我们有责任为他们提供帮助。因此，我请你们和我共同努力，让他们享受到更多子女入托服务，在整个联邦政府内制定优先照顾军属的新的人事政策，并允许军人将他们未使用的教育福利转让给他们的配偶或子女。我军家属为国效力，他们鼓舞着我们这个国家，因此，今晚全国民众向他们致敬。

我们的力量的秘密和美国的奇迹是：我们的伟大不在于我国政府，而在于我国人民的精神和意志。联邦制宪会议于1787年在费城召开时，我国就承诺遵循《邦联条例》，其开篇是“我们全体签名代表”。当有人请莫里斯起草我国新宪法导言时，他提出进行重要的修改，首句便是改变了我国的进程和世界历史的几个字“我们全体人民”。

我国的建国先贤通过托信于人民而表达了一种信念，即一个伟大而崇高的国家可以建立在常存于全体人民心中的自由之上。通过托信于人民，后来的一代又一代人将我们脆弱而年轻的民主制度打造成世界上最强大的国家和千百万人的希望灯塔。只要我们继续托信于人民，我国就会繁荣富强，我们的自由就会得到保障，我们的国家就会保持强盛。因此，今晚，让我们怀着对自由力量的信心和对人民的信任，为成其大业而奋斗。

第三节  精彩语录

We believe that the most reliable guide for our country is the collective wisdom of ordinary citizens. So in all we do, we must trust in the ability of free people to make wise decisions, and empower them to improve their lives and their futures.

我们相信普通公民的集体智慧是我国最可靠的指南。因此，我们不论做什么都必须相信自由的人民有能力做出明智的决定，并让他们有力量改善自己的生活和前途。

Let us complete an international agreement that has the potential to slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of greenhouse gases. This agreement will be effective only if it includes commitments by every major economy and gives none a free ride.

让我们达成一项有可能减缓和停止增加并最终减少温室气体排放的国际协议。要使这项协议产生效果，每个主要经济体都必须做出承诺，任何国家都不能坐享其成。

We trust that people, when given the chance, will choose a future of freedom and peace.

我们相信，如果赋予机会人们将选择自由与和平的未来。

My fellow Americans: We will not rest either. We will not rest until this enemy has been defeated. We must do the difficult work today, so that years from now people will look back and say that this generation rose to the moment, prevailed in a tough fight, and left behind a more hopeful region and a safer America.

同胞们：我们也不会罢手。我们在打败这个敌人之前绝不会罢手。我们必须现在完成这项困难的工作，这样，未来人们在回顾历史时会说，那一代人临危不惧，承担重任，在艰苦的斗争中取胜，为后代留下了一个更有希望的地区和更安全的美国。

We must keep faith with all who have risked life and limb so that we might live in freedom and peace.

我们必须守信于那些舍生忘死使我们能够在自由与和平中生活的人。

By trusting the people, our Founders wagered that a great and noble nation could be built on the liberty that resides in the hearts of all men and women. By trusting the people, succeeding generations transformed our fragile young democracy into the most powerful nation on earth and a beacon of hope for millions. And so long as we continue to trust the people, our nation will prosper, our liberty will be secure, and the State of our Union will remain strong.

我国的建国先贤通过托信于人民而表达了一种信念，即一个伟大而崇高的国家可以建立在常存于全体人民心中的自由之上。通过托信于人民，后来的一代又一代人将我们脆弱而年轻的民主制度打造成世界上最强大的国家和千百万人的希望灯塔。只要我们继续托信于人民，我国就会繁荣富强，我们的自由就会得到保障，我们的国家就会保持强盛。

第十四章  雷曼倒了，危机来了

第一节  背景介绍

2008年注定是不平凡的一年，雷曼兄弟控股公司于2008年9月15日申请破产，由此揭开了后来蔓延世界的金融危机的序幕。时任美国总统的小布什，自然是众多亲历者中最宏观和最全面的见证人。

任何事情的发生都是有一定缘由的，美国此次的金融危机也毫不例外。美国在2007年爆发的次级抵押贷款危机（简称次贷危机），政府的许多救援措施并没能遏制危机的蔓延，从而逐渐转变为世界范围内的金融危机，并且影响到世界各国的实体经济。主要发达国家的经济普遍受到此次金融危机的冲击而出现增长放缓的局面。

根据借款人的信用条件高低，美国的抵押贷款市场主要分三类：优惠级抵押贷款、中间级抵押贷款和次级抵押贷款。所谓次级抵押贷款，指的就是贷款机构向信用程度较差和收入不高的借款人提供的贷款。由于这些借款人申请不到优惠贷款，只能在次级市场寻求贷款，但其贷款利率通常比优惠级抵押贷款高2%～3%，并要求遵守更严格的还款方式。

因为次级抵押贷款人的信用状况比较差，所以，极易发生违约现象，而且这类现象在某些情况下会日益严重，便会带来严重后果。放贷机构即使由于贷款人违约无法收回贷款，也可以通过再融资，或者出售抵押的房产收回贷款并获得收益，当然，这要在信贷环境宽松或房价上涨的情况下才能做到。如果是在信贷环境改变，特别是房价下降的情况下，再融资或者出售抵押的房产不仅难以实现，而且即使出售价格下跌的抵押房产也难以收回全部贷款。当较大规模地集中发生这类事件时，次贷危机就会发生。

“9·11”恐怖袭击后，美国经济便出现了较大程度的滑坡，美国国内股票市场狂跌，大批网络公司纷纷倒闭。美国政府为扭转经济的不景气，刺激经济发展，采取了低利率的货币政策，大力发展信贷业务，使房地产业进入了一个良好的发展周期。从2001年初至2003年6月，美联储先后13次降低利率，使联邦基金利率从6%降到1%，成为四十六年中的最低点。宽松的货币政策环境，使住房贷款利率持续下降，人们的购房热情不断提高。而一些银行和金融机构纷纷降低贷款信用门槛，住房贷款首付率出现了逐年下降的趋势，从历史上标准的20%一度降到了零，甚至出现了负首付，大大减轻了购房者的压力，导致连续多年的房贷市场繁荣。

但是，为了抑制通货膨胀，美联储的低利率政策从2004年6月起开始逆转，开始了一个连续17次的加息周期。导致联邦基金利率从2003年6月的1%提高到2006年8月的5.25%。连续升息的过程在提高了房屋借贷成本的同时，也促发了房价的迅速下跌，以及抵押违约风险的大量增加，成为次贷危机的一根导火线。

在经济全球化的趋势下，全球范围内利率下降、美元贬值、资产价格上升等因素，也使得次贷产品在投资回报方面有了更高的增长空间，吸引了美国之外的大量来自欧洲、亚洲等其他国家和地区的投资者，将在美国经济掩盖下的“次贷风险”，隐埋在世界金融体系中。因此，由“次贷危机”所引发的金融危机席卷了全球各个金融市场，并对世界各主要经济体产生巨大的影响。

此次危机对许多新兴金融市场的快速发展产生了消极的影响。面对这样一场起始于发达国家的金融危机时，将给借鉴和参考发达国家金融市场发展经验发展起来的新兴市场带来巨大的联动效应，使其金融体系显得更加脆弱。同时，一些欧美等金融业发达的国家和地区的很多银行、投资基金直接或者间接购买了大量由次级抵押贷款衍生出来的证券投资产品，当危机来临时，不可避免地遭受巨额损失，大量的投资银行、投资基金、金融公司先后倒闭或者被收购。当这些金融机构要么倒闭要么陷入财务危机时，必将加大金融市场的系统型风险，抑制其在经济发展中所应发挥的融通资金、资源配置的基本功能。

第二节  布什关于金融危机的演讲

Good morning. I thank Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, Federal eserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, and SEC Chairman Chris Cox for joining me today.

This is a pivotal moment for America’s economy. Problems that originated in the credit markets—and first showed up in the area of subprime mortgages—have spread throughout our financial system. This has led to an erosion of confidence that has frozen many financial transactions, including loans to consumers and to businesses seeking to expand and create jobs. As a result, we must act now to protect our nation’s economic health from serious risk.

There will be ample opportunity to debate the origins of this problem. Now is the time to solve it. In our nation’s history, there have been moments that require us to come together across party lines to address major challenges. This is such a moment. Last night, Secretary Paulson and Chairman Bernanke and Chairman Cox met with congressional leaders of both parties—and they had a very good meeting. I appreciate the willingness of congressional leaders to confront this situation head on.

Our system of free enterprise rests on the conviction that the federal government should interfere in the marketplace only when necessary. Given the precarious state of today’s financial markets—and their vital importance to the daily lives of the American people—government intervention is not only warranted, it is essential.

In recent weeks, the federal government has taken a series of measures to help promote stability in the overall economy. To avoid severe disruptions in the financial markets and to support home financing, we took action to address the situation at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The Federal Reserve also acted to prevent the disorderly liquidation of the insurance company AIG. And in coordination with central banks around the world, the Fed has injected much-needed liquidity into our financial system.

These were targeted measures designed primarily to stop the problems of individual firms from spreading even more broadly. But more action is needed. We must address the root cause behind much of the instability in our markets—the mortgage assets that have lost value during the housing decline and are now restricting the flow of credit. America’s economy is facing unprecedented challenges, and we are responding with unprecedented action.

Secretary Paulson, Chairman Bernanke, and Chairman Cox have briefed leaders on Capitol Hill on the urgent need for Congress to pass legislation approving the federal government’s purchase of illiquid assets, such as troubled mortgages, from banks and other financial institutions. This is a decisive step that will address underlying problems in our financial system. It will help take pressure off the balance sheets of banks and other financial institutions. It will allow them to resume lending and get our financial system moving again.

Additionally, the federal government is taking several other steps to address the trouble of our financial markets.

The Department of the Treasury is acting to restore confidence in a key element of America’s financial system—money market mutual funds. In the past, government insurance was not available for these funds, and the recent stresses on the markets have caused some to question whether these investments are safe and accessible. The Treasury Department’s actions address that concern by offering government insurance for money market mutual funds. For every dollar invested in an insured fund, you will be able to take a dollar out.

The Federal Reserve is also taking steps to provide additional liquidity to money market mutual funds, which will help ease pressure on our financial markets. These measures will act as grease for the gears of our financial system, which were at risk of grinding to a halt. They will support the flow of credit to households and businesses.

The Securities and Exchange Commission has issued new rules temporarily suspending the practice of short selling on the stocks of financial institutions. This is intended to prevent investors from intentionally driving down particular stocks for their own personal gain. The SEC is also requiring certain investors to disclose their short selling, and has launched rigorous enforcement actions to detect fraud and manipulation in the market. Anyone engaging in illegal financial transactions will be caught and persecuted.

Finally, when we get past the immediate challenges, my administration looks forward to working with Congress on measures to bring greater long-term transparency and reliability to the financial system—including those in the regulatory blueprint submitted by Secretary Paulson earlier this year. Many of the regulations governing the functioning of America’s markets were written in a different era. It is vital that we update them to meet the realities of today’s global financial system.

The actions I just outlined reflect the considered judgment of Secretary Paulson, Chairman Bernanke, and Chairman Cox. We believe that this decisive government action is needed to preserve America’s financial system and sustain America’s overall economy. These measures will require us to put a significant amount of taxpayer dollars on the line. This action does entail risk. But we expect that this money will eventually be paid back. The vast majority of assets the government is planning to purchase have good value over time, because the vast majority of homeowners continue to pay their mortgages. And the risk of not acting would be far higher. Further stress on our financial markets would cause massive job losses, devastate retirement accounts, and further erode housing values, as well as dry up loans for new homes and cars and college tuitions. These are risks that America cannot afford to take.

In this difficult time, I know many Americans are wondering about the security of their finances. Every American should know that the federal government continues to enforce laws and regulations protecting your money. Through the FDIC, every savings account, checking account, and certificate of deposit is insured by the federal government for up to $100,000. The FDIC has been in existence for 75 years, and no one has ever lost a penny on an insured deposit—and this will not change.

America’s financial system is intricate and complex. But behind all the technical terminology and statistics is a critical human factor—confidence. Confidence in our financial system and in its institutions is essential to the smooth operation of our economy, and recently that confidence has been shaken. Investors should know that the United States government is taking action to restore confidence in America’s financial markets so they can thrive again.

In the long run, Americans have good reason to be confident in our economic strength. America has the most talented, productive, and entrepreneurial workers in the world. This country is the best place in the world to invest and do business. Consumers around the world continue to seek out American products, as evidenced by record-high exports. We have a flexible and resilient system that absorbs challenges and makes corrections and bounces back.

We’ve seen that resilience over the past eight years. Since 2001, our economy has faced a recession, the bursting of the dot-com bubble, major corporate scandals, an unprecedented attack on our homeland, a global war on terror, a series of devastating natural disasters. Our economy has weathered every one of these challenges, and still managed to grow.

We will weather this challenge too, and we must do so together. This is no time for partisanship. We must join to move urgently needed legislation as quickly as possible, without adding controversial provisions that could delay action. I will work with Democrats and Republicans alike to steer our economy through these difficult times and get back to the path of long-term growth. Thank you very much.

早上好。我要感谢财政部长汉克·鲍尔森、联邦储备委员会主席本·伯南克和美国证券交易委员会主席查尔斯·考克斯今天的到来。

如今对于美国的经济来说，已经到了一个关键时期。此次经济问题源自信贷市场——次级贷款首次出现的地方，现在已经蔓延到我们的整个金融体系。这导致了信任度的丧失，从而使许多金融贷款遭遇冻结，其中包括对消费者、对试图扩大规模并创造就业机会的企业贷款。因此，我们现在必须行动起来，以确保我们国家的经济安全，使其免遭严重风险的威胁。

我们将有足够多的时间来讨论这次问题的起因，然而，现在当务之急是解决问题。回溯我们国家的历史，曾经有过需要我们跨越党派界限共同努力，解决我们所面临的挑战的时刻。现在，我们再次面临这样的时刻。昨天晚上，鲍尔森部长连同伯南克和考克斯两位主席共同会见了两党的最高领导人，进行了一次成功的会议商讨。我很赞赏国会领导人在这种情况下能够直面困难的行为。

我们的自由企业体系依赖于一个信念，即联邦政府仅在必要的时候才对市场进行干预。然而，考虑到与美国人民日常生活息息相关的金融市场目前所处状态，政府的介入不仅是合理的而且是必要的。

近几周内，联邦政府已采取了一系列措施维护总体经济的稳定。为避免金融市场受到严重破坏并支撑起家庭经济，我们采取措施解决房利美和房地美所发生的情况。美国联邦储备委员会也同样采取行动防止美国国际集团保险公司破产。通过和世界各国的中央银行相协调，美联储已经向我们的金融体系注入了其急需的流动资金。

这些都是有针对性的措施，首要的目的是阻止发生在个别企业中的问题向更广的范围扩散，但是我们还需要采取更多的行动。我们必须解决隐藏在市场不稳定表象后面的根本问题——抵押资产在房地产市场衰退期内已经失去了价值，转而限制了信贷的流通。美国的经济正面临着前所未有的挑战，而我们正在以前所未有的行动予以回应。

鲍尔森部长、伯南克主席和考克斯主席已经向国会领导们简要介绍了通过立法，批准联邦政府从银行和其他金融机构购置流动性资产的迫切性，这种流动性资产中就包括出现问题的抵押贷款。这个决定性的措施将致力于解决我们金融体系中的潜在问题。它将有助于减轻银行和其他金融机构间资产负债失衡的压力，使它们能够恢复信贷机制，让我们的金融体系重新运转起来。

此外，联邦政府正在采取一些其他措施来应对我们金融市场上的困难。

财政部正在努力恢复人们对美国金融体系中一个关键因素的信心——货币市场共同基金。在过去货币共同基金无法得到政府的保险，可是近来市场上的压力已经引起了一些质疑：这些投资是否是安全的、开放的？对此财政部已经通过向货币共同基金提供政府援助做出了回答，顺利化解了人们的担忧。你们投入保险基金中的每1美元，都能够分文不差地提取出来。

联邦储备委员会也在采取措施，为货币市场储备金的流动性提供更好的环境或平台，这将有助于缓解我们在金融市场上的压力。这些措施将像润滑剂那样，使我们被这次风险压制得几近停滞的金融体系齿轮转动起来，它们将会支撑着贷款流向家庭和企业。

证券管理委员会已经出台新的规定，暂时禁止卖空金融机构股票，这是为了防止投机商故意压低特定股票的价格为自己谋取私利。证券交易委员会还要求某些投资者披露他们的卖空行为，并开始采取严格的强制手段，用来查明市场上的欺诈和操纵行为。所有从事违法金融交易的人都将受到最严厉的制裁。

最终，在我们顺利地通过这次挑战之后，我的管理团队期待与国会合作，为给我们的金融体系带来更加长久的透明度与稳固性而共同努力——包括鲍尔森部长在今年早期提出的管理蓝图中的那些项目。在历史中，许多支配着美国市场运作的法规被固定下来，重要的是我们要及时地更新它们，以便适应当今全球金融体系的现状。

刚才我所略述的行动和措施如实地反映了鲍尔森部长、伯南克主席和考克斯主席的想法。我们相信这一决定性的政府措施，对于保护美国的金融体系和维持美国的整体经济是必要的。这些措施需要我们冒着失败的风险投入大笔税收，实施这些行动也需要承担风险，但是我们认为这些资金最终能够收到回报。政府计划购买的巨额资产不久将会带来良好的收益，因为大多数的房主依然在继续偿还他们的贷款。反之，如果不采取行动，危险会更大——金融市场上的压力会导致大规模的失业、退休金账目的侵蚀、房屋价值的进一步降低，并且造成新建住房、汽车和大学学费贷款的枯竭。这些都是美国无法承担的风险。

在这个困难的时期，我知道很多美国人都在担心他们的财产安全。所有的美国公民都应当知道，政府依然在执行法律法规保护你们的财产。通过联邦存款保险公司，每一个储蓄账户、支票账户和存款凭证都得到了联邦政府高达10万美元的保险。联邦存款保险公司已经存在了七十五年，没有人曾在这种保险的储蓄下失去过1分钱——这一点今后也不会改变。

美国的金融体系虽然是错综复杂的，但是在所有的技术术语和统计数据的背后，存在着一个关键的人性因素——信心。在我们的金融体系和金融制度中，信心对于我们经济的平稳运作是必不可少的，但是近来这种信心却发生了动摇。投资者们应该知道，美国政府正在努力恢复人们对美国金融市场的信心，使它能够重振雄风。

从长远来看，美国人民应该有理由相信我们的经济实力。美国拥有全世界最具才能、最高产、最善于创业的工人。这个国家是世界上最有利于投资和做生意的地方。全世界的消费者还在继续寻找着美国的产品，创纪录的出口额就是有力的证据。我们拥有一个灵活、弹性的体系，直面各种挑战，做出积极改进并能迅速恢复功能。

在过去的八年中，我们已经看到了美国经济的这种恢复能力。自2001年以来，我们就面临着经济衰退、互联网泡沫的破裂、大量的企业丑闻、针对我国的前所未有的恐怖袭击、全球性的反恐战争，以及一系列破坏性的自然灾害。然而，我们的经济承受住了所有的这些考验，并且依然在前进。

这一次，我们也同样会安全地度过难关，为此我们必须要团结一致。这是一个需要摒弃党派偏见的时期。我们必须联合起来，尽快建立迫切需要的法律法规，不要加入那些会延缓我们行动的争议性的条款。我会无差别地同民主党和共和党一起合作，驾驭我们的经济安全地度过这个困难的时期，并使它回到长期增长的轨道上来。谢谢大家。

第三节  精彩语录

These measures will act as grease for the gears of our financial system, which were at risk of grinding to a halt. They will support the flow of credit to households and businesses.

这些措施将像润滑剂那样，使我们被这次风险压制得几近停滞的金融体系齿轮转动起来，它们将会支撑着贷款流向家庭和企业。

Confidence in our financial system and in its institutions is essential to the smooth operation of our economy, and recently that confidence has been shaken.

在我们的金融体系和金融制度中，信心对于我们经济的平稳运作是必不可少的，但是近来这种信心却发生了动摇。

We will weather this challenge too, and we must do so together. This is no time for partisanship. We must join to move urgently needed legislation as quickly as possible, without adding controversial provisions that could delay action.

这一次，我们也同样会安全地度过难关，为此我们必须要团结一致。这是一个需要摒弃党派偏见的时期。我们必须联合起来，尽快建立迫切需要的法律法规，不要加入那些会延缓我们行动的争议性的条款。

第十五章  经济形势十分严峻

第一节  背景介绍

2007年3月，美国出现大批次级抵押贷款的借款人不能按期偿还贷款，进而引发次贷危机。次年，情况更加糟糕，多家规模巨大的金融机构陷入困境，这实际上就是美国金融危机激化的过程。美国此次金融危机直接导致了美国大量金融机构的破产或重组，造成了货币供给的紧缩，美国经济增长的势头由此逆转。

金融危机主要划分为三大类：银行危机、货币危机、债务危机。银行危机是指实际或潜在的银行运行障碍或违约导致银行中止其负债的内部转换，储户对银行丧失信心从而发生挤提，银行最终破产倒闭或需要政府提供大量援助；货币危机是本国货币汇率大幅度贬值所导致的金融危机；债务危机是本国不能偿还规模较大的外国债务所导致的金融危机。此次的美国金融危机属于银行危机，是从大量出现不能偿还次级抵押贷款开始的，但因为抵押贷款被证券化，许多金融机构都投资了这种以抵押贷款为基础发行的证券，所以银行业的危机迅速波及到投资银行业和保险业，演变为整个金融业的危机。

金融危机所导致的经济衰退是通过一定传导机制来实现的。美国的金融危机主要通过以下三个方面对美国经济产生影响。

首先是银行破产。美国金融危机发生以后，除了房利美公司、房地美公司、华盛顿互惠银行、花旗集团等规模巨大的银行陷入困境以外，美国的中小银行出现了倒闭的浪潮。

由于企业的闲置资金存放在银行，在银行破产的时候企业只能得到部分赔偿。再加上社会需求收缩，企业产品难以销售，部分企业将随之破产，从而对美国的生产和就业造成不利影响。

其次是资金融通。在发生金融危机的情况下，银行的不良资产增加，银行对发放贷款采取更加保守的态度，整个经济的信贷将会收缩，企业获得资金将变得更加困难。一般来说，企业除了从商业银行融通资金以外，还可以从货币市场融通资金。在发生金融危机的情况下，金融资产贬值，投资者不愿意购买金融资产，企业同样难以在货币市场筹集资金。这样，企业生产受到不利影响。

最后是社会需求。在发生金融危机的情况下，一方面融通资金的困难导致消费需求和投资需求减少，另一方面投资环境恶化导致企业不愿意增加投资。另外，在发生金融危机的情况下，股票价格在经济增长前景暗淡的情况下趋向下跌，造成个人和企业的金融财富减少，并在财富效应的影响下导致个人减少消费支出和企业减少投资支出，国内生产总值将下降。美国私人国内总投资支出反应更为强烈。

在金融危机的影响下，美国经济进入衰退期。美国政府和美国联邦储备系统迅速做出反应。布什政府通过向出现问题并对经济具有重要影响的金融机构融通资金的方式防止大金融机构的倒闭，同时提出了7,000亿美元的金融救援计划来抑制金融危机的扩散。

第二节  布什就金融危机后美国经济形势发表演讲

Good morning.

This week, Congress passed a bipartisan rescue package to address the instability in America’s financial system. This was a difficult vote for many members of the House and Senate, but voting for it was the right choice for America’s economy and for taxpayers like you. I appreciate their efforts to help stop the crisis in our financial markets from spreading to our entire economy. And I appreciate their willingness to work across party lines in the midst of an election season.

The legislation Congress passed provides the necessary tools to address the underlying problem in our financial system. The root of this problem is that, as assets that banks hold have lost value, their ability to provide credit has been restricted, making it more difficult for businesses and consumers to obtain affordable loans.

Without decisive action, this credit crunch threatens to harm our entire economy. With this legislation, the Federal government can help banks and other financial institutions resume lending. This will allow them to continue providing the capital that is essential to creating jobs, financing college educations, and helping American families meet their daily needs.

Though the $700 billion dedicated to this plan is a large amount, the final cost to taxpayers will actually be much lower. Many of the assets that the government will be purchasing still have significant underlying value. As time passes, they will likely go up in price. And this means that the government should eventually be able to recoup much, if not all, of the original expenditure.

This package will also increase the safety of Americans’ personal finances. For 75 years, the FDIC has provided insurance for savings accounts, checking accounts, and certificates of deposit. A similar insurance program is in effect for deposits in credit unions. And since these programs were instituted, no one has ever lost a penny on an insured deposit. The rescue package expands this protection by temporarily increasing the amount insured by the Federal government in banks and credit unions from $100,000 to $250,000. These steps should reassure Americans, especially small business owners, that their money is safe—and it should restore confidence in the health of our banking system.

In addition to addressing the immediate needs of our financial system, this package will also help to spur America’s long-term economic growth. This week, we learned that our Nation lost more jobs in September. Under these circumstances, it is essential for the government to reduce the burdens on workers and business owners. And that is why the rescue package includes relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax, which would otherwise increase taxes for 26 million taxpayers by an average of $2,200. And that is why it includes tax relief for businesses, which can use these savings to hire new employees and finance new investment.

By taking all these steps, we can begin to put our economy on the road to recovery. While these efforts will be effective, they will also take time to implement. My Administration will move as quickly as possible, but the benefits of this package will not all be felt immediately. The Federal government will undertake this rescue plan at a careful and deliberate pace to ensure that your tax dollars are spent wisely.

I know many of you listening this morning are anxious about the state of our economy and what it means for your personal finances. I am confident that the implementation of this relief package can begin to address those concerns. I’m confident by getting our markets moving, we will help unleash the key to our continued economic success: the entrepreneurial spirit of the American people.

Thank you for listening.

早上好！

本周国会批准了民主、共和两党共同参与修改的经济援助法案，这一法案的实施解决了阻碍美国经济良性发展的不稳定因素。尽管对于大部分参众两院的议员来说，这是一次相当困难的投票，但是这次投票无论对美国宏观的整体经济形势，还是对任何一位像你们一样的纳税人来说都是一次无比正确的选择。我非常感谢议员们投票通过了这一法案，并对阻止金融市场的危机扩散到美国经济的每一个角落所做出的不懈努力。我更钦佩两党的议员们在美国大选之际能够排除党派的干扰诚恳地坐在一起并为全体美国人的利益而同心协力。

国会刚刚批准的法案为解决我们的金融体系存在的问题提供了诸多必要的解决方法。我们此次所要面对的金融问题的根源在于，由于银行所持有的资产大幅度缩水，使银行提供信贷的能力大大降低，进而导致消费者和他们所从事的行业贷款越来越难，贷款利率也越来越高。

如果不采取紧急措施，这一信贷危机就将危害到美国宏观经济。随着这一法案的批准，联邦政府可以帮助银行和其他金融机构重新以低利率发放贷款。这一援助法案将会使它们继续向美国纳税人提供扩大就业、子女教育等所必需的资金，并满足美国家庭的日常需要。

尽管实施这一法案需要联邦政府支出高达7,000亿美元，然而对美国全体纳税人来说，他们的付出将远远低于预期。政府出资收购的大部分银行资产仍潜在着巨大价值。随着时间的推移，这些资产很可能将再次升值。这就意味着政府最终将会收回即使不是全部也是绝大部分的前期支出。

这一援助法案同样会提高美国人个人理财的安全系数。在过去的七十五年里，美国银行业监管者联邦存款保险公司一直为美国公民的储蓄账户、支票账户和定期存单提供保险。一个在信贷机构中类似的保险项目正在实施当中。这次的援助法案正是拓展了这一保险项目，使联邦政府把每一个银行储户的存款理赔额上限从10万美元提高到25万美元。这些措施能够保障美国人，尤其是小企业的经营者们手中现金的安全性。这些措施同样能够恢复银行系统的良性循环。

除了解决金融系统的短期需求，这一法案还将有助于刺激美国长期稳定的经济增长。就在本周，我们深刻地感受到9月份越来越多的美国人失去了他们的工作。在这种情况下，政府出面减轻劳动者和小企业经营者的负担就显得尤其重要。该法案中附加的减税法案包含一套颇受企业欢迎的企业税务优惠，也附加了让2,600多万中产阶级纳税人免缴另计最低税的条款，预计共耗费1,100亿美元。同时也为企业减轻了负担，使它们能够用这部分资金雇佣新员工和投资新项目。

随着这一法案的实施，我们将使美国能够回到经济恢复的轨道上来。尽管这些努力将会是卓有成效的，但实施起来还会加以时日。我领导的政府将会竭尽所能迅速做出反应，但是这一法案所带来的好处可能不会立即显现。联邦政府以小心谨慎的态度来实施这一法案以确保纳税人的钱不会付诸东流。

我深刻地体会到今天早上坐在收音机前的很多美国人既对我们国家的经济形势充满了焦虑，又很想知道这一法案对你们个人的财政到底意味着什么。我非常自信地认为这一援助法案的实施将会解开人们心中所有的疑团。我个人坚信随着市场的逐渐好转，我们终将找到美利坚合众国经济持续稳定发展的秘密，那就是美国人民的拼搏精神。

感谢大家的倾听。

第三节  精彩语录

This was a difficult vote for many members of the House and Senate, but voting for it was the right choice for America’s economy and for taxpayers like you. I appreciate their efforts to help stop the crisis in our financial markets from spreading to our entire economy.

尽管对于大部分参众两院的议员来说，这是一次相当困难的投票，但是这次投票无论对美国宏观的经济形势，还是对任何一位像你们一样的纳税人来说都是一次无比正确的选择。我非常感谢议员们投票通过了这一法案，并对阻止金融市场的危机扩散到美国经济的每一个角落所做出的不懈努力。

I’m confident by getting our markets moving, we will help unleash the key to our continued economic success: the entrepreneurial spirit of the American people.

我个人坚信随着市场的逐渐好转，我们终将找到美利坚合众国经济持续稳定发展的秘密，那就是美国人民的拼搏精神。

第十六章  昂首离开白宫

第一节  背景介绍

小布什在2009年1月20日，结束了八年的总统任期。当日，在美国首都华盛顿小布什与妻子向民众挥手告别，最后一次乘总统专机离开华盛顿，返回家乡得克萨斯州。

八年，足以让一个人变得风华正茂；八年，也足以让一位总统变成“最不受欢迎的人”。然而，小布什自己却不这么认为，回首这八年执政历程，布什总统依然一如既往地对其八年执政进行了一番辩护。自“9·11”恐怖袭击事件发生后，美国接连发动反恐战争，美国国土再未受到恐怖袭击。此外，在过去八年里，美国在教育、医疗、环保、税收、退伍军人、社会福利等方面的政策取得了较好效果。对于金融危机，美国政府采取了一系列决定性措施。布什呼吁只要美国人民团结一致，充满信心，努力工作，美国经济就会重现活力，恢复增长。

布什在白宫一待就是八年，在这八年间，留在人们记忆深处的是两次反恐战争和蔓延全球的金融危机。美国在2001年10月7日打响了阿富汗战争，在阿富汗战争还没有结束时又发动了伊拉克战争。两场战争让美国深陷泥潭，难以自拔，这让美国民众和士兵都很疲惫。美国境内的反战声音也越来越高。开始于2007年8月的次贷危机，也称次级房贷危机，造成次级抵押贷款机构破产、投资公司关闭、股市剧烈震荡。此次危机迅速席卷了美国、欧洲和日本，引发了全球性的金融危机。

美国的国际名声因为反恐战争受到极大损伤，布什也被认为是美国历史上最差的总统。布什一贯执拗的个性和乐观的态度使他高估了反恐战争的成果。尽管美国本土没有再遭受恐怖袭击，但是全世界的恐怖活动有增无减。金融危机所带来的后果也越来越明显，企业破产、失业增加都让民众苦不堪言。《华盛顿邮报》的专栏作家查尔斯·克劳斯莫尔毫不客气地说：“除了尼克松，没有一任总统会比布什更不受待见！”但《华尔街日报》为布什“抱不平”。该报刊登的评论文章称，美国人会记得布什曾让一个受到精神创伤、深陷哀痛的国家重新恢复信心，人们会记得他是一位“9·11”总统。

布什执政期间，其顶点无疑是“9·11”时期，他当时的施政满意度曾高达88%。但好景不长，随后他的施政满意度便跌至25%，创下美国近现代史上总统满意度最低纪录。

小布什走了，留给美国人的记忆更多的是从关塔那摩到伊拉克阿布格里卜监狱，从“卡特里娜”飓风到华尔街的金融风暴。布什留给后任的是两个战争泥潭、一个经济难题，以及超过1.2万亿美元的财政赤字。不过，一向不肯妥协的布什仍高昂着头。但在离任告别演说中，布什也无奈地说：“如果老天再给我一次机会重新开始，许多事情上我的选择会有所不同。”

不管人们如何评价，父亲老布什一直认为小布什是一个强有力的领导者，虽然新闻界不喜欢他，但老布什依然认为自己是一个非常自豪的父亲。即使小布什的民调在下降，但中美关系比以往任何时候都好，而这与他的贡献有很大关系。老布什坦率地说：“我很高兴他回家，作为儿子和前总统他回来了，历史将对他做出评价。”

小布什在华府举行迄今为止最为坦诚的告别记者会。布什总统结束了他八年的执政，回到德州享受退休总统的悠闲生活，成为全球的头条新闻。八年的岁月是白宫权力的时间极限。而对布什总统的历史评价，也会随着布什时代的落幕而纷至沓来。两极化的意见，恐怕会成为美国总统历史评价中罕见的现象。

小布什对自己退休后的轻松生活充满了期待。他说，每天早晨他都要为妻子煮咖啡并送上餐桌，然后浏览报纸，与朋友聚会，读书，养狗，钓鱼，散步。但是布什同时强调，他将继续保持活跃，他说：“我已经退休了，但不意味着我已经完全退出。”布什还谈到了自己准备写的书，他说：“我希望人们能够了解当我做一些艰难决定时，白宫所发生的一切。历史总是使人记住发生过什么，然后对发生的一切做一个评论。当然，我希望成为书写这段历史的一部分。”

第二节  布什于2009年在白宫发表告别演说

Fellow citizens，

For eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your president. The first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence—a time set apart. Tonight, with a thankful heart, I have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey that we have traveled together, and the future of our nation.

Five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of American democracy. In a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidency will pass to a successor chosen by you, the American people. Standing on the steps of the Capitol will be a man whose history reflects the enduring promise of our land. This is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation. And I join all Americans in offering best wishes to President-elect Obama, his wife Michelle, and their two beautiful girls.

Tonight I am filled with gratitude—to Vice President Cheney and members of my administration; to Laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life; to our wonderful daughters, Barbara and Jenna; to my parents, whose examples have provided strength for a lifetime. And above all, I thank the American people for the trust you have given me. I thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits. And I thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity and grace that I have witnessed these past eight years.

This evening, my thoughts return to the first night I addressed you from this house—September the 11th, 2001. That morning, terrorists took nearly 3,000 lives in the worst attack on America since Pearl Harbor. I remember standing in the rubble of the World Trade Center three days later, surrounded by rescuers who had been working around the clock. I remember talking to brave souls who charged through smoke-filled corridors at the Pentagon, and to husbands and wives whose loved ones became heroes aboard Flight 93. I remember Arlene Howard, who gave me her fallen son’s police shield as a reminder of all that was lost. And I still carry his badge.

As the years passed, most Americans were able to return to life much as it had been before 9/11. But I never did. Every morning, I received a briefing on the threats to our nation. I vowed to do everything in my power to keep us safe.

Over the past seven years, a new Department of Homeland Security has been created. The military, the intelligence community and the FBI have been transformed. Our nation is equipped with new tools to monitor the terrorists’ movements, freeze their finances and break up their plots. And with strong allies at our side, we have taken the fight to the terrorists and those who support them. Afghanistan has gone from a nation where the Taliban harbored al-Qaeda and stoned women in the streets to a young democracy that is fighting terror and encouraging girls to go to school. Iraq has gone from a brutal dictatorship and a sworn enemy of America to an Arab democracy at the heart of the Middle East and a friend of the United States.

There is legitimate debate about many of these decisions. But there can be little debate about the results. America has gone more than seven years without another terrorist attack on our soil. This is a tribute to those who toil night and day to keep us safe—law enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.

Our nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger. I have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families. And America owes you a debt of gratitude. And to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: There has been no higher honor than serving as your commander in chief.

The battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems. Under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience and marks unbelievers for murder. The other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of Almighty God, and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.

This is the belief that gave birth to our nation. And in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens. When people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror. When people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and extremism. So around the world, America is promoting human liberty, human rights and human dignity. We’re standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing AIDS medicine to dying patients—to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria. And this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.

For eight years, we’ve also strived to expand opportunity and hope here at home. Across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools. A new Medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled. Every taxpayer pays lower income taxes. The addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs. Vulnerable human life is better protected. Funding for our veterans has nearly doubled. America’s air and water and lands are measurably cleaner. And the federal bench includes wise new members like Justice Sam Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts.

When challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them. Facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy. These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted. All Americans are in this together. And together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth. We will show the world once again the resilience of America’s free enterprise system.

Like all who have held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks. There are things I would do differently if given the chance. Yet I’ve always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. I have followed my conscience and done what I thought was right. You may not agree with some of the tough decisions I have made. But I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.

The decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.

While our nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack. Our enemies are patient, and determined to strike again. America did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict. But we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them. We must resist complacency. We must keep our resolve. And we must never let down our guard.

At the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose. In the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward. But we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism. Retreating behind our borders would only invite danger. In the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the expansion of liberty abroad. If America does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.

As we address these challenges—and others we cannot foresee tonight—America must maintain our moral clarity. I’ve often spoken to you about good and evil, and this has made some uncomfortable. But good and evil are present in this world, and between the two of them there can be no compromise. Murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere. Freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right. This nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth. We must always be willing to act in their defense—and to advance the cause of peace.

President Thomas Jefferson once wrote,“I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.”As I leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, I share that optimism. America is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself. And even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.

I have confidence in the promise of America because I know the character of our people. This is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom. This is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger and compassion in the face of suffering. We see examples of America’s character all around us. And Laura and I have invited some of them to join us in the White House this evening.

We see America’s character in Dr. Tony Rehcasner, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of Hurricane Katrina. We see it in Julio Medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society. We’ve seen it in Staff Sgt. Aubrey McDade, who charged into an ambush in Iraq and rescued three of his fellow Marines.

We see America’s character in Bill Krissoff—a surgeon from California. His son, Nathan—a Marine—gave his life in Iraq. When I met Dr. Krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news: He told me he wanted to join the Navy Medical Corps in honor of his son. This good man was 60 years old— 18 years above the age limit. But his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine. Lieutenant Commander Krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to Iraq, where he will help save America’s wounded warriors—and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.

In citizens like these, we see the best of our country—resilient and hopeful, caring and strong. These virtues give me an unshakable faith in America. We have faced danger and trial, and there’s more ahead. But with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire, never falter, and never fail.

It has been the privilege of a lifetime to serve as your president. There have been good days and tough days. But every day I have been inspired by the greatness of our country, and uplifted by the goodness of our people. I have been blessed to represent this nation we love. And I will always be honored to carry a title that means more to me than any other—citizen of the United States of America.

And so, my fellow Americans, for the final time: Good night. May God bless this house and our next president. And may God bless you and our wonderful country. Thank you.

各位同胞：

过去的八年，我很荣幸地成为你们的总统。这个世纪的头十年是一个非常重要的时期。今晚，带着一颗感恩的心，我将利用这最后的机会和你们一起分享我的一些看法，对过去一起走过的时光以及我们国家未来的看法。

再过五天，世界将见证充满活力的美国民主政治。根据我们建国时创立的传统，总统职位将交给你们——美国人民选举出来的继任者。届时站在国会台阶上的那个人，他的经历将折射出我们这个国家长久以来的承诺。对于我们整个国家来说，这是一个充满希望和自豪的时刻。我将和其他所有美国人民一起，向当选总统奥巴马、他的妻子米歇尔以及他们两位美丽的女儿表达最美好的祝愿。

今晚，我的内心充满感激。我要感谢副总统切尼以及白宫的每一位工作人员；我要感谢劳拉，是她带给了这个家庭无比的快乐，带给我爱；我要感谢两名优秀的女儿——巴巴拉和杰纳；我要感谢我的父母，他们树立的榜样为我的一生提供了动力。除此之外，还我要感谢所有美国人民给予我的信任。谢谢你们的祈祷让我斗志昂扬。在过去的八年时间里，你们给了我无穷的勇气和宽厚，我对此表示深深地感谢。

今晚，我的思绪重新回到2001年9月11日，当时我第一次在这里发表晚间演说。那天上午，恐怖分子对美国发动了自珍珠港事件以来最为严重的恐怖袭击，造成约3,000人死亡。我清楚地记得，我三天后站在世贸大楼的残骸前，周围是夜以继日不停工作的救援人员。我记得我同那些穿过五角大楼浓烟密布的走廊进行救援的勇士们交谈，同那些93号航班英雄们的妻子和爱人们对话。我还记得阿勒内·霍华德，她将自己已经牺牲的儿子的警徽送给我，提示我们所失去的一切。直到现在，我都一直保存着他的徽章。

随着时光流逝，绝大多数美国人重新回到了“9·11”以前的生活状态。但我却从来没有。每天早上，我都会听取国家面临威胁的一个简报。那时我会发誓要尽我最大的努力来保证我们的安全。

在七年前，一个全新的机构——国土安全部正式成立了。美国的军队、情报机构以及联邦调查局都进行了改造，我们的国家使用最新的装备来监控恐怖分子的动向，冻结他们的财产并且粉碎他们的阴谋。和我们强有力的盟友一起，我们对恐怖分子以及他们的支持者宣战。阿富汗原来是一个塔利班政权包庇“基地”组织，妇女走在街头会遭到石头袭击的国家，但现在却成为了一个新兴的民主国家，它在与恐怖势力做斗争并且鼓励女孩们上学。伊拉克也从一个残暴的独裁政权，一个发誓与美国不共戴天的国家，变成为中东心脏地带的民主国家，变成为美国的朋友。

关于这些决策存在着一些合理的争论，但对于这些结果却没有任何争议。美国在过去的七年多时间里没有再在本土遭到过恐怖袭击，这要感谢那些日夜辛勤工作保卫我们安全的人，包括执法人员、情报分析人员、国土安全和外交官员，以及美国军队的士兵们。

我们的国家非常幸运地拥有这样的国民，当我们的国家处在危险之中时，他们自愿起来保卫我们的国家。我非常珍视与这些无私的爱国者以及他们家人进行的会面，美国应该感谢你们。对于那些今晚正在聆听这次演讲的军人们，我想说的是：这个世界上再也没有比成为你们的总司令更让人感到荣幸了。

我们的军队目前正在进行的战争，广义上来看其实是两种不同体系之间的战争。一种是一小撮狂热分子要求人们完全臣服于压迫的意识形态，他们迫害妇女并且杀害那些和他不一样信仰的人。另外一种体系则建立在普世的民主基础上，自由和正义照亮了和平之路。

我们的国家正是在这种信念下诞生的。长期来看，倡导这种信念是保卫我们国民的唯一切实有效的方法。当人们生活在民主政治中，他们就不会选举出那些追随恐怖势力的领导人。当人们对未来充满希望，他们就不会选择放弃生命来发动暴力袭击。因此，美国一直在全世界倡导自由、人权和尊严。我们向那些新兴的民主政体提供支持，向艾滋病人提供药物让垂死的病人起死回生，让母亲和婴儿们免受疟疾的困扰。这个在自由基础上诞生的伟大国家，正带领全世界走向一个新时代，这个时代民主将属于所有的国家。

过去八年里，我们也努力地在国内扩张机会和希望。在全国，学生们现在可以在公立学校接受条件更好的教育；新的医疗福利政府让老人和残疾人更加安心；每一位纳税人的个人所得税降低；通过信心重建计划，那些吸毒者也找到了新的希望；人们脆弱的生命得到更好的保护；为老兵提供的资金保障几乎增加了一倍；美国的空气、水源以及土地比以前更加清洁。

当繁荣遇到挑战时，我们采取了行动。在面临金融崩溃时，我们采取了决定性的措施来保卫经济。对于那些辛苦工作的家庭来说，这是一个非常艰难的时期，但是如果我们不采取行动后果会更严重，所有的美国人都受到了影响。团结一心的美国人将通过坚定信心和辛勤的工作来使我们的经济再次走上成长之路。我们将向世界再次展示，美国自由企业制度的坚韧性。

和所有前任一样，我也经历过挫折，我也有一些失误。不过，我的行动总是以我们国家的最佳利益为出发点。我对的起自己的良心，采取了我认为是正确的措施。你们可能不同意我所作出的一些艰难决定，但是我希望，你们能认为，我是一位愿意作出艰难决定的总统。

我们的国家在未来将面临更多的艰难选择，必须用一些指导性原则来指引我们的路线。

虽然我们的国家现在比七年前更为安全，但我们所面临的最严重威胁仍然是恐怖袭击。我们的敌人很有耐心，他们决心再次对我们发动袭击。美国没有试图挑起冲突或者作过任何导致冲突的错事。但我们有庄严的责任，必须负起责任。我们必须克服自满，必须保持决心，不能放松警惕。

与此同时，我们必须抱有信心和明确目的与世界进行接触。在面临海外威胁的情况下，人们很容易受到孤立主义的诱惑，但是我们必须抵制孤立主义和保护主义，撤退至我们的国境线内只会招来危险。在21世纪，国内的安全和繁荣取决于自由事业在海外的扩展。如果美国不领导自由事业，那么自由事业将没有领导者。

在我们应对这些挑战时，我们今晚还无法预测其他的挑战，美国必须保持道德上的纯洁。人们经常对你们谈起正义和邪恶，这可能使一些人感到不舒服，但是这个世界存在着正义和邪恶，两者之间不可能有妥协。无论何时何地，杀害无辜者来推动一种意识形态都是错误的，把人们从压迫和绝望中解放出来永远是正确的。美国必须为正义和真相说话。我们必须保卫它们，推进和平事业。

托马斯·杰斐逊总统曾写道：“我不缅怀过去的历史，而致力于未来的梦想。”在我即将离开他两个世纪前所居住的白宫时，我也持这种乐观的态度。美国是一个年轻的国家，富有活力，在不断成长和更新自己。即使是在最困难的时刻，我们也可以展望未来的前景。

我对美国的未来充满信心，因为我知道美国人民的性格。这是一个激发移民冒着失去所有东西的风险来追求自由梦想的国家，这是公民们在危险时刻表现平静，在遭受苦难时表现出同情心的国家。我们在身边可以看到这样的例子，我和劳拉今晚邀请了一些这样的人到白宫。

我们可以在托尼·里卡斯尼尔的身上看到美国的性格。这位校长在卡特里娜飓风的废墟上重建了他的学校。我们可以在胡利奥·梅迪纳看到这种性格，这位前犯人领导着一个基于信仰的项目来帮助犯人们重返社会。我们也可以在奥布里·麦克达德参谋军士身上看到这种性格，他冲入包围圈，营救出了三名海军陆战队战友。

我们在加州医生比尔·克里索夫身上看到了美国的这种性格，他的儿子纳塔恩作为一名海军陆战队队员在伊拉克献出了自己的生命。当我遇到克里索夫和他的家人时，他告诉我一些令我意想不到的消息：他告诉我为了纪念自己的儿子，他想加入海军医疗部门。这位好人已六十岁，超过规定年龄的上限十八年，但他所提出的例外申请获得了批准，他在过去一年一直在接受战场救治的训练。克里索夫中校今晚不能来到这里，因为他即将被部署至伊拉克，他将在那里帮助救护美军伤员，维护他为国牺牲的儿子所留下的遗产。

我们在这些公民身上看到我们国家最优良的品质：坚韧和抱有希望、有爱心和坚强。这些品质使我对美国有不可动摇的信心。我们曾面临危险和考验，未来还会有更多的危险和考验。但是借助于我们人民的勇气和我们对理想的信心，这个伟大的国家将永远不会疲倦，不会松懈，不会失败。

作为你们的总统为你们服务是我一生的荣耀，任期内有过好日子和艰难的日子，但我每天都被我们国家的伟大所鼓舞，为我们人民的善良所振奋。我对自己有机会代表我们所热爱的国家感到幸福，我将永远对自己是美国公民而感到荣耀，对我来说，这一身份比任何其他身份都有份量。

所以，亲爱的美国同胞，让我最后一次对你们说：晚安。愿上帝保佑白宫和我们的下一位总统。愿上帝保佑你和我们这个美好的国家。谢谢。

第三节  精彩语录

When people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror. When people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and extremism.

当人们生活在民主政治中，他们就不会选举出那些追随恐怖势力的领导人。当人们对未来充满希望，他们就不会选择放弃生命来发动暴力袭击。

President Thomas Jefferson once wrote,“I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.”

托马斯·杰斐逊总统曾写道：“我不缅怀过去的历史，而致力于未来的梦想。”

We have faced danger and trial, and there’s more ahead. But with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire, never falter, and never fail.

我们曾面临危险和考验，未来还会有更多的危险和考验。但是借助于我们人民的勇气和我们对理想的信心，这个伟大的国家将永远不会疲倦，不会松懈，不会失败。

肯尼迪演说

出版说明

自1776年《独立宣言》发表至今，美国建国已有两百三十多年。在这一历史阶段中，先后产生了四十四任总统。作为总统共和制国家的美国，其总统兼国家元首和政府首脑双重身份于一身，其在三权分立的国家政治架构中拥有极大的权力和影响力，在国家政治生活中拥有举足轻重的地位。正如美国第二十六任总统西奥多·罗斯福所说，美国总统是“国王和总理大臣的统一体”。

在美国，演讲是任何一个准备从政的人士必须具备的基本技能。无论地方议会议员、地方行政首脑还是美国联邦国会议员乃至美国总统，都是通过以演讲为基本形式的竞选活动产生的，这就决定了演讲这种活动在美国政治生活中的重大意义。而作为国家最高领导人的美国总统，他们的演讲往往在表明个人政治见解和基本立场、展露自身意志、品质和性格特点的同时，在某种程度上还代表了美国的制度设计与价值观念、反映了美国的文化背景与社会演变。他们的演讲大都是针对当时美国所面临的国内外重大问题，讨论国家内政外交政策的优劣得失，表明解决问题的态度，指出今后的施政方向，激励和动员美国人民克服困难、奋力前行。从美国总统的演讲中，我们可以看到他们对时代潮流的认识、把握和对国家意志的充分表达，可以看到他们的政治才华和不同的人格魅力，还可以看到美国在其国家发展所经历的一个又一个时代转折点上，怎样面对困难、迎接挑战、坚韧不拔，一步步走向成功与成熟。

美国总统的演讲事先大多经过了精心的准备，语言精炼、用词规范、措辞讲究、逻辑严密，不但文采斐然、优美动人，而且有的放矢、言之有物。同时，每个总统的演讲都具有鲜明的个性特色。有的晓之以理，发人深省；有的动之以情，感人肺腑；有的则充满思辨，促使人们对人生、社会乃至世界进行更深层次的思考。

《美国总统演讲系列》丛书，重点选取了美国自成立以来几位重要总统的演讲，其中既有他们的就职演讲、卸任演讲，也有他们在重大事件发生时发表的演讲以及针对一些特定案例向公众发表的演讲等。选取这些演讲，并不代表我们认同其所包含的思想倾向或价值取向，只是想帮助广大读者从这些演讲中，加深对美国国情、美国社会的了解。相信广大读者在对这些演讲进行欣赏的同时，一定会对其反映出的世界观、价值观等做出正确的分析和判断。

编  者

2014年5月

前言

肯尼迪家族并不是美国本土居民，他们是爱尔兰移民的后裔。1848年穷苦的爱尔兰人帕特里克·肯尼迪乘船漂洋过海来到美国的波士顿，在一家制桶厂工作。他的儿子帕特里克·约瑟夫经营的酒馆生意十分兴隆，随后开始涉足政治。竞选州议会议员成功后，娶了富有的酒店老板女儿玛丽为妻，生下了儿子约瑟夫·肯尼迪。

为了让孩子继承自己的政治抱负，帕特里克·约瑟夫让孩子接受最好的教育，他把儿子送进了哈佛大学。一从哈佛大学毕业，约瑟夫·肯尼迪选择了银行业作为生财的方向。在父亲的支持下，他成为一家银行的董事长，并自称是全美国最年轻的银行董事长。在积聚了几亿美元的资产后，约瑟夫开始留心政治活动。1937年罗斯福任命他出任驻英国大使，这对一个爱尔兰天主教徒的后裔来说，是以前连想都不敢想的事。约瑟夫虽然精于赚钱，但是在政治上却很笨拙，当了不到三年的外交官就被召回国。

肯尼迪家族长久怀有一个梦想：总统之梦。这个家族中一定要有人成为美国《时代》封面的总统。有一次约瑟夫在教堂里祈祷时暗暗发誓：“我已登上了财富的最高峰，我要让儿子登上权力的最高峰。”他们夫妇有9个孩子，在政治上有潜力的自然是4个男孩。这4个男孩分别是大儿子小约瑟夫·肯尼迪、二儿子约翰·肯尼迪、三儿子罗伯特·肯尼迪、四儿子爱德华·肯尼迪。在父亲的心目中，最有资格成为总统的是大儿子小约瑟夫。但是无情的战争打碎了他的如意算盘。在对德战争中，小约瑟夫参军成为飞行员，1944年奉命炸毁纳粹德国的V-1飞弹发射架。在执行任务时，他驾驶的飞机因故障在英国上空爆炸，他和副驾驶被炸得粉身碎骨。这是多灾多难的肯尼迪家族所遇到的第一个灾难。

在长子遇难后，家中的希望更多地寄托在二儿子约翰·肯尼迪身上。按照约翰·肯尼迪后来的说法：“我的哥哥约瑟夫是家族中从政的当然人选。如果他活着，我会继续当作家。如果我死了，我弟弟会当参议员。如果他出事，我的另一个弟弟会为我们去竞选。”子承父业，弟承兄业，就像一幅前仆后继的从政序列图。

在第二次世界大战中，二儿子约翰·肯尼迪在与日军作战时，指挥的鱼雷艇被日本海军击沉，身负重伤逃到敌后荒岛，后来率领士兵归队。

约翰·肯尼迪29岁时竞选众议员获胜，连续任职三届。1960年1月肯尼迪宣布竞选总统，他的父亲约瑟夫拿出大量的金钱调动新闻界、出版界，狂轰滥炸般地宣传他的儿子。约翰·肯尼迪以微弱优势击败共和党候选人尼克松，成为美国历史上第二个年轻的总统（最年轻总统是第26任的西奥多·罗斯福，上任时年仅42岁），也是第一位信奉天主教的总统。在约翰·肯尼迪组阁时，老父亲让他把弟弟罗伯特安排到内阁中去，罗伯特如愿以偿地得到了司法部长一职。这是肯尼迪家族政治上的巅峰时刻。

约翰·肯尼迪政治上最大的成功是在1960年当选第三十五任美国总统。他执政1037天，任职开始就遇到美国入侵古巴遭受惨败的事件。1961年6月与苏联领导人赫鲁晓夫在维也纳会谈，以强硬态度对待苏联要与东德单独签订和约的威胁。1962年10月发现苏联在古巴设置导弹，他下令对古巴施行封锁，迫使苏联撤出导弹装置。10个月后，美、苏、英禁止核试验条约签字。肯尼迪组织拉丁美洲争取进步同盟与和平队。他提出的大量削减所得税的立法以及扩大人权的立法，却推迟到他死后才得以通过。美国的实力地位也遭到了严重的挑战。在他执政的1037天里，他大力改组白宫，扩大总统权力，并重用一批学者、教授、智囊人物协助他制订新的美国全球总战略和重要的内外政策。他大幅度增加军费预算，以确保美国在核军备、空间竞赛和非核武器方面的对苏全面优势。在1962年10月举世瞩目的古巴导弹危机中，他又顶回了赫鲁晓夫的恫吓讹诈，在这场苏美军事对抗中占了上风。在国内他以强硬的手腕压住了美国大公司的钢铁涨价，实行赤字预算和减税等财政措施，使美国经济一度出现了较明显的回升。肯尼迪以“新边疆”开拓者的姿态进入白宫，煞费苦心地力挽颓势，最后在错综复杂的斗争中遇刺身亡。他执政的时间虽然不长，但他的战略策略思想在美国的政治生活中却有着重要的影响。

在国会里，他对内重视社会救济和平民福利，对外反对共产主义，支持冷战。1953年他进入参议院，正值麦卡锡反共运动盛行之时，大批联邦公务人员以同情共产党的罪名遭到清洗，肯尼迪对此并无异议。1956年出版《勇敢者传略》一书，获得普利策奖。20世纪50年代后期任参议院外交委员会委员，力主扩大援助非洲和新独立国家。他的政治观点逐渐左移，在民主党内的声望也逐步提高。

1963年11月已经就任三年的肯尼迪在内政和外交上表现杰出。他不仅成功处理了上任之初一直困扰美国政府的“古巴导弹危机”、“柏林危机”，缓和了紧张对峙的美苏关系，而且他对国民采取的温和扶助的政策深得民心，也因此赢得了越来越多美国人的爱戴和支持。面临1964年的新一届总统大选，肯尼迪为了帮助所在的民主党开展竞选活动募集资金，并为谋求连任做准备工作，计划了达拉斯之行。

为了让热情的达拉斯市民一睹总统夫妇的风采，肯尼迪所乘的林肯轿车没有安装防弹罩，市民如愿以偿地看到了他们心中的总统，却也将他无情地暴露在了暗杀者的枪口之下。中午12点，总统车队以每小时15公里的缓慢速度驶入达拉斯市，市民对总统的到来表现出极高的热情。总统车队先由迪利广场入口进入休斯敦大街，接着左转行至埃尔姆大街，12点30分30秒，正当肯尼迪和妻子杰奎琳向市民频频挥手致意的瞬间，一颗急速飞至的子弹深深嵌入了肯尼迪的喉咙，紧接着致命的第二颗子弹击中了肯尼迪的后脑，顿时脑浆四溅，鲜血流满全身。

几分钟之后，肯尼迪便躺在了手术台上，但由于伤势过重，最终于美国中部时间13点抢救无效而亡。另据为肯尼迪做最后仪式的牧师透露，很有可能在去往医院的路上总统就已经死了。

杀害肯尼迪的凶手名为李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德，是教科书仓库大厦的一名员工。达拉斯警方在刺杀事件发生80分钟后，在一家电影院里将其逮捕归案。枪杀事件不久，警方在教科书仓库大楼六层发现了一支6.5mm×52mm的意大利产卡尔卡诺M91/38手动来复枪，外加一颗军火序列号为C2788的子弹。它与刺杀现场发现的子弹类型相同，且枪上粘有奥斯瓦尔德的部分指纹。凶手当天晚间即被转至警察总署接受审讯，然而就在审讯后的第三天，奥斯瓦尔德竟在有70名警务人员押送的情况下，被一个名叫杰克·卢比的夜总会老板枪杀在警察总署门前。在刺杀事件发生7天之后，由继任总统约翰逊任命的调查谋杀事件的沃伦委员会成立了。10个月之后，委员会呈上了一份近20万字的调查报告，得出的结论称：“暗杀总统纯属奥斯瓦尔德的个人行为，没有发现任何证据证明有人帮助奥斯瓦尔德制定谋杀计划或组织其实现。”

到此为止，肯尼迪遇刺案仿佛已经真相大白，然而，沃伦的调查报告并未让众人信服，事实上这起谋杀事件中的重重疑点，引起了越来越多人的广泛猜测。一个后来成立的官方调查委员会众议院遇刺案特派委员会，从1976年到1979年再次对总统遇刺案进行了详细的调查取证。并得出结论认为：“奥斯瓦尔德刺杀肯尼迪绝不是个人行为，甚至奥斯瓦尔德的凶手身份都有待于进一步证实。”

对于总统车队在达拉斯的行车路线约翰逊等人也作了周密安排。原本行车路线应由民主党官员确定，而这一次却是由州长康纳利制定的。这样一来就难怪在第一次呈送给白宫的行车途中，对到埃尔姆大街要拐弯之事只字未提了。而正是拐弯限制了行车速度，从而使子弹命中的可能性提高。此外，总统车队周围的安排也发生了“巧妙”变动。护送总统座车的摩托车护卫队被削减了一半，原本安排在总统汽车前面的新闻记者被放在了最后，以致在事件发生时竟没有一位新闻记者能及时拍摄下遇刺场面。另外还有一个重要破绽，从一个摄影爱好者拍摄的胶片中可以看出，枪响前几秒，约翰逊保镖的车门已经打开了，此举是为了提前下车保护约翰逊。而在肯尼迪尸骨未寒之时，约翰逊就在飞机上匆匆宣誓就职，也多少显示出了他的不安和急不可待，尽管前第一夫人就站在他的身边，衣袖上沾着肯尼迪温热的鲜血。

肯尼迪遇刺身亡后，约翰逊春风得意如愿以偿地当上了美国总统。他控制着对整桩案件的调查，亲自任命的沃伦委员会就是为他及其帮凶开罪服务的。案发后不久，约翰逊就下达了清洗敞篷汽车的命令。接着，他委派他的亲信将康纳利州长带血的衣服取回洗净（康纳利因与肯尼迪同乘一车而受伤），并再次下令销毁物证。肯尼迪乘坐的敞篷车一直在白宫警卫的看管下，留着弹痕的挡风玻璃于11月25日就已被更换。此后他又命人对肯尼迪尸体解剖鉴定作了修改，捏造了X光片。然而他的政绩和他的名声一样糟糕，因为正是在他的倡导下，美国全面深化了那场臭名昭著的越南战争。

肯尼迪普遍被美国民众视为美国历史上最杰出的总统之一，他同时位列“美国十大文化偶像”之首。

在美国学者麦克·哈特所著的《影响人类历史进程的100名人排行榜》，肯尼迪名列第81位。书中指出，肯尼迪被收入此排行榜的原因只有一个，即他是制定阿波罗计划的主要负责人。并断言，在未来5000年里，人类的登月之行将是最重要的事件，是人类历史的一个里程碑。

另据美国民意调查机构盖洛普2010年10月7日公布的最新民调显示，在美国近50年历届总统中，对肯尼迪的评价最高，位居榜首，受到高达85%受访美国民众的肯定，为近50年来受到民众评价最高的总统。这位有着高瞻远瞩眼光的总统带领美国不断前行，走到了世界的前列。

第一章  强者公正，弱者安全

第一节  背景介绍

肯尼迪是美国民主党党员，在肯尼迪上台之前，共和党已成功执政四年，如果共和党连续接任总统职位，对每一个民主党人士来说都是一个灾难。作为一个公民，肯尼迪为自己国家的趋向感到担心。作为一个政治家和公仆，他像许多人那样，渴望登上合众国总统这一职业顶峰。作为国会两院的成员，他日益认识到两院所掌握的改进国家和社会的权力是多么有限。

总统的职位并不是肯尼迪的政治梦想。1956年年初，约翰·肯尼迪对总统这个职位还没有明确的意图时，他曾对一个新闻记者说，“我料想凡是搞政治的人都想当总统。”“担子是沉重的，这个职位总要有人去干的。我是考虑去担任这个职务的四五名候选人之一。我认为我能胜任这个职务，我是以这样的认识来争取它的。”他想当总统无非就是这个因素，正如他在1960年经常说的，“这个职位是行动的中心，是美国制度的主要动力和力量源泉”1962年肯尼迪说，“你至少有机会对好些问题能有所作为，对这些问题，我作为一个父亲或者一个公民，都会十分关心的……而且，如果你的所作所为是有益而成功的话，那么这本身就是一件极大的快事。”

虽然他生来富有，而且花钱毫不在意，但他对积累更多的金钱却没有特别的兴趣。他同那些对旁人的需要漠不关心的富翁们没有共同之处。他投票时有一贯的主张，不顾自己的（以及他父亲的）经济利益——例如在石油和煤气问题上。他的父亲也从不强制他或是他们弟兄中的任何一个继承自己的金融事业。

这位参议员除了使用一般的表和领带别针外，从不戴戒指或佩上钻石的领带别针以及任何其他珠宝饰物。所有他的政府薪金——作为国会议员、参议员和总统都捐献给慈善事业，约计五十万美元。他的竞选运动虽然花钱很多，却总避免那种可能被指责为炫耀金钱的铺张浪费（诸如广告牌、报刊上的整版广告或者电视广告节目等）。但他对于父亲的财富使他能担任公职而不需要在经济上依靠一些有势力的压力集团这一点并不感到羞愧。相反，他把自己的幸运当作是一种义务：“被上帝赏赐了很多东西的人就有必要做很多的事情。”他还请他的妻子把艾伯特·爱因斯坦的这段话保存在他的文件夹里。

“我每天一再提醒自己，我的精神生活和物质生活都依赖别人——活着的人和死去的人的辛勤劳动。因此我必须竭尽全力，以便给予别人以等量的东西。”

肯尼迪喜欢波士顿，波士顿也喜欢肯尼迪，但是他并不止是一个波士顿人。他诞生在波士顿郊区的布鲁克莱因。在他的个性逐渐形成的时期，他生活在纽约的布朗克思维尔。他父亲将全家搬到那里去，因为他认为一个爱尔兰天主教徒商人及其子女在波士顿是没有多大发展机会的。1946年，肯尼迪初次参加竞选时，还是一个羞怯瘦弱的二十八岁众议员候选人。他在波士顿那个难弄的第十一选区竞选，因为众议员詹姆斯·迈克尔·柯利就要退休了。

作为马萨诸塞州的参议员，他并不坚持他工作班子的成员一定要来自他们为之服务和研究的那个州。事实上，他倒宁愿不要马萨诸塞人。他说：“这样，如果他们工作不得力，我可以不受任何政治上的压力或义务来留用他们。”然而他的新英格兰经济问题的助手是来自内布拉斯加州的，这一点他也觉得好笑。有一次，当下属代表他去出席马萨诸塞州商人的一次宴会时，他说，如果有人问我是什么地方的人，就告诉他们我是来自西海恩尼斯港的，因为宴会上不会有那个地方的人。

他是最传统的那种自由派，思想不受拘束的自由人。他承认他进入国会时只懂得很少的或者根本不懂政治哲学。许多“职业自由派”的放肆态度使他感到不愉快。正如他所说的那样，他并不反对一般人认为的那种自由派的信条。“我希望我在一般意义上也属于自由派，但我们对那些教条主义的自由派都有意见。……保守派这个字眼有许多含义，我不希望同它划等号。对我更为确切的字眼是克制。我认识许多政治上的保守派，我同他们无共同之处。”

肯尼迪曾看到许多献身政治生涯的左派和右派的人，他们的观点都是僵硬的和固执的，他们对各自政治领袖的主张如鹦鹉学舌一样毫不加以思考或者重行检查。适成对照的是，他则自行投票并不受任何其他参议员或参议员集团，以及任何个别的私人和集团意愿的约束。

1960年他在对纽约自由党的演说中，对自己的政治信条作了最正式的陈述。

我相信，作为国家目的的根源在于人类的尊严，作为国家行动的根源在于人类的自由，作为国家同情心的根源在于人类的感情，作为我们的发明和思想的根源在于人类的思考。”

“……自由主义……对人的才能的信心……理智和判断……是今天世界上我们最良好的，也是唯一的希望。”

他谈这些话也相信这些活，但他并没有写下来，当然也没有用这样的措辞谈论哲学上的观点。他通常采用较为简单的方式来概括他的政治立场。

一个具有几分克制感的北方民主党人。

一个凭自己的良心来为国家谋求利益的温和的民主党人。

一个讲求实际的自由派，一个实用主义的自由派。

当有人问到他希望成为哪一种类型的总统，自由派还是保守派时，他回答说：“我希望做一个负责任的总统。”或许他的妻子对他作了最好的概括：“一个没有幻想的理想主义者。”

作为参议员、总统候选人和总统，他处事的衡量标准是：行得通吗？于事有补吗？他能以惊人的速度来掌握一个复杂问题的本质。同时，他的天性永远站在问题进步的一面，但他天生的小心谨慎，要求他以证据和经验来检验他的直觉。这种对于有成功可能性的事物强调现实主义的态度，使许多批评他的人和评论家把他描绘成实用主义者。他确实是个实用主义者，但他也兼具唯心主义和乐观主义的强烈气息。每一天发生的令人失望的事提醒他，他生活在一个不完美的世界里，但这并不使他惊异或沮丧。他是如此关心世界的未来，以致永远不会对现状感到满足。的确，他在竞选时期和在白宫的岁月里，他对这个国家和这个星球的情况的分析一贯是以这几个字开始的：“我不满足于……。”

肯尼迪的父亲一直都希望自己的家族显赫于政坛，他告诫肯尼迪说：“总统职位之艰难繁忙，可能使它成为世界上最坏的工作。”肯尼迪回答说：“这些问题总还是得由人来解决的。”他知道这个职位的职责往往遭到苛求，并必须独力承担。可是，他对于自己的判断力和勇气，对公共事务的学识，对于自己在参众两院的多年经验，在世界各地旅行的经历，以及在他同美国和许多其他国家政府首脑的交谈中都体现了自信心。

曾经的总统都有着非凡的阅历与非天主教的正统信仰。肯尼迪清楚的认识到自己的年轻、天主教的信仰、大多数党内领导的不支持，都表明他无法在1960年有把握地竞选总统。事实上，肯尼迪觉得这件事本身就是一种前所未有的政治能力的表现。更重要的是，历史上只有一位天主教徒竞选过总统——阿尔·史密斯，并且他惨败在赫伯特·胡佛的手下。

他投身政治有着错综复杂的原因。他常嘲笑那些杂志撰稿人，因为他们总根据某一个心理上的动机来解释他的经历。例如为了在父亲面前表现一下自己，为了能胜过去世的哥哥，为了维护家里的一个老传统，或者为了成为爱尔兰人的复仇工具。事实上，他在青年时代曾经认为，只要他哥哥乔渴望踏入政界，政治就没有他的份，因为乔身体比较强健，性格比较外向，更符合于马萨诸塞州政界人物的传统形象。他曾考虑当律师、新闻记者、历史学或政治学教授，或者当个外交官员。但在乔死后，他进入了政治舞台。

肯尼迪知道他要参加竞选，而不仅是做一个旁观者。他在许多方面都是一个老式的爱国主义者——不是一个狭隘的民族主义者，而是一个忠于国家利益的爱国主义者。他对许多国家的政治和经济制度作了比较，认为自己国家的制度比其他国家的要好得多。他和巴肯抱有同样的信念，即“民主政治基本上是思想的态度问题，是一种精神上的信条”，同时“政治仍然是最伟大、最光荣的冒险事业”。

尽管存在多种不利因素，肯尼迪依然决定接受挑战，1960年大选中肯尼迪明确宣布他要竞选美国总统。肯尼迪在马萨诸塞州成功连任参议员，以及自1956年民主党代表大会以来在全国范围内越来越大的知名度，使他成了许多人心目中1960年总统竞选最有吸引力的候选人。他的活力被看作是应对苏联挑战、经济萧条、种族隔离和“杂乱无章的美国生活”的优势。1957年，全美各地邀请他进行演讲的邀请函多达2500多份，而他同意在47个州做144场演说，平均两天一场。1958年初，他每星期收到的此类邀请函平均达100份。民主党在48个州的领导人大多表示肯尼迪很有可能参加竞选。1956年民主党代表大会的1220名代表中有409人支持肯尼迪参加1960年总统竞选。在对肯尼迪有所认识的所有潜在选民里，有64%的人相信他具有当总统的背景和经验。

在准备竞选的过程中，肯尼迪对自己的竞争对手是这样评价的。他认为约翰逊最有才干，而赛明顿则是各派最可能一致接受的人选。他对他们两个都有好感，都很尊重。对史蒂文森和汉弗莱也是如此。不过曾经两度担任党的旗手的史蒂文森却直截了当地说，他不想再竞选了。而且肯尼迪还客观地认为他自己获得提名、当选并领导这个国家渡过一个危险时期的能力是超过所有这四个人的。

肯尼迪对尼克松本人的优势有着精辟而深邃的见解。在这位参议员看来，共和党的候选人也不是不能击败的。他于1957年写道：“理查德·尼克松将是一位“顽强、老练、精明的对手……想打败尼克松先生，要采取比谩骂性的声明——就是他在乘车参加1961年总统就职游行时可以看到的那类声明更进一步的手段。”但是他觉得尼克松志大才疏，其演说的风度和过去的历史都不足以在选民中激发起信心。

他对自身的客观认识常常让人觉得吃惊不已，他对自己的不利条件如同对自己的有利条件一样地客观。不但如此，他还会客观的列举出来。他知道从来没有一个天主教徒曾经当选为美国总统，因为在美国的教徒中基督教新教徒占有二比一以上的多数；从来没有一个四十三岁的人曾经当选为总统。且特别为了这些原因，他的党不大可能会选中他。另一方面，他知道他的宗教信仰和年轻的外表虽然为某些人所不信任，却也使他同大多数政客有所区别，并有助于吸引一批坚定的拥护者。

只有当人们不知道未来的发展时，才会勇敢的向前走。假如他能获得保证，他可以在将来任何一年被提名为民主党总统候选人，那么他也许不会选中1960年竞选总统。再等8年或12年年龄上的障碍就会消除，宗教上的障碍也会有所缓和，并且可能使共和党人有所削弱。但是他没有获得这种保证，因而在这方面没有选择的余地。当时的形势、事态和他自身的竞争本能，促使他在1960年参加逐鹿。而且他一旦下定了决心，便感到就要在1960年，否则永不再参加竞选。许多人——专栏作家、竞争对手、朋友和素不相识的人都劝他等一等，暂时安居第二位。

1960年年初的一天，当他在威斯康星州欧克莱尔市的街上进行竞选活动时，同他握手的一个老妇人说：“现在还没到时候，小伙子，现在还太早，还太早。”他和颜悦色几乎是逗趣地回答道：“不，大娘，是时候啦。现在正是时候。”于是她含笑地离开了他，说了一句：“愿上帝保佑你。”

为了增强自己的认知度，肯尼迪旅行、写文章、宣传以及对劳工改革所进行的斗争，使人们日益注意到他的品质，反映在全国和少数民意测验中，肯尼迪的实力在不断地增长。不管是同其他的民主党候选人，还是同两个有希望的共和党候选人进行较量，他在比赛中总是名列前茅。民主党的其他候选人只不过在本地区显示出了实力，而肯尼迪则在所有地区都显示出了实力。

他对自己接受的高等教育很自负，但并不认为所有的智慧都集中在哈佛或东部的其他学校。他以总统的身份接受耶鲁大学的名誉学位时曾经说：“现在我已获得教育领域内两样最好的东西——耶鲁的学位和哈佛的教育。”同时，他对被选入哈佛大学校董会感到很光荣，因为很少有天主教徒曾被选入。1955年他未被选入校董会，对一个习惯于胜利的人来说，是一个令人失望的新经历。不过他在选择他的参议院和白宫的助手时，并不考虑他们是在哪里接受的教育。他认识到自己的名牌大学出身并不总是一笔政治资本。

不断地努力得到了民众很好的反映效果。从1957年到1959年，凡是私下和公开举办的民意测验都使肯尼迪越来越宽心，而使他的对手越来越泄气。“竞选中的领先者”总有一些不利之处，批评参议员的人变得更加公开更加无忌了，他们对他的一字一句都加以政治性的解释。共和党政府在两天的时间内，对它以前似乎赞成的三项肯尼迪的提案突然转持反对态度。这三项提案分别是对印度的援助，同波兰的经济关系以及劳工改革。老资格的政界人士告诫他说，他动手动得太早了，逼得太紧了，这样会使自己的精力耗尽的。还有人建议他不要再到马萨诸塞州以外去发表演说。不止一个专栏作家说，从肯尼迪的年龄和政治的成熟来看，他在1960年竞选总统时机还未到，最好还是“放慢下来”。公共关系专家们也告诫他，不要在新闻界过于出头露面。

肯尼迪听取了专家们的建议，严格地压缩自己外出演说的次数，以便专注于参议员的本职工作和他在马萨诸塞州的再次竞选。他还设法限定了自己在全国电视上露面的次数，并把宣传的重心从宣传他的家庭和本人转向宣传他的信念和成就。不过他对于“不要过早动手”这句至理名言却抱怀疑态度。

肯尼迪连轴转的竞选安排，让人们打消了对他健康的一切怀疑，有助于选民不去在意他不够成熟的外表，强调了他的品质而不是他的宗教信仰，还产生了一种其他候选者无法阻挡并且望尘莫及的势头。肯尼迪深知一个具有他这种不利条件的候选人，在竞选中必须领先并早日赢得胜利，否则干脆放弃竞选。那年夏天，另一位友人说，看来只要他提出，副总统一职就可以是他的。他笑着回答道：“我们不要老是谈论副职了。我对任何形式的副职都反对。”

肯尼迪通过多渠道的努力取得了广泛的支持，民主党人在总统候选人提名中，肯尼迪列在林登·约翰逊、阿德莱·史蒂文森和密苏里州参议员斯图尔特·塞明顿之后。有些民主党人，包括其他有希望获得提名的人在内，希望有个天主教徒当副总统候选人，这样既可以获得天主教徒的支持，又不至于失去反天主教人士的支持，关于副总统的议论就是由他们掀起来的。肯尼迪并没有接受这一建议，他曾说过：“我没有兴趣竞争副总统，我的兴趣是竞选总统。如果我要当选总统，我就会在1960年成功。如果这次不成功，那么我可能要再等上8年，那时会出现一些新面孔，而我就会靠边站。”

著名美国新闻评论家和作家沃尔特·李普曼把宗教问题称为是“肯尼迪参议员所引起的问题”，他建议把肯尼迪放在候选人名单上的第二位作为解决办法。据说有个重要的耶稣会知识分子曾经评论说：“情况一向是如此。天主教徒做一名董事很不错，可是做董事长就不妥了。”

1960年1月2日，肯尼迪在参议院秘密会议厅里向300名支持者正式宣布竞选总统。4月5日，在威斯康星州的初选中，肯尼迪获得了56.5%的支持率，总计476024张选票，为该州57年来在初选中候选人获得最多的票数。而且肯尼迪在10个地区中赢得了6个地区的多数票，从而赢得了该州60%的大会代表。5月10日，肯尼迪在西弗吉尼亚州取得了60.8%:39.2%的压倒性胜利，战胜了休伯特·汉弗莱。此后10天内，肯尼迪又在马里兰州以70%:17%击败了韦恩·莫尔斯。在俄勒冈州以51%:32%取胜。此时，肯尼迪已经是第七次大获全胜，打通了总统候选人提名的道路。但形势并不就此一片乐观。林登·约翰逊于6月5日宣布参加总统竞选，并就麦卡锡问题等话题公开抨击肯尼迪。7月13日，在民主党全国代表大会上，肯尼迪获得了民主党总统候选人的提名，尽管林登·约翰逊在这之前对他进行过中伤，但肯尼迪仍然邀请他加入竞选队伍，成为副总统候选人。

肯尼迪的天主教徒身份一直被认为是否能公正履行总统职务的一大疑问。就这一问题，肯尼迪于1960年9月12日，在德克萨斯州休斯顿对一群新教牧师进行的一次公开演说中做出了明确答复：“我不是天主教的总统候选人，我是民主党的候选人，只是恰好还是个天主教徒。在公共事务上我不是代表我的教派。教派也不代表我。”在这次演说中，他还强调相比于宗教信仰，1960年的大选中还有很多更加关键的问题。因为战争、饥饿、愚昧和绝望是没有宗教界限的，并且恳求用宗教的宽容心服务于国家的安康。这次演说暂时抑制住了围绕宗教问题的喧嚣声。

他并不认为所有的美德都集中在天主教教会，也不认为所有非天主教教徒都要（或都应该）下地狱。他对自己的宗教既不感到尴尬，也不感到了不起，只是把它当做生活的一部分来看待。他对早些时候的一个传记作者试图把他说成不是虔诚地信奉宗教的人感到不愉快。他每个星期日虔诚地参加弥撒，甚至在疲劳的外州旅途中，没有一个选民知道他是否去做弥撒时他也去。但在十一年中，他从未透露过他个人对于人类同上帝的关系的看法，尽管他曾讨论过政教关系的问题。

他的工作班子里并不需要也不优先录用天主教徒。他既不了解也不在意工作人员的宗教信仰。他的许多亲密朋友并非天主教徒。他虽然是一个天主教徒又是一个学者，但并不能被称为一个天主教学者。他对神学毫无兴趣，演说稿中到处点缀着新教版本《圣经》的引文。有一次，他使他的妻子又吃惊又好笑，因为在他读了传道书中自己喜好的一段文字（“……哭有时，笑有时；哀恸有时，跳舞有时……”）之后，他竟然大不敬地自己添了几句政界常说的话：“全力以赴有时，干脆不干有时。”人们从未听见他在人前高声祈祷，从未看到他吻一个主教的戒指，也从未听说他曾为了政治上的方便而改变其宗教习惯。

他说：“波士顿有句老话，‘我们的宗教来自罗马，我们的政见则出自本土。’”他对天主教统治集团并不敬畏，对政教分离的明智性也是完全同意的。1959年，他说：“赞成政教分离和做一个虔诚的天主教徒两者之间一点也不矛盾，恰恰相反，我并不认为做一个天主教徒和履行宪法义务两者之间有任何矛盾。”他在一所天主教女子学校答复别人的询问时曾说：“承认赤色中国不是一个道德上的问题。”有个神父听到他这句话感到很恼火就问他道：“肯尼迪参议员，你不相信所有的法律都是上帝制订的吗？”参议员立刻回击他说：“我是一个天主教徒，我当然相信，不过这同国际法没有什么关系。”

1960年9月26日晚，在芝加哥的CBS演播室里，肯尼迪与自己的竞选对手，已经在艾森豪威尔内阁中当了8年副总统，与赫鲁晓夫进行过厨房辩论的共和党总统候选人理查德·尼克松面对大约7000万电视观众进行了美国历史上第一次的总统候选人电视辩论。在电视辩论中，肯尼迪通过向美国民众直接宣讲自己的开场白获得了初期优势。尼克松则利用介绍和总结的机会突出自己和肯尼迪的不同之处。肯尼迪给人的印象是一个打算应对国家最大问题的领导人，尼克松给选民的印象则是试图在一个政敌面前占据上风的人物。尼克松的语言很有节制，但相比于肯尼迪却缺乏政治家应有的风度，进一步强化了许多人对他在过去竞选众议员、参议员和副总统时留下的负面印象。大多数通过收音机收听辩论的民众认为尼克松在辩论中占据了上风，但事实恰好相反，所有在现场和电视机前的观众都看出来肯尼迪占据了上风，他看上去更加轻松，更有自制力。而镜头前的尼克松却显出害怕的样子，脸色阴沉憔悴，脸上的剃须粉被汗水冲出音乐的沟痕。在浅灰色的舞台背景灯光下，身穿浅灰色西服的尼克松淡化成了一个模糊的人影，而肯尼迪的深色西服却在光线反差中显得十分欢快。此后，肯尼迪和尼克松又进行了三次电视辩论。电视这种新媒体在政治中首次成为了重要的宣传工具。

在1960年11月8日举行的大选中，肯尼迪以极其微弱的优势战胜了尼克松。当天夜里，虽然根据已经统计出的选票情况表明，肯尼迪可以充分肯定自己已经获得了胜利，但由于在宾夕法尼亚州、密苏里州、伊利诺伊州、明尼苏达州、密歇根州和加利福尼亚州的数字十分接近，无法做出决断，因此他拒绝宣布获胜。

第二天上午他起床后，获知已经赢得了这六个州的胜利。事实上，加利福尼亚州还在混战之中。并且最终倒向了尼克松，但这已经无关大局。直到中午，最终结果传来之后，他才肯定取得了胜利。尼克松的新闻秘书发表了承认失败的声明后，肯尼迪才同意以当选总统的身份与媒体见面。

在总计6883.7万张选票中，肯尼迪的优势极其微弱只有118574票。尼克松的支持者几乎在选举结果揭晓的同时指责说，肯尼迪取胜的原因是伊利诺伊州和德克萨斯州的选票欺诈行为所致。但这种指责无法得到证实。而且尼克松公开采取高姿态，拒绝置疑选举结果。

1960年肯尼迪当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统。

肯尼迪之所以能够获胜是有诸多原因的，但主要的原因在于：

大选年出现的经济萎缩。

民众对美国失去应对苏联威胁的能力的担忧。

肯尼迪的个人魅力和尼克松在电视辩论中的欠佳表现。

林登·约翰逊在赢得南方七个州（亚拉巴马州、阿肯色州、佐治亚州、路易斯安那州、北卡罗莱纳州、南卡罗莱纳州、德克萨斯州）方面提供的帮助。

民主党内部的团结一致和强有力的支持。

黑人选民的大力支持。

少数民族选民的大力支持，特别是天主教徒，但远非仅限天主教徒的支持（尤其体现在纽约、布法罗、芝加哥、纽瓦克、费城、匹兹堡等大城市）。

尼克松在竞选过程中提出的不明智的允诺。

第二节  肯尼迪参加总统竞选的演讲

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning—signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge—and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do—for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah—to "undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free.

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor—not a new balance of power, but a new world of law—where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need—not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

今天我们庆祝的不仅仅是政党的胜利，更是自由的胜利。今天象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开始；今天意味着延续,也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。人类掌握着既能消灭世间的一切贫困，又能毁灭世间的一切生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的革命信念，在世界各地仍然备受争论。这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上天的恩赐。

至今，我们仍不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人都听到我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶。他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪，他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的，今天仍在国内外做出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道，不论它希望我们繁荣，还是希望我们衰落。为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，克服任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证，而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证像待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成。因为我们不敢在争吵不休和四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由。记住，在历史上，所有愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间。之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数的富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行的侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

联合国这个主权国家的世界性议事机构，是我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里，最后的最美好的希望所在。我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所，加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰。发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的扩散不断扩使双方忧心忡忡。然而双方却争着改变制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始。双方都要牢记：礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判，但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落的人们都倾听以赛亚的训令：“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的人得到自由。”

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力。不是建立一种新的平衡，而是创造一个新的法治世界。在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全，和平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响。不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人——专制、贫困、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民，还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。

第三节  精彩语录

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning—signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

今天我们庆祝的不仅仅是政党的胜利，更是自由的胜利。今天象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；今天意味着延续，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

人类掌握着既能消灭世间的一切贫困，又能毁灭世间的一切生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的革命信念，在世界各地仍然备受争论。这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上天的恩赐。

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

让每个国家都知道，不论它希望我们繁荣，还是希望我们衰落。为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，克服任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

We pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由。记住，在历史上，所有愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

全世界的公民们，不要问美国能为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

第二章  我信任的美国

第一节  背景介绍

美洲的居民并不是单一而稳定的。18世纪来到美洲的居民中，有一大部分是为了逃避宗教迫害的难民。美国革命胜利以后，经过托马斯·杰弗逊等人的共同努力，使著名的宗教自由法案在弗吉尼亚通过。1791年，美国国会通过第一个宪法修正案（权利法案），其中第一条规定：“国会不得制定下列法律：确立一种国教或禁止信教自由。”这些文件以其自由思想的光辉而炳彪史册，使美国成为西方第一个政教分离和信仰自由的国家。

但是宗教已经在美国人的心里打下了深深的烙印，其影响在美国根深而蒂固，这是众所公认的事实。教会人士历来对公众关心的问题发表自己的意见，近几届总统的竞选活动，则更明显地表现出政治家们利用宗教界为自己拉选票以达到其政治目的；而宗教团体则利用竞选活动扩大自己的影响，为把能代表其利益和观点的候选人推上台而奔忙。

美国的政治家们考虑到宗教的巨大影响，一直以来都千万百计地表示其对宗教信仰的虔诚，以取得信徒群众的拥护。从华盛顿开始，历届总统在其就职讲话中都要印证上帝。艾森豪威尔在其当选总统后宣称：“美国的伟大其力量与天才，首先建立于人民的宗教精神之上。”其后，在1955年他又说：“承认上帝的存在是美国作风第一位的和最重要的表现，没有对上帝的信仰，既不可能有美国的政治体制，也不可能有美国的生活方式。”美国总统约翰逊也曾说过：“美国政府最重要的传统是每日的祈祷，它们是立法程序中最重要的组成部分。”

尼克松也不例外，同样表达了自己对宗教的无限虔诚。他入主白宫后，每星期天都要轮流请各教会的传教士到白宫举行礼拜，既有新教牧师，也有天主教神父和犹太教拉比。尼克松说：“在白宫的礼拜必须带有全世界基督教统一运动的性质，即必须吸收所有的基督教会和犹太教会的人来讲道，其目的是为了给美国人树立虔信宗教的范例。”美国杂志《政治评论》写道：“尼克松的就职演说就像他是个国民宗教的主要牧师，他把美国存在的问题归结为‘精神危机’。”与此相应，传教士比利·格雷汉在白宫第一次讲道的题目就是“精神危机”。

美国的宗教界与政治息息相关。在这个宗教多元化的国家，各种宗教活动形形色色。从历史发展看，美国大多数居民是来自不同时期的欧、亚、非各洲的移民及其后裔，本身即属于不同的宗教和教派；从当前现实状况看，由于各种政治与社会原因，又产生了许多新的宗派和组织。美国可以说是世界宗教的万花筒，但主要的宗教仍然是基督教中的新教、天主教和犹太教。据统计，64%的美国人信奉基督教，另外还有500多万犹太教徒。

经历了各种斗争与演变，从战后美国宗教组织和神职界的变化来看，其立场与政治态度往往由于社会地位的不同而有所区别。当然占主导地位的仍然是与当权者的政策相一致的教派。

罗马天主教会在第二届梵蒂冈大公会议时，形成一个重要文件《论当代世界的宗教》，其中谈到：“教会由于其使命与本质，不和人类文化之任何个别形式或政治、经济之社会体制相联系。正因此普世性，教会得以与各不同之人类社会与民族保持紧密联系。”教皇约翰·保罗二世在其上台后，第一封致世界的教函中就提到了教会独立于政治之外的地位。他写道：“我们没有任何进行政治干涉并参与解决世俗事务之意图，如同教会不接受任何人间体制的范畴一样。我们对待人们与各民族间的那些重要问题的态度是：我们的活动仅限于宗教与道德方面。我们的目的是：巩固人类社会应该依赖的精神基础。”然而事实上，神圣教廷及其所属教会并非一尘不染，不干预各国政治。

美国的天主教会是世界上最富有的教会。美国记者尼·罗·贝罗认为，美国天主教会有800亿美元的财产，他们的年收入为125亿左右。神甫理查·金瑟发表文章指出，美国天主教会是一家最大的公司，他说：“我们在每一地区都有分支机构，我们在国外的存款和不动产超过了美国石油公司、美国电话电报公司、美国钢铁公司的国外存款和不动产加在一起的总和。”美国的天主教会近年来获得越来越多的信徒，据统计大约有5000万信徒。如果把新教各教派和组织分开计算的话，则天主教会是人数最多的一个教会。

美国天主教会有如此雄厚的实力，必然努力提高其在国家事务中之作用，因此他们积极活动在美国的政坛之上。从马萨诸塞州选入国会的众议员、耶稣会士罗伯特·特拉因在当年曾承认，“那些积极在众议院和参议院幕后活动的人中间不乏天主教会的代表。”

按照美国的传统，总统一般都是新教徒。直到1961年，天主教徒约翰·肯尼迪入主白宫，才打破了这一传统，显示了天主教会的力量。但以后各届总统仍然是新教徒，不过在国家机器的高级职员中，天主教徒越来越多地占有显赫的位置。

肯尼迪在竞选美国总统时，由于自己是罗马天主教徒遭到对手和舆论的攻击，他的宗教信仰成了他入主白宫的最大障碍。尽管美国宪法明确规定：“参议员和众议员，各州议会成员，合众国和各州所有行政和司法官员，都应宣誓或者代誓陈词支持本宪法；但决不能以宗教检验为担任合众国家任何官职和公职的条件。”但出于政治目的，肯尼迪的宗教信仰还是引起了竞选对手和舆论的声讨。1960年9月7日，《纽约时报》头版刊登了一篇文章，新教牧师称罗马天主教具有教会和教皇国的双重身份，因此肯尼迪的信仰在竞选活动中是一个合法性问题。肯尼迪必须对此宣传给予有力的回击，否则至少会带来150万票的损失。于是肯尼迪决定对新教牧师发表一次演讲，详细阐述他的宗教观。

在南方和在其他地方一样，最难处理的就是宗教问题。随着一些著名的新教牧师于9月7日成立了一个新机构“全国争取宗教自由公民大会”，这个问题很快就成为了头号问题。这个机构开了一整天的秘密会议，之后发表了一项公开声明，向肯尼迪提出了一连串的质询。声明清楚地表明无论肯尼迪作出什么样的答复，他的宗教信仰问题总是使他不能被接受为总统。他们说肯尼迪没有完全抛弃他的教会教义，不能摆脱天主教统治集团的“破坏政教分离之墙的坚决的努力”。波士顿的哈罗德·奥肯加牧师说，肯尼迪像赫鲁晓夫那样是“一种制度的俘虏”。

肯尼迪极其勉强地接受了一项邀请，出席得克萨斯州休斯敦牧师协会宗教问题的研讨会。尼克松则谢绝了这个团体发出的类似邀请。他的团队在洛杉矾花了整个周末，其后又在埃尔帕索搞了一个通宵来起草演讲稿。肯尼迪希望把他的立场说得异常清楚而全面，使任何一个通情达理的人都决不会对他恪守宪法的态度有所怀疑。

这次会议将通过电视向得克萨斯全州播出，肯尼迪穿了一套黑色西服，打了一条黑领带，有点紧张地坐在讲台后面主持会议的两个牧师当中。从另一面注视着他的是休斯敦的新教牧师。当肯尼迪赴会前穿衣服时，皮埃尔·塞林格曾告诉他：“这些新教牧师因为反对一个天主教徒而被人们称作顽固派，这件事已经使他们感到厌烦了。”在座的还有一大批飞来参加这场重大对抗的全国性报刊的权威评论家。会场的气氛显得紧张而敌对。

最后，主持人把肯尼迪介绍给大家，气氛马上缓和了下来。这次演说是他竞选中最好的一篇，而且也是他一生中最重要的演说之一。只有他的就职演说在气势和修辞方面超过了它。新教徒和天主教徒对于他为自己的信念作出的简明总结非常赞赏。

“问题不在于我信奉的是什么宗教，因为这只有对我个人才是重要的事；问题在于我所信奉的是一个什么样的美国。”

“我信奉的是一个政教绝对分离的美国——在这里，没有哪一个天主教教长会命令总统（假如他是一个天主教徒的话）怎样行事，也没有哪一个新教牧师会命令他的教区居民去投谁的票……在这里，宗教自由具有如此的不可分割性，以致反对一个教会的行为就被看作是反对所有教会的行为。”

休斯敦的这场较量并没有结束宗教方面的论战，也没有使议论肯尼迪的人沉默下去。不过不仅在赖斯大饭店的舞厅里，而且在整个得克萨斯州和全国各地都受到广泛而热烈的赞扬。这次较量使候选人没有必要进一步再作出任何全面的答复。肯尼迪虽然仍继续答复询问，但不再提起这个问题。这场较量提供了一份文件，它对任何通情达理的人所能提出的全部问题都作了答复。它有助于把正当关心肯尼迪观点的公民和从他出生伊始就谴责他的狂热分子区分开来。

肯尼迪认识到，他在竞选中最迫切的任务就是要用其他事情来转移人们对他宗教信仰问题的关注。他在四十五个州的五百多次演讲、记者招待会和发表的声明虽然对此会有所帮助，但这些听众合计起来也只占全体选民极小的部分。解决的办法就是要利用电视。

但是电台和电视台的昂贵费用使民主党的经费大为紧张——单单花在联播节目上的费用就达一百万美元以上。全国性的无线电网——电视联播网不惜牺牲几百万美元的代价（而且不顾无数大为不满的紧张喜剧和西部作品爱好者的抱怨），在较早的时候便提出免费让两大政党的候选人一起到台上进行辩论。

像所有重要的共和党人一样，艾森豪威尔劝尼克松不要同肯尼迪辩论。尼克松在全国各地远比他的对手知名。他被认为是较为成熟和较有经验的。他没有理由去帮助肯尼迪集结观众。后者在1952年同洛奇的辩论，在西弗吉尼亚州同汉弗莱的辩论，以及在洛杉矶代表大会上同约翰逊的辩论都获得很好的成绩。

但是尼克松也有自信的理由。他在1946年的一场辩论中击败了一名能干的众议员并从此开始了他的政治生涯。他在莫斯科同赫鲁晓夫即席的“厨房辩论”显著地提高了他在民意测验中受欢迎的百分比。

由于要维护这种声誉，由于自信能够击败肯尼迪，由于希望通过辩论去影响他需要其选票的几百万民主党人和无党派人士，据说还由于注意到免费电视广播经济上的利益，并考虑到两党的全国主席已经暗示两位候选人为了公众的利益应当接受邀请，尼克松感到要体面地退缩是不可能的。8月间，当他在共和党全国代表大会获得提名以后，联播公司立即提出了一项具体的建议。肯尼迪马上接受了并对尼克松直率地提出了挑战。四天以后，使肯尼迪惊奇和高兴的是副总统也接受了。

最后双方达成了协议，决定连续举行四次广播，每次一小时，由所有的电视网和无线电网同时联播。这四次辩论特别是第一次，对选举结果起了决定性的作用。

肯尼迪获胜的部分原因是由于他认识到，这场继林肯和道格拉斯以来最有历史意义的辩论必然会产生空前的影响，而且必然会有一千倍以上的观众观看。他唯一的希望是自己可以为此作好充分的准备和获得充分的情报。为了这个目的，在第一次辩论之前他们把材料压缩制成卡片，并花了许多时间来探讨国内每一问题的事实和数字，以及肯尼迪的每一项指责和尼克松的每一项反指责。他们向肯尼迪提出所能料想到的一切棘手的和敏感的问题。有一次会议是在他下榻的芝加哥旅馆阳光灿烂的屋顶上召开的，另一次是在他的起居室召开的，最后一次是他在一张堆满档案卡片的床上安然地午睡了将近三小时后在他的卧室里举行的。从某种意义上说，他通过和新闻记者、大学听众、电视讨论会等几百次快速的答辩会议，已经为这个时刻准备了好几年。

在他换衣服的时候，他把自己的紧张心情比作一个即将进入麦迪逊广场花园拳击场的职业拳击家的心情。对此，戴夫·鲍尔斯回答说：“不，参议员，这比较像世界棒球锦标赛开幕式上的投手，因为你一定要赢得这四次辩论。”在乘车去电视台的途中，他没有说话有点紧张。一个助手就怎样在电视上讲话所提出的陈腐意见被他直率地打断了。交通灯也使他恼火。在广播室里，他派戴夫·鲍尔斯去旅馆拿一件蓝色的衬衣，又看了一遍他的笔记本，随即把它放下，由电视台人员为他稍微化了一下装。由于他一直晒得很黑，加上那天在旅馆屋顶上又晒了一下，因此不需要多少化装。他和尼克松紧张不安地互相微笑，寒暄了两句后，便呆坐着等到晚上八点半钟。

肯尼迪首先讲话，他讲得平静、直率，也许太快一点并且不够生动，不过却讲得十分有力。他的语句简短而锐利。他所选择的题目和用语都是他在竞选的最初几周里所熟悉的。

“我认为摆在美国人民面前的问题是：我们是不是在尽可能地做我们所能做的一切？……如果我们失败了，自由也就失败了。……作为一个美国人，我对我们所取得的进展并不满意。……这是一个伟大的国家，但是我认为它能够成为一个更伟大的国家。”

“我并不满意。”他继续说下去，“因为我们的钢铁生产能力有50％没有利用，我们的经济增长率在工业国家中是最低的。价值几十亿美元的粮食在仓库里腐烂，而几百万人却忍饥挨饿。苏联培养出的科学家和工程师的人数比我们多两倍，学校学生过多，教师待遇太低。自然资源没有开发，而由于种族歧视那么多美国人的才能都浪费掉了。”他结束他的开场白时的那种绝对的信心在全国各地的电视屏上都可以感觉出来。

在结束语中，肯尼迪起先简短地答复了剩下的几项指责，后来几乎完全把尼克松撇在了一旁。他以辩论开始以来双方都未曾表现出的高度热情直接地向听众说话：“……只有你们才能决定……你们要这个国家成为一个什么样的国家，你们要对将来做些什么事情。我认为我们已经为采取行动作好了准备。”尼克松的结束语听起来内容空洞处于守势。当肯尼迪仍然保持着主动信心十足地讲完时，尼克松蹙起了眉头。

詹姆斯·赖斯顿第二天写道，第一次辩论“并没有使两个总统候选人中的哪一个得势或是失势”。报纸的大字标题大多数也把这次辩论称为平局。但是即使是平局，也是肯尼迪的一场胜利。现在，又有许许多多选民知道肯尼迪了，而且是在赞许的气氛中知道他的。抱怀疑态度和持异议的民主党人现在全团结到他这边来了。震惊的共和党人再也不能说他不成熟和没经验了。新教徒也不再把肯尼迪只当作一个天主教徒了。

在辩论结束后不久，双方都进行了民意测验。那天深夜乘着“卡罗琳”号飞往俄亥俄时，肯尼迪一面喝着啤酒和汤使精神放松下来，一面对他所扮演的角色和所作的答辩作了全面的回顾，他在体力上和精神上都已经很疲惫了。但他感到自信而快乐，没有什么可以遗憾的。他对在每个问题上他所希望说而已经说的话并没有感到不满意。后来，他说：“事后，你总可以有所改进的，不过我宁愿满足于已有的状况。我认为一切全都不错。”

不久，他就发现还有许许多多人也都认为一切全都不错。拥护他的群众的人数和热情立即大为增长。尼克松的新闻秘书不得不发布了一条消息，大意是说他们的总统候选人身体极佳，精神很好。肯尼迪收到了先前态度犹豫的南方民主党州长们热烈祝贺他的一份电报，他们一共九个人，他们在霍特斯普林斯举行的会议上观看了这场辩论。共和党的政客们团团围住尼克松，要他显得健康点，说话要强硬点。俄亥俄州的保守派参议员弗兰克·劳希决定加入肯尼迪的队伍。早在代表大会前就一直表现冷淡的民主党人——包括史蒂文森的支持者、大城市的党魁们，尤其是新教徒全开始为肯尼迪效劳了。

第二次、第三次和第四次辩论几乎是虎头蛇尾。不仅是观看这几次辩论的选民人数较少——特别是尚未表态和消息闭塞的选民人数较少——而且这几次辩论的影响也较小。对这三次辩论人们认为双方的比分都很接近。尼克松改而采取攻势，但是作用已很小，时间也太迟了。有些人说他“赢了”第三个回合——那一次他和肯尼迪分别在不同的城市播出，这显然使尼克松觉得轻松一些，但是这也无济于事。调查表明，总的说来这场辩论是肯尼迪取得了胜利。

1960年9月12日，肯尼迪面对300多名新教牧师和全国几百万电视观众慷慨陈词，肺腑之言打动了那些攻击他宗教信仰的人。他开宗明义地说：“有必要谈谈宗教问题。”但之后他话题一转，把听众的视线引到贫穷和科技落后上，认为这些都是决定这次竞选的现实问题。从而把宗教和政治剥离开来，他说：“它们不是宗教问题，因为战争、饥饿、愚昧和绝望不存在宗教界限。”

当然，肯尼迪这个天主教徒竞选总统在美国是新生事物，美国过去从来没有过信仰天主教的总统。他重申政教分离的原则，“不在乎我信仰什么宗教——那对我个人来说固然重要，而在乎我信仰一个什么样的美国。”他把自己竞选美国总统看作是和宗教信仰不相干的事情，抨击攻击他的人把他的宗教信仰做靶子是风马牛不相及。

肯尼迪依据宪法来为自己进行辩护，强调美国不把天主教、新教或犹太教作为国教，政教要绝对分离。并劝告选民选举总统是政治事务，不要受宗教因素的影响，希望在美国新教的牧师不会告诉他教区的居民去投谁的票。肯尼迪一再宣称，宗教信仰自由包括各教派之间的平等，不能相互排挤、攻击、仇视，所有的人和所有的教会享受平等相处，任何人都有同样的权利根据自己的选择参加或不参加一个教会。“如果今天我成为宗教信仰的牺牲品，明天就会轮到你们。”

针对总统的宗教信仰问题，他说：“一个总统的宗教观是他自己的私人事情，他不能把自己的宗教观强加于国家，国家也不能把宗教信仰作为选择总统的一个先决条件。”并用第一条宪法修正案为自己的观点辩护。1791年12月15日批准的第一条修正案规定：“国会不得制定关于下列事项的法律：确立国教或禁止信教自由；剥夺言论自由或出版自由；或剥夺人民和平集会和向政府请愿伸冤的权利。”

肯尼迪引经据典，通过列举先辈为美国的独立和自由而斗争的英勇事迹，进一步说明美国历史是各宗教和平共处、共同为美国梦而奋斗的历史，“没人知道他们是不是天主教徒，因为那里没有宗教检验”。

身为罗马天主教徒的他强烈反对罗马教廷政教合一的思想，当然是为了赢得新教徒的选票。在他担任国会议员期间，他曾反对向罗马教廷派驻大使，反对违反宪法向天主教堂区学校提供资助。因为在1884年美国主教团举行的第3次巴尔的摩全体会议要求，天主教父母必须让自己的孩子在堂区学校受教育，不允许天主教家庭的孩子在公立学校读书。肯尼迪以身说法，说他自己就曾在公立学校读书，以此来说明自己并不是偏激的天主教徒。他批评天主教领导的申明，说那些申明忽略了1948年美国主教坚决支持政教分离的申明。他很会做统一战线工作，让新教消除对美国天主教的误解，说政教分离的申明几乎反映了所有美国天主教徒的观点。

肯尼迪也对世界其他国家的宗教政策给予点评：“我完全反对国家被任何宗教集团不管是天主教还是新教所利用，用来强迫、禁止或骚扰其他宗教的自由礼拜，反对任何人在任何时间、任何国家迫害任何宗教信徒。我希望你们和我满怀同样的热情谴责那些禁止新教总统的国家，谴责那些禁止天主教总统的国家。”结合自己的实际，他说：“我不是天主教总统候选人。我是民主党总统候选人，而恰巧还是个天主教徒。”他表明在公共事务上并不代表他所在的教会，他所在的教会也不能代表他。并表示如果他不能做到这一点，他就会辞去总统一职，并希望任何一个有良心的公仆也会这么做。

他毕竟说了不少罗马教廷的不是，为了避免给人造成为了拉票而不得不背叛自己的宗教之嫌，他说：“我无意在指责我的天主教徒或新教徒面前辩解我这些观点，我也无意为了赢得这次总统大选而否认我的观点或背叛我的教会。”

最后，他警告美国选民，如果把个人的宗教信仰问题和总统竞选扯在一起，那对美国人民来说将是场灾难。“如果这次大选的基础是让4000万美国人从他们受浸礼那天起就失去当总统的机会的话，那么在世界各地的天主教徒和非天主教徒看来，在历史上看来，在我们美国人民看来，真正的输家将是整个美国。”

肯尼迪的精彩演讲迅速掳掠了选民的心，化解了新教徒的误解。在演讲结束后，一个在电视机前看他演讲的选民跳起来喊道：“太棒了！听听他说的，他简直是在给那些人洗脑。这个年轻人一定会成为一个伟大的总统！”

在肯尼迪执政的年代里，美国政治上影响最为深远的一种变化也随之出现。天主教徒当选总统的禁令寿终正寝了。约翰·肯尼迪向世人表明，一个天主教徒能够顶得住天主教会统治集团在一项对于双方均有实际意义的法案上所施加的全部压力。因而在全国各地新教教堂的讲坛上，他也受到了赞扬。例如，在竞选运动中反对他最厉害的一个人——达拉斯的W.A.克里斯韦尔博士也号召他教区内的教友支持肯尼迪总统和宪法。甚至新教徒和其他美国人支持政教分离联合会也报道说，他们“对肯尼迪总统感到极其满意，因为他的强硬立场将使所有主张政教分离的人感到安心和鼓舞。……我们希望美国人民支持肯尼迪总统同他自己教会的主教们对抗。”

许多普通的天主教徒和几家类似《公益》之类的天主教刊物支持总统的立场。他的朋友红衣主教库欣还号召天主教徒们看清楚多数人反对用税款补助教区学校这一事实，并呼吁他们“既不要强行通过这种法案使国家陷于分裂，也不要因为他们自己没有达到目的而施展他们在国会中的政治影响，以阻挠其他有益于教育的法案”。但总统再次感到天主教统治集团的大多数成员既反对他，也反对他的计划。在1961年的格里狄龙宴会上，他谈到了以前的一个反天主教的传说：艾尔·史密斯在1928年的失败阻碍了罗马教皇“接管”美国，当时他曾向教皇发了一份只有一句话的电报——“打开铺盖睡觉！”

到1963年，肯尼迪看不出形势会发生任何变化，而最高法院作出的在公立学校强制学生做祈祷是非法的这一裁定，多少使形势有点恶化了。总统在那年的宴会上用了一句切合实际的妙语来概括这项措施获得通过的可能性。他说：“首席法官使我确信，我们的学校法案显然是符合宪法的，因为没有人为它做祈祷。”

最高法院关于学校做祈祷问题的决定，以及另一项关于学校里读《圣经》问题的决定，大有在1964年的总统竞选中引起新的宗教争端的危险。1960年，保守的新教徒曾经谴责过所有的天主教徒，说他们要谋求打破政教之间的界线，打乱宪法上关于信教自由的微妙的平衡以及威胁公立学校的非宗教性质，但是保守的新教徒中有许多人在1963年时根本没有意识到其自相矛盾，又出来谴责最高法院关于取消在公立学校朗诵正式的祈祷文和读《圣经》的决定，并要求修改宪法以允许公立学校学生做祷告和读《圣经》。大多数天主教领袖和许多自由派的新教徒，也像美国州长会议和国会许多有势力的议员一样攻击这两项决定。

由于因最高法院、学校法案、天主教徒总统及其重新当选等问题所引起的种种争论都交织到了一起，一场新的不愉快的斗争临近了。但是总统设法使这些决定中的刺激性成份大大减少，并使任何修改宪法的势头大大减弱。他在记者招待会上就祷告问题的询问作了深思熟虑的答复，从而达到了上述目的。他说：“我认为即使我们不同意最高法院的决定，我们还应支持这些决定……这很重要。此外，在这件事上我们有一个很方便的补救办法，即我们自己做祷告。……我们可以在家里做更多的祷告，我们可以虔诚地去教堂做礼拜，我们可以使祷告的真正意义在我们所有孩子的生活中变得更加重要。这种权力是我们谁都可以使用的。”

这种答复典型地说明了肯尼迪在整个执政期间对于宗教争端处理得多么出色。他使曾经警告说他可能会削弱宪法的所有批评者感到失望，也使曾经希望他会削弱宪法的所有天主教徒感到失望。他的政府清楚表明，这个国家并没有法定是天主教的，新教的，甚至基督教的国家，而是一个民主共和国，任何宗教或某一教会都不能通过法令在这里立足或受到抑制。

肯尼迪说话算数，在挑选公职人员时他确实没有显示出任何宗教上的偏爱，也没有显示出惧怕教士们的压力，他忠心为国，矢志不渝。总统并没有向梵蒂冈派遣大使。在他的支持下，联邦政府悄悄地但是广泛地加强了在生育和人口控制方面的活动——增加对这方面研究的补助，支持联合国扩大这方面的努力，并主动协助需要这方面情报资料的其他国家获得更多的情报。肯尼迪曾对得克萨斯州的传教士说过，他会以总统的身份毫不犹豫地去参加新教礼拜，所以他在任期的第一年就乘飞机到得克萨斯州去参加了萨姆·雷伯恩的葬礼。

肯尼迪同这时已经很友好的比利·格雷厄姆一起参加新教的祷告晨餐，在白宫接见形形色色的新教牧师，而且私下会见反天主教的小册子作者保尔·布兰沙德，争取他赞同把私立大学也包括进高等教育法案中去。他还像其他任何一个总统那样无拘无束地去拜会了罗马教皇（但是没有遵照他自己的先例和适用于国家元首的外交礼仪去下跪或亲吻保罗教皇的戒指，而是仅仅握握手而已）。

由于约翰·肯尼迪所树立的榜样，美国天主教会变得不再那么受到外界的指责，而更多的是需要进行内部的改革了。

但总统始终没有改变或贬低他的天主教信仰，他也没有减少去教堂做祷告的次数或掩盖这个事实。他很自豪地保存着一个军人身份牌，上面刻着前所未有的一行字：“约翰·F.肯尼迪——总司令——血型O——罗马天主教徒。”

第二节  肯尼迪于1960年对大休斯顿部长协会的演讲

Reverend Meza, Reverend Reck,

I'm grateful for your generous invitation to state my views.

While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the 1960 campaign; the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power—the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctors bills, the families forced to give up their farms—an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space. These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues—for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barrier.

But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured—perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again—not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me—but what kind of America I believe in.

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute; where no Catholic prelate would tell the President—should he be Catholic—how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him.

I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish; where no public official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source; where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials, and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.

For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been—and may someday be again—a Jew, or a Quaker, or a Unitarian, or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that led to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today, I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you—until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.

Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men and all churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the pastoral levels, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood. That is the kind of America in which I believe.

And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe, a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of any religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding it—its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.

I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty; nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so. And neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test, even by indirection. For if they disagree with that safeguard, they should be openly working to repeal it.

I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none, who can attend any ceremony, service, or dinner his office may appropriately require of him to fulfill; and whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual, or obligation.

This is the kind of America I believe in—and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we might have a divided loyalty, that we did not believe in liberty, or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened—I quote—"the freedoms for which our forefathers died."

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches—when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom—and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died Fuentes, and McCafferty, and Bailey, and Badillo, and Carey—but no one knows whether they were Catholics or not. For there was no religious test there.

I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition—to judge me on the basis of 14 years in the Congress, on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools—which I attended myself. And instead of doing this, do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here. And always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed Church-State separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.

I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts. Why should you?

But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the State being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or prosecute the free exercise of any other religion. And that goes for any persecution, at any time, by anyone, in any country. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants, and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as France and Ireland, and the independence of such statesmen as De Gaulle and Adenauer.

But let me stress again that these are my views. For contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.

I do not speak for my church on public matters; and the church does not speak for me. Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views—in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.

But if the time should ever come—and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible—when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do likewise.

But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith; nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.

If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I'd tried my best and was fairly judged.

But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.

But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency—practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can, solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution—so help me God.

米扎牧师、雷克牧师：

非常感谢你们盛情邀请我来谈谈自己的观点。

尽管所谓宗教问题是今晚的主要话题，但我想从一开始就强调，我们在1960年的选举中还有许多重大问题要面对：那些不再尊重我们权力的人对我们的总统和副总统的侮辱性对待，我在西佛吉尼亚州见到的饥饿儿童，付不起医疗费的老人；被迫放弃农场的家庭，一个有太多贫民窟和太少学校的美国，以及一个迟迟不能涉足月球和外太空的美国。这些都是可能左右本届竞选的实际问题。而这些都不是宗教问题，因为战争、饥饿、无知和绝望并不知道什么是宗教壁垒。

但是因为我是天主教徒，而从未有过天主教徒当选总统，所以本届竞选中的实际问题变得模糊不清，这在某些不负责任的地区或许是有意为之。因此，我显然有必要再次说明，问题不在于我信仰哪种宗教（因为这应该只对我个人具有重要性），而在于我信任哪种美国。

我信任的美国应当是政教绝对分离；应当是没有天主教教长会告诉总统（如果总统是天主教徒）如何行动，也没有新教牧师会告诉其教民选举谁；应当是没有教会或教会学校得到任何公共资金或政治性优惠；应当是没有人仅仅因为其宗教信仰不同于对其有任命权的总统或不同于对其有选择权的人而被拒绝担任公职。

我信任的美国应当是在公务上既非天主教、新教，也非犹太教；应当是没有公务人员就公共政策请示罗马教皇、全国教会理事会或任何其他神职机构，或者接受其指示；应当是没有宗教团体试图将其意志直接或间接地强加于广大民众或公职人员的公务行为；应当是宗教自由不可分割，即违背一种宗教的行为当视为违背所有宗教的行为。

尽管今年的怀疑对象可能是天主教徒，但其他年份的怀疑对象则曾经是犹太教徒，或者是贵格教徒、唯一神派教徒或浸礼教徒，而且可能有朝一日再来一次。例如，佛吉尼亚州的浸礼教传教士骚乱催生了杰斐逊区的宗教自由法案。今天我可能是受害者，而明天的受害者就可能是你，如此轮回，直到我们和谐社会的整体结构在巨大的民族劫难中四分五裂。

最后，我信任的美国应当是宗教排他现象有朝一日会终结；应当是平等对待所有人和所有宗教；应当是人人都有平等的权利选择加入或不加入某宗教；应当是没有拥护天主教的投票，没有反对天主教的投票，也没有任何形式的集团投票；应当是天主教徒、新教教徒和犹太教徒（包括普通信徒和牧师级信徒）摒弃过去那种妨碍工作的鄙视和分裂的态度，转而弘扬美国的兄弟情谊理念。这就是我所信任的那种美国。

这代表着我所信任的总统职务，这一重要职务必须是既不会因充当任一宗教集团的工具而蒙受耻辱，也不会因擅自阻止任一宗教团体的成员担任该职务而黯然失色。我信任的总统应当是其宗教观点是他自己的私人事务，他既不会将其宗教观点强加于国家，也不会作为任职的条件接受国家强加给他的宗教观点。

我不会拥护暗中破坏《第一修正案》中保证宗教自由之规定的总统。我们的制衡制度也不允许他这样做。我也不会拥护那些通过以宗教作为任职检验标准（即便是以间接方式）来暗中破坏《宪法》第六条的人。他们如果不同意这种保护法案，就应当站出来公开争取将其废除。

我想要的总统应当是其公务行为对所有团体负责，却不对任何团体承担义务；应当是可以出席与其职位相适应的任何仪式、礼拜或宴会；应当是其总统就职誓言的履行，不受任何宗教宣誓、礼仪或义务的限制或左右。

这就是我所信任的美国，是我在南太平洋为之战斗的美国，是我的兄弟在欧洲为之牺牲的美国。当时，无人提出我们可以有‘分裂的忠诚’，无人提出我们‘不信仰自由’，也无人提出我们属于不忠诚的团体，而该团体威胁着‘我们的前辈为之牺牲的自由’。

实际上，这就是我们的前辈为之牺牲的美国。他们曾经逃到这里以躲避拒绝劣势宗教成员任职的宗教检验誓言；他们曾经为维护《宪法》《权利法案》和《弗吉尼亚宗教自由法案》而战；他们曾经在我今天访问的圣地阿拉莫战斗。与鲍威和克罗基特并肩战死的还有麦克卡弗蒂、贝利和凯里。但是，无人知道他们是不是天主教徒，因为在阿拉莫没有宗教检验。

今晚，我请你们按照这种传统来评判我。你们的评判可以根据我在国会工作14年的记录，可以根据我反对一位驻梵蒂冈大使的公开立场、反对违反宪法资助教区学校的公开立场以及反对公立学校举行任何联合抵制活动（我自己也参加过这种活动）的公开立场。但是，请不要根据我们大家见过的这些宣传册和出版物来评判我，因为这些宣传册和出版物精心选录了天主教会领导人的陈述，而且这些陈述往往是在外国，大多是在上几个世纪。当然，这些宣传册和出版物总是略去美国主教在1948年所作的声明，因为此声明强烈主张政教分离，并且更贴切地反映几乎每个美国天主教徒的观点。

我认为这些选录内容不会制约我的公务行为。那么，你们又为何以此来评判我呢？

但我要说，对于其他国家我完全反对国家被任何宗教集团（天主教或新教）所利用，用来强迫、禁止或骚扰其他任何宗教的自由活动。我希望你们和我一起，同样强烈地谴责那些拒绝新教徒担任总统职务的国家和那些拒绝天主教徒担任总统职务的国家。与其引述那些宗教歧视者的劣行，倒不如引述爱尔兰和法国这类国家的天主教会的记录，以及阿登纳和戴高乐这类政治家的独立性。

但我要再次强调，这些是我个人的观点。与常见报纸的报道方法相反，我不是天主教的总统候选人。我是民主党的总统候选人，但恰巧也是天主教徒。

我不代表我的教会谈论公共事务，教会也不代表我说话。作为总统无论有什么问题出现在我面前，无论是计划生育问题、离婚问题、审查制度问题、赌博问题还是其他任何问题，我都会按照这些观点做出我的决定，都会按照我的良知告诉我符合国家利益的方式做出决定，而不在乎外部的宗教压力或要求。任何权威或惩罚威胁都不能让我另作决定。

如果真有这样的时刻，我不可能对某种冲突做出丝毫让步，而我的职务要求我在违背良心和违背国家利益之间做出选择，那么我就会辞去总统职务。而且，我希望任何有良心的公务员都会这样做。

我不打算为这些观点向批评我的人道歉，无论他们是信仰天主教还是信仰新教；我也不打算为了赢得这届选举而否定我的观点或否定我的宗教。

如果我在实际问题上失败了，我将回到我在参议院的位置，并且为我已经尽力而且得到了公正的裁决而感到满意。

如果本届选举确定的基础是4000万美国人在其接受洗礼之日便失去了成为总统的机会，那么整个国家都将是输家。在全世界天主教徒和非天主教徒的眼中是这样，在历史的眼中是这样，在我们自己的人民眼中也是这样。

但另一方面，如果我赢得选举，我就会全心全意地履行总统就职誓言。或许我还可以加一句——这实际上与我在国会14年的誓言完全相同。毫无保留地说，我可以庄严宣誓，我将忠诚地履行美国总统的职务，将尽全力维护、保护和捍卫《宪法》，上帝作证。

第三节  精彩语录

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute; where no Catholic prelate would tell the President—should he be Catholic—how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him.

我信任的美国应当是政教绝对分离；应当是没有天主教教长会告诉总统（如果总统是天主教徒）如何行动，也没有新教牧师会告诉其教民选举谁；应当是没有教会或教会学校得到任何公共资金或政治性优惠；应当是没有人仅仅因为其宗教信仰不同于对其有任命权的总统或不同于对其有选择权的人而被拒绝担任公职。

I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish; where no public official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source; where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials, and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.

我信任的美国应当是在公务上既非天主教、新教，也非犹太教；应当是没有公务人员就公共政策请示罗马教皇、全国教会理事会或任何其他神职机构，或者接受其指示；应当是没有宗教团体试图将其意志直接或间接地强加于广大民众或公职人员的公务行为；应当是宗教自由不可分割，即违背一种宗教的行为当视为违背所有宗教的行为。

Today, I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you—until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.

今天我可能是受害者，而明天的受害者就可能是你。如此轮回，直到我们和谐社会的整体结构在巨大的民族劫难中四分五裂。

I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men and all churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the pastoral levels, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.

我信任的美国应当是宗教排他现象有朝一日会终结；应当是平等对待所有人和所有宗教；应当是人人都有平等的权利选择加入或不加入某宗教；应当是没有拥护天主教的投票，没有反对天主教的投票，也没有任何形式的集团投票；应当是天主教徒、新教教徒和犹太教徒（包括普通信徒和牧师级信徒）摒弃过去那种妨碍工作的鄙视和分裂的态度，转而弘扬美国的兄弟情谊理念。

第三章  人人生来平等

第一节  背景介绍

肯尼迪在国内政策方面提出了众多计划，如改善城市住房条件、发展教育事业、改革税收制度、修改农业计划、保护和发展天然资源、为老年人提供良好的医疗保健、反对种族歧视、给黑人以公平权利等。但这些计划在实施过程中大多遭到来自各方的重重阻碍，尤其是国会。到1963年7月，美国媒体在评论肯尼迪的内政计划实施情况时指出，政府开支已经达到940亿美元，1963年的财政赤字将达到70亿美元，黄金储备量下降到自1939年以来的最低点。大规模减税的议案和给予黑人公平权利的议案被再三拖延，直到1964年肯尼迪遇刺身亡后才获得通过。修改农业计划、援助公立学校法案和其他一些议案，也纷纷搁浅或被迫放弃。

肯尼迪在其任期内废止了一些苛刻的财政方针，放松了货币政策以保持低利率，从而鼓励经济增长。这个举措之后被当作20世纪70年代经济问题的组成部分而受到批评，因为政府庞大的开销助长了通货膨胀。在1962年，肯尼迪提出了总额为1000亿美元的年度财政预算，在1961年，肯尼迪任期内的第一个年度预算导致了美国历史上第一次非战争、非经济衰退引起的财政赤字。

作为总统，肯尼迪审查了之前针对死刑政策的联邦决议案和军事决议案。艾奥瓦州州长哈罗德·休斯是一名死刑反对者，他以个人名义联系肯尼迪，请求他宽待维克多·费戈尔—一名曾经在艾奥瓦州法院被判处死刑的罪犯，但肯尼迪最终拒绝了这个请求，最后费戈尔于1963年3月15日被处以死刑。1962年2月12日，肯尼迪对一名被军事法庭判处死刑的海军士兵吉米·汉德森予以减刑，把死刑减为无期徒刑。

在美国，国家默许的种族歧视造成的动荡是肯尼迪时代最大的国内问题之一。美国联邦最高法院已经于1954年在布朗诉托皮卡教育局案中规定，在公立学校实行种族隔离制度是违背宪法的。然而，在很多学校特别是在美国南部的学校，并没有服从最高法院的相关规定。种族隔离在公车上、餐厅里、电影院里、厕所里和其他一些公共场所都在继续着。肯尼迪支持种族融合与公民权益，在1960年的一次活动中他致电给科丽塔·斯科特·金——被判刑入狱的牧师马丁·路德·金的夫人，肯尼迪认为马丁·路德·金可以为他带来一些来自于黑人的支持。肯尼迪和他的弟弟司法部长罗伯特·肯尼迪的介入，为提前释放马丁·路德·金奠定了基础。

1962年，詹姆斯·莫瑞德斯尝试去密西西比州大学上课，但白人大学生对其百般阻挠。之后肯尼迪派了400名法警以及3000名士兵以确保莫瑞德斯可以顺利地上他的第一节课。肯尼迪还派遣了一些法警去保护主张自由的人士。

作为一名总统，肯尼迪最初认为民权的草根运动只会激怒南部的白人，从而使民权法案更难在国会通过，因为国会主要被南部民主党人士占据，所以肯尼迪自己也对他们和这件事敬而远之。最后的结果就是许多民权领袖认为，肯尼迪不支持他们以及他们所作的努力。

1963年11月6日，阿拉巴马州州长乔治·华莱士堵住了亚拉巴马大学教室的门，以阻止两个非洲裔学生薇薇安·马龙·琼斯和詹姆斯·霍德去上课，肯尼迪总统对此进行了干预。乔治·华莱士在法警、副总检察长尼古拉斯·卡岑巴赫和亚拉巴马州国民警卫队到来之后站到了一旁。在那一晚肯尼迪通过国家电视及广播作了著名的讲话。肯尼迪的倡导最后变成了1964年公民权益法案。

第二次世界大战后，由于受亚非国家有色人种争取民族独立斗争胜利的鼓舞，以及工业化的发展，大批黑人流入城市。美国黑人是美国人数最多的少数民族，长期受到种族歧视，处于社会最底层，这使黑人地位问题成为全国性问题。20世纪50年代中期至60年代中期，美国黑人掀起了反对种族歧视和种族压迫，争取政治经济和社会平等权利的大规模斗争运动。

长久以来，美国国内存在的一个尖锐的社会问题就是对黑人的种族歧视和压迫。在就业方面存在种族歧视，黑人一般从事笨重的劳动和最受轻视的职业，平均工资只有白人的1/3~1/2，失业比例很高。在教育、住房、交通等方面存在明显的种族隔离。这一切矛盾在积累了多年之后终于爆发出来，反种族歧视斗争以小石城事件为标志蓬勃的开展开来。

在小石城事件前后，黑人还开展了反对公共场所和共用事业中种族隔离的斗争。马丁·路德·金博士是最杰出的一名领导者，他领导了多项民权运动。例如1955年12月初，由马丁·路德·金牧师在蒙哥马利市领导的抵制公共汽车运动，很快波及35个城市。起因是12月1日，黑人女裁衣工罗莎·帕可斯夫人在蒙哥马利市乘坐公共汽车时，因拒绝给白人让座而被拘留。12月5日法院以“擅占白人专座”违反隔离法而被判处监禁14天。

1955年，阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利市黑人为反对公共汽车上的种族隔离制度，坚持抵制公共汽车运动达一年之久。在马丁路德金领导下，黑人高举“从今后不要乘坐公共汽车”的标语抵制公共汽车。经过长期斗争，美国最高法院判决公共汽车上的种族隔离违宪。此事件表明，黑人运动由合法斗争发展到非暴力直接行动的新阶段，是黑人民权运动开始的标志。

1956年11月13日，美国联邦最高法院判定，在公共汽车上实行种族隔离即为违宪，在这之后，马丁·路德·金又领导了一系列人权运动并获得了成功。难能可贵的是他主张以和平的方式解决问题，继承了印度圣雄甘地的思想，反对以暴制暴。在1963年马丁·路德·金在聚集了25万人的林肯纪念塔前，发表了举世闻名的演说《我有一个梦想》。

他说：“我梦寐以求地希望，人人生来平等；我梦寐以求地希望，从前的奴隶的儿子和从前的奴隶主的儿子将会像兄弟般地坐在一张桌子旁。我梦寐以求地希望，这个国家有一天将不再根据肤色，而是根据品德来评定一个人的为人。”由于他的非暴力抵抗主张，使他获得了1964年的诺贝尔和平奖。这位优秀的黑人领袖却在几年之后，被狂热的种族分子枪杀。但他的努力没有白费，他领导的非暴力抵抗运动，不但赢得了蒙哥马利市公共汽车种族隔离制度的废除，还赢得了全国全世界对伯明翰市黑人运动的关注和同情；不但胜利地组织了向首都华盛顿的大进军，还深深地打动了包括总统肯尼迪在内的各阶层白人的心；不但促成了美国国会通过民权法案，从法律上正式结束了美国黑人的被歧视地位，还最终使得美国政府颁布了一系列的法令使黑人在法律上能够享受更多的权利。

面对对共产主义者马丁·路德·金的指控，肯尼迪政府同意让联邦调查局对一些人实行窃听，其中包括马丁·路德·金。提出原始指控的除了J.埃德加·胡佛之外别无他人，他十分憎恨金，因为他认为金是个“经常制造麻烦的暴发户”。尽管罗伯特·肯尼迪作为司法部长只书面允许有限度的窃听，但是在胡佛势力控制下的联邦调查局，将权力扩大到可以监控任何和金的生活有关的事，他们认为有必要这样做。林登·约翰逊1967年在国家联盟上的演说中，引用了“窥视”和“窃听”来形容肯尼迪政府，而其实约翰逊自己还继续默许对金和其他人的窃听。

自1862年9月22日，美国第十二届总统林肯发表《解放黑人奴隶宣言》以来，已有147年，但实际上种族之间的隔阂一直根深蒂固的存在着。这种现象在20世纪60年代时有了极大的转变。1964年约翰逊总统签署了《民权法》，1965年又通过了《选民登记法》《移民改革法》和《公平宅地法》等一系列法律。这些措施都旨在消除美国社会黑人与白人之间的隔离界限。

60年代的民权运动标志着美国人对本国种族问题看法的转变，在此之前虽然也有黑人运动，但规模很小且十分分散，并未获得有效的结果。而60年代之后美国白人的种族态度发生了变化，有史以来第一次大多数白人接受了种族平等的观念。民权运动带来了白人种族态度的大变化，使种族歧视无论从法律上还是道义上均被视为错误态度。虽然现在仍存在一些种族歧视现象，不过在多数人的努力之下这一问题最终会得到解决，马丁·路德·金的梦想也终会实现。

民权问题在马萨诸塞州不是一个重要的争端，因为反对种族歧视的正义法律和持续不断的种族歧视行为在那里已经相安无事地共存了许多年。虽然如此，肯尼迪当众议员和参议员时，都曾参加到两院中拥护民权的小集团中去。他支持一个强有力的公平就业委员会，支持取消人头税，支持反对私刑的立法，并支持修订关于妨碍议事活动的规则。在来自新英格兰的众议员中，他是第一个委派一个黑人做他的工作人员的。

1957年，肯尼迪支持行政部门提出的温和的但是创先例的选举权法案。许多维护民权的民主党人私下也同意莫尔斯的意见，认为放弃传统程序所引起的恶感会使一个强有力的议案更难获得通过。但是由于他们担心在政治上被尼克松和共和党人的策略所击败，所以他们大多数人全投票支持尼克松的裁定，而肯尼迪支持按正常程序的投票，则被民权派的领袖们谴责为企图在总统竞选中争取南方的支持。在全国有色人种协进会的一次代表大会上，在波士顿黑人领袖们的信件中，在报刊社论和专栏文章里肯尼迪的投票都受到了攻击。

他在不止一篇演说中曾引用过一首据说是在一个逝世的议员的文件中找到的传奇式的诗篇。

在生命行将熄灭的余烬里，

令我引以为憾的是：

我做“对”了时，没有人会记住，

我做“错”了时，没有人会忘记。

但是不管这里面有什么政治陷阱，肯尼迪却很感兴趣。自从他在众议院研究了塔夫脱-哈特莱法案以后，他对工会内部一些安全保障措施就很感兴趣。作为参议院劳工委员会劳工立法小组委员会主席，他知道他不可避免地会被卷入听证会上所提出的任何立法建议（虽然他放弃了离开劳工委员会而接受另一个委员会职位的机会）。很多已被挑选出来的，具有人所共知的反劳工观点的工会舞弊调查委员会委员们，特别是具有那些观点的南卡罗莱纳州的斯特罗姆·瑟蒙德，很想在肯尼迪谢绝当委员的情况下接替他的位置。这着重地说明了肯尼迪接受这个职务的艰巨性和必要性。

他决定参加这个委员会。他主持委员会作出有关劳工改革的立法。在他的国会生涯中，他第一次以几年的时间，集中精力排除一切杂务地专搞一项立法。据《基督教科学箴言报》说，他是破釜沉舟，不争取劳工支持他竞选总统了。肯尼迪本人后来有一次超然地自我评价时提到，这“肯定是任何总统候选人所能承担的最艰巨的政治任务了”。

劳工领袖们对他先是冷淡、猜疑，后来则是激烈地反对。劳联—产联主席乔治·米尼在肯尼迪为他提出的改革法案召开的一次听证会上大声嚷道：“愿上帝把我们从我们朋友的手中拯救出来吧！”对此，肯尼迪冷静地回答说：“米尼先生，我也要说这句话。”机械工人工会主席艾尔·海斯把肯尼迪比作阿根廷独裁者庇隆。其他的人则试图在他们的全国代表大会上谴责他。但是这时参议院共和党领袖威廉·诺兰就一项福利及养老金法案提出并几乎要通过一批反劳工的修正案。米尼和工会的大多数高级领导人才逐渐勉强地认识到，通过某种立法是不可避免的了。而可供选择的对象是：要么通过肯尼迪的劳—资改革法案，以铲除他们既不能否认也不能宽恕的舞弊行为；要么就通过诺兰的劳—资关系法案，以限制他们工会谈判的权利。

在随后发生的斗争中，多数劳联—产联领袖既支持建设性的法案，也支持他们自己志愿的法规。这次斗争使肯尼迪极为深刻地看到了劳工领袖们的品质。贝克、霍法以及他们的流氓朋友这样一伙人很快便从其他人中孤立出来。不过他发现并不是所有正派的工会领袖都能像霍法那样有效地行使权力。在一次旅途中他说，有些人因为多年掌权，已经变得软弱无力，并同他们的工会会员们脱离接触或互不协调了。有些人思想贫乏，单靠他们手下的人和律师来办事。有些人只不过是傀儡，不能有效地控制他们的工会。有些人，例如建筑行业和铁路兄弟工会的领导人很有能力，因为他们把精力全部集中在对会员有影响的问题上，并且对两党的朋友都给以报酬。

企业界的人也怨恨肯尼迪兄弟，因为他们揭露了资方同舞弊分子的勾结。美国律师公会主席也怨恨肯尼迪，因为他发表声明指责，有组织的律师对于其会员同舞弊分子勾结侵吞工会经费的事显得漠不关心，而他对此则深表关切。各种各样的民主党政客也对肯尼迪兄弟俩施加压力。当那个以伊利诺斯州民主党全国委员会委员和史蒂文森密友的身份闻名的杰克·阿维，代表一个当事人要求参议员肯尼迪进行调解时，参议员告诉他只有总顾问肯尼迪能制止调查。等阿维和他的同事离开去委员会办公室以后，参议员把鲍勃叫来告诉他，他认为这个请求令人作呕。

随着这些反对者的压力增大，肯尼迪的决心也增大了。在由拉尔夫·邓根、哈佛大学劳工法专家阿奇博尔德·考克斯，以及其他六位学者组成的一个小组的帮助下，他起草了一份劳工改革法案，掌握了劳工法错综复杂的细节，并且第一次真正掌握了立法的程序。1958年，肯尼迪—艾夫斯法案在参议院以八十八票对—票获得通过，结果在众议院却被葬送了。1959年，经过在院内长期艰巨的斗争，肯尼迪—欧文法案以九十票对一票获得通过。

这个法案于是同众议院所通过的兰德勒姆—格里芬法案一起提交会议进行协商。肯尼迪宁愿通过一项折衷方案而不愿什么法案也不通过，他终于能从众议院通过的法案中删去了十五项限制工会正常活动的条款，同时却保存了他自己的关于限制工会舞弊行为的条款。虽然最后的文本总体来说更接近于参议院的法案，但他却认为法案不冠上他的姓名是更为策略的。

在这项长期的立法努力中，贯穿了调查性的探索工作。当他签署麦克莱伦委员会报告时，一些全国性的和马萨诸塞州的工会领袖们被激怒了。他回答说，如果他不签字，他在参议院里关于这个问题的信用就会丧失掉。但是这使他在政治上既有损失也有收获。电视观众们对肯尼迪兄弟越来越熟悉了，他们看到肯尼迪兄弟严厉地盘问那些不诚实的工会领袖，并教训那些滥用诚实会员基金的骗子。同麦卡锡的作风不一样，这个委员会给一切证人以提出事先准备好的声明的权利，给予提出问题进行盘问的权利和获得证词文本的权利，反对一人作证，完全防止自证其罪。

不过他在参议院里冒着风险去得罪的对象，在传统的民主党联盟的成员中还不止是黑人和南方人。有组织的劳工长期以来一直是肯尼迪强有力的同盟者。他在参众两院任职期间，始终都在两院的劳工委员会内工作。劳工领袖们赞赏他在众议院反对塔夫脱—哈特莱法案，在参议院带头争取提高最低工资、改善社会保险，其中包括医疗照顾、支援经济萧条地区，以及确定全国失业补助金的标准等。他在劳工方面作出的成绩，用夸张的政治语言来说，是百分之一千的。马萨诸塞州的卡车司机工会一贯是拥护肯尼迪的。但在1957~1959年间，肯尼迪和他的劳工界朋友之间的关系却变得十分紧张。

为了进一步搜集常设调查小组委员会（当时由约翰·麦克莱伦为主席，罗伯特·肯尼迪为总顾问）最初揭发出的工会贪污的材料，参议院在1957年成立了一个调查工会舞弊行为的专门调查委员会，由麦克莱伦小组委员会和参议院劳工委员会抽调人员组成。麦克莱伦和鲍勃·肯尼迪继续担任原来的工作，约翰·肯尼迪也应邀参加。

他知道这意味着要拿他同有组织的劳工的良好关系冒险，而且至少有两名想担当国家重任的参议员亨利·杰克逊和斯图尔特·赛明顿都拒绝参加。当时还有暗示说，只要鲍勃·肯尼迪“做得漂亮”，全国卡车司机工会就支持约翰当总统候选人。

在竞选总统期间，肯尼迪就多次在黑人大会上发表演讲，斥责南方实行的种族隔离制度，并承诺当选之后支持民权立法，采取更多的行政措施对付种族隔离制度。如果此时肯尼迪的这番表态还让人怀疑他是否为了争夺选票的话，那么他在就职总统后的第二天即采取的行动，则令人无可争辩地确信他是美国历史上的第二个林肯。肯尼迪向海岸警卫队指挥官打电话，询问他在前一天检阅部队时怎么未见一位黑人的身影。在第一次内阁会议上，他便要求每一位内阁成员检查一下自己部门任用黑人的情况。调查表明，国务院3674名官员中只有15名黑人；司法部950多名律师中只有10名黑人。于是他签署总统令，指示所有政府机构立即提交一份结束歧视性就业规定的计划。他自己带头示范做表率，不仅身边的特工随从人员和白宫的汽车司机由黑人担任，而且像副新闻秘书、住房建筑署署长等高级白宫官员也开始由黑人担任。这都是史无前例的。在此后的1000天里，黑人第一次被任命为驻外大使，第一次被任命为合众国的检察长，奉命担任联邦高级职务的黑人比历史上任何时期都要多。

肯尼迪还设立了就业机会均等委员会，此委员会掌管着2000万人的就业岗位，一律向黑人开放。同时，它把政府订单只给予没有歧视黑人就业的公司，引导许多企业改变了歧视黑人的做法。此外，美国各个职业介绍机构全部接到通知，要它们拒绝接受上面注有“只收白人”的招聘广告和合同；联邦各个雇员工会和娱乐团体也得到通知，要它们对实行种族歧视的组织都不予承认。

受肯尼迪“人权并非来自政府施舍，而是上天所赐”的就职演说鼓舞，黑人空军退役士兵梅雷迪斯在当天就向密西西比大学申请入学。但遭到了校方的拒绝，于是他毅然向法院起诉了校方，每一级的法院判决都支持他入学，但校方和密西西比州的官员联合起来抗拒法院的命令。2500多名种族主义分子手持棍棒、砖头、瓶子、燃烧弹和枪支，焚烧大楼，砸烂桌椅板凳，并开着推土机在校园里横冲直撞。肯尼迪命令州长调集警察平息暴乱，但依然控制不了局面。于是肯尼迪命令近2万的军队开进小镇和校园，驱散了暴徒，约有200名肇事者被逮捕。第二天早上，梅雷迪斯在一群执法警官的陪同下，终于正式注册入学了。

1961年5月，一些白人和黑人大学生共同乘坐公共汽车穿越亚拉巴马州和密西西比州，以实际行动表明要废除旅馆、公共汽车站候车室和洗手间里的种族隔离制度。一路上，他们经常受到白人暴徒和三K党党徒的袭击，当地警察却对此视而不见。肯尼迪立即派遣600名联邦执法警察前去保护这些“自由乘车者”。

1963年6月11日，肯尼迪向国会送交了民权法案。主要有三项内容：一是禁止在公共服务行业的场所实行种族歧视。二是授权司法部长，在黑人学生或家长由于缺乏办法或担心报复，而不去抵制公共教育中的种族歧视时，可以主动发起诉讼。三是授权联邦政府对任何实施种族歧视，计划或工作，可以停止财政拨款。这项法案是战后美国政府提出的范围最为广泛的民权立法建议。

民意测验表明，美国白人多数赞同民权法案，但同时又认为肯尼迪走得太快了。肯尼迪不是不知道，他的立场会对马上到来的第二次总统竞选带来相当不利的影响。他曾向一位黑人领袖说：“这个争端可能使我落选，但我们决不回头。”或许他可以在第二次当选总统后的任期内，再着手这项最为艰难的工作。但良知提醒他，每推延一天，不知会有多少黑人饱受凌辱；每推延一年，又不知会有多少黑人死于非命。歧视固然可怕，但比歧视更可怕的是对歧视现象的冷漠与容忍。因此他不断地呼吁：“是行动的时候了。”

1963年，在纪念林肯的第一次解放宣言100周年时，肯尼迪写道：“那个宣言仅仅迈开了第一步，不幸的是，宣言的作者没有能够活下去推进这一工作。”许多人把他的民权演说和民权法案称为“第二次解放宣言”，同样不幸的是，宣言的作者没有能够活下去推进这一工作。1963年11月22日，肯尼迪在美国极右势力的中心，得克萨斯州的达拉斯市被枪击身亡。一个天主教徒，一个亿万富翁的儿子，一个战火中奋不顾身救起落难战友的海军战士，一个美国历史上最年轻的总统，给他的人民和他的亲友留下了绵延不绝的思念与追问。

1961年，肯尼迪签署了行政命令，建立了妇女地位总统委员会。委员会统计显示妇女仍然受到歧视。该委员会有关指出法律和文化障碍的最终报告于1963年10月，即肯尼迪被暗杀前的一个月发表。

肯尼迪还使用了联邦机构的权力阻止美国钢铁价格的升势。《华尔街日报》撰文写道：“政府利用赤裸裸的权力、威胁和国家安全警察控制了钢铁的价格。”耶鲁大学法学教授查尔斯·瑞克在《新共和》刊物上写道：“行政当局利用大陪审团非常快的控制了美国钢铁，这个行为已经侵犯了公民自由。”

《1965年美国移民和国籍法案》的前身是约翰·肯尼迪提出了一个全面的移民政策，由肯尼迪的兄弟参议员爱德华·肯尼迪发起。这个政策戏剧性地指出，移民的来源地从北欧和西欧国家转移到拉丁美洲和亚洲国家，并且把挑选移民的条件转移到促进家庭团聚。肯尼迪希望可以突破之前以移民原居住国家为重点的挑选条件，他把这项政策看作对民权政策的延伸。

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在白宫发表关于民权的电视讲话

Good evening, my fellow citizens.

This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It ought to be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops.

It ought to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it ought to be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal.

It ought to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives.

It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all.

Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing.

But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.

I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public—hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country.

In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all—in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified.

It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

Thank you very much.

同胞们：晚上好！

今天下午，继一系列恐吓与挑衅性声明之后，阿拉巴马州国民卫队受命到阿拉巴马大学，执行美国阿拉巴马州北区地区法院不容置疑的终审裁定。该裁定要求允许两位恰好生为黑人，但显然合格的阿拉巴马州年轻居民入学。他们得以安然入学，很大程度上归功于阿拉巴马大学学生们的举动，这些学生以建设性的方式履行了自己的责任。

我希望每个美国人，无论身居何处，都静下心来就此事及其他相关事件扪心自问。美国是由具有不同背景的多民族人民建立起来的国家。其建国原则是人人生来平等，一人权利受威胁则人人权利被削弱。

今天，我们致力于促进和保护全球所有向往自由者之权利的斗争。当派遣美国人去越南或西柏林时，我们并不要求都是白种人。因此，任何肤色的美国学生都应当可以到其选择的任何公立学府就读，而无须部队做后盾。

任何肤色的美国消费者都应当在宾馆、餐厅、剧场和零售店等公共场所接受平等的服务，而不会被迫上街示威；任何肤色的美国公民都应当注册参加自由选举投票，而不会受到阻挠或害怕报复。

总而言之，每个美国人都应当享有身为美国人的特权，而不必顾及其种族或肤色。每个美国人都应当有权受到其所希望的待遇，受到任何人都希望自己子女所受到的待遇。但事实却并非如此。

今天出生在美国的黑人孩子，无论出生在美国何地，与同日同地出生的白人孩子相比，其完成中学学业的可能性约为1/2，完成大学学业的可能性为1/3，成为专业人士的可能性为1/3，失业的可能性为2倍，每年挣得10000美元的可能性约为1/7，预期寿命缩短7年，而预期收入则只有一半。

这不是地区性问题。种族隔离与歧视的难题存在于每座城市，存在于联邦的每个州，从而在许多城市引起日益高涨的不满情绪，这种不满情绪威胁着公共安全。这也不是党派性问题。在国内危机时期，善良慷慨的人应当能够不分党派或政治主张地团结起来。这甚至不仅是法律或立法性问题。这些问题在法庭解决要比在街上解决更好，而每一层次都需要制定新的法律，但仅有法律并不能让人们看到正义，我们面对的主要是道义性问题。这个问题像圣经一样古老，如《美国宪法》一般明确。

问题的核心是，所有美国人是否都应当享有平等的权力和平等的机会，我们是否能像我们希望他人对待我们一样去对待我们的美国同胞。如果一个美国人因肤色黝黑而不能在公共餐厅就餐，不能送子女到最好的公立学校就读，不能投票选举代表自己的公职人员，总而言之，不能享受我们大家都希望享受的全部自由生活，那么，我们当中有谁愿意改变自己的肤色，设身处地的体验一下？我们当中又有谁会满足于让你耐心等待的劝告？

林肯总统解放奴隶已经过去一百年，而他们的子孙后代尚未得到全面解放。他们尚未从不公正的枷锁中解放出来，他们尚未从社会和经济的压迫中解放出来。而这个国家，尽管有诸多希望和荣耀，却不会得到全面解放，直到其全体公民都得到解放。

我们在全世界宣扬自由，我们说到做到，我们珍惜我们在本国的自由。但是，我们如何对世界说，更重要的是我们如何对身边的人说：“这是自由的国度，但黑人除外；我们没有二等公民，但黑人除外；我们没有等级或阶级制度，没有种族隔离聚居区，没有优等民族，但黑人除外？”

现在是这个国家该履行其诺言的时候了。伯明翰等地的事件使要求平等的呼声如此高涨，令任何城市、州或立法机构都无法选择视而不见。失望和纷争之火在每座城市燃烧，在南北方没有法律补救措施的地方燃烧。人们上街示威、游行、抗议，以此来寻求补救之法，然而却制造着紧张情绪，预示着暴力，威胁着生命。

因此，作为一个国家，作为一国人民，我们面临着一场道义危机。这场危机不能靠警方的镇压行动来解决，不能将其留给街头上日益浩大的示威游行去解决，也不能靠象征性的举动或说教将其平息下去。已经到了该采取行动的时刻，要在国会采取行动，要在您所在的州和地方立法机构采取行动，尤其是要在我们日常生活的方方面面采取行动。

归咎于他人，或者说成是国家某一地区的问题，或者哀叹我们所面对的事实，这些都不足以解决问题。一场重大变革在即，而我们的任务、我们的义务是使这场革命、这场变革对于所有人都是和平的和具有建设性的。

无所作为者是在自取耻辱和鼓励暴力，而勇敢行动者是在承认正义和现实。

下周，我将要求美国国会采取行动，做出其在本世纪尚未完全做出的承诺，以兑现让种族歧视在美国的生活和法律中无立足之地的主张。联邦司法系统在处理其事务的过程中维护了这一主张，这些事务包括雇用联邦人员、使用联邦设施和出售联邦投资的房产。

但是，还有一些只有国会才能采取的必要措施，必须在本次会议上采取。我们生活所遵循的古老公平的法典要求有错必纠，但是，在我国很多地区，很多社团中，黑人公民正蒙受着不公正的待遇，却没有依法补救的措施。除非国会采取行动，否则他们唯一补救的方法就是走上街头。

因此，我要求国会立法，赋予所有美国人在宾馆、餐厅、剧场、零售店以及类似公共场所享受服务的权利。这在我看来是一项基本权利。对这项基本权利的剥夺是恣意损害公民尊严的行为，是1963年的美国人不应当被迫容忍的行为，但有许多人却在容忍。

我最近会见了许多工商界领导人，敦促他们采取主动措施来终止这种歧视。我为他们的响应感到鼓舞。过去两周中，我在75座城市看到这类场所在取消种族隔离方面取得了进展。但是，有许多人不愿单独采取行动。因此，如果我们要将此问题从街头转移到法庭，就需要有全国性的立法。

我还要求国会授权联邦政府更全面地干预旨在终止公共教育界种族隔离制度的诉讼案。我们已经成功地说服许多区主动废除种族隔离制度，有数十所学校平和地接收了黑人学生。今天，我们50个州中的每个州都有一名黑人学生到州立学府就读，但这样的进展速度非常缓慢。

在9年前最高法院裁决时，有很多黑人儿童进入种族隔离的小学，他们将在今年秋季进入种族隔离的中学，因此蒙受了永远无法弥补的损失。黑人由于缺乏足够的教育而失去了获得体面工作的机会。

因此，不能把有序执行最高法院裁决的任务，完全留给可能没有财力进行法律诉讼的人，或者可能受到困扰的人。

我还将要求采取其他重要举措，包括加大对投票权的保护力度。但是，我再说一遍，只靠立法不能解决这一问题。必须在我国每个社区的每个美国人的家里解决这一问题。

在这方面，我要赞美一直在其社区致力于改善所有人生活的南方和北方的公民们。他们的行为不是出于法律义务感，而是出于人的道义感。像我们在世界各地的陆海军战士一样，他们在火线上迎接着对自由的挑战，我为他们的荣誉和勇气向他们致敬。

同胞们，这是我们全体人民面临的问题，是南方和北方每座城市的美国人面临的问题。今天，有两到三倍于白人的黑人失业，黑人得不到适当的教育，黑人移居大城市后找不到工作，特别是年轻黑人无望地失业，黑人被剥夺了平等的权利，黑人被剥夺了在餐厅或小吃店就餐或者去影剧院的机会，黑人被剥夺了接受体面教育的权利，而就在今天，还有黑人即使具备资格也险些被剥夺了到州立大学就读的权利。

在我看来，这些问题关系到我们所有人，不仅仅关系到总统、参议员或州长，而是关系到每个美国公民。

这是一个国家。它之所以成为一个国家，是因为我们大家以及来到这里的每一个人都拥有开发其天赋的平等机会。我们不能对10%的人口说你们不能有这种权利，不能说你们的子女不能有开发其任何天赋的机会，不能说他们争取其权利的唯一方法是上街示威。我认为我们欠他们，也欠我们自己一个比这更好的国家。

所以，我请你们帮助我们取得进展，来提供我们自己想要的那种平等待遇；协助我们为每个儿童提供机会，接受教育，充分开发其天赋。

我曾经说过，并非每个儿童都具有同等的天赋、能力或能动性，但他们应当拥有开发其天赋、能力和能动性的平等权利，以便能凭己之力有所成就。

我们有权利期望黑人社区负起责任并维护法律；但他们也有权利期望法律公平，期望《宪法》对不同肤色一视同仁，正如哈兰大法官在世纪之交时所说。

这就是我们所谈的问题，而这问题关系到这个国家及其主张。为解决这一问题，我请求我们的全体公民予以支持。

非常感谢你们。

第三节  精彩语录

I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

我希望每个美国人，无论身居何处，都静下心来就此事及其他相关事件扪心自问。美国是由具有不同背景的多民族人民建立起来的国家。其建国原则是人人生来平等，一人权利受威胁则人人权利被削弱。

For every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

每个美国人都应当享有身为美国人的特权，而不必顾及其种族或肤色。每个美国人都应当有权受到其所希望的待遇，受到任何人都希望自己子女所受到的待遇。

The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

问题的核心是，所有美国人是否都应当享有平等的权力和平等的机会，我们是否能像我们希望他人对待我们一样去对待我们的美国同胞。如果一个美国人因其肤色黝黑而不能在公共餐厅就餐，不能送子女到最好的公立学校就读，不能投票选举代表自己的公职人员，总而言之，不能享受我们大家都希望享受的全部自由生活，那么，我们当中有谁愿意改变自己的肤色，设身处地的体验一下？我们当中又有谁会满足于让你耐心等待的劝告？

We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

我们在全世界宣扬自由，我们说到做到，我们珍惜我们在本国的自由。但是，我们如何对世界说，更重要的是我们如何对身边的人说：“这是自由的国度，但黑人除外；我们没有二等公民，但黑人除外；我们没有等级或阶级制度，没有种族隔离聚居区，没有优等民族，但黑人除外？”

In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency.

我要赞美一直在其社区致力于改善所有人生活的南方和北方的公民们。他们的行为不是出于法律义务感，而是出于人的道义感。

This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents.

这是一个国家。它之所以成为一个国家，是因为我们大家以及来到这里的每一个人都拥有开发其天赋的平等机会。

第四章  我是一个柏林人

第一节  背景介绍

约翰·肯尼迪关于和平的概念不仅意味着不存在战争，而是要求建立一个稳定的由自由和独立的国家所组成的共同体，摆脱共产主义赖以生存的动乱和斗争；它要求丰衣足食的国家帮助因贫穷而孱弱的国家。他一进入白宫后，最优先考虑的就是美国援助新兴和发展中国家的计划。他说，今天保卫自由和扩大自由的巨大战场是在地球的整个南半部——亚洲、拉丁美洲、非洲和中东，是在日益觉醒的各国人民的国土上。他们的革命是人类历史上最伟大的革命，他们谋求结束不公正、暴政和剥削。他们不只是谋求结束，而是寻求新的开端。

他把使那些国家获得新的动力的经济援助计划，看作是可以帮助他们从头干起的主要手段。这项计划不仅是理想主义或慷慨解囊的问题。这些幅员广阔的不发达的大陆在没有重大战争的情况下，是东西方冲突的关键地区。它们社会的现代化和成熟度将会加强美国的安全。他认识到每一个穷国都处于不同的阶段，面临着不同的问题。他强调指出，除非受援国根据一个长期的经济计划利用本国的资源，否则任何数量的美国援助也是不会有效的。可是他争取使受援国做到自我帮助和自己革新等方面的努力，只部分取得了成功。在争取其他工业化国家进行较大的合作方面，他所作出的努力也同样只取得了部分成功。最后，在他对美国援助计划进行彻底的整顿和提供长期的资金方面，他所作努力的效果也不例外。

如上所述，国会对外援的反对年年有所增加，总统的恼怒也因之一年年有所增加。有一天晚上他说：“他们尽量把话讲得十分堂皇，高谈什么首先由我国人民树立起一个榜样来。可是在人民的平均寿命为四十岁的国家里，老年人的医疗照顾有什么意义呢？如果大多数人是文盲或从未上过学，那么谁又会对我们的教育计划获得深刻的印象呢？我完全赞成帮助贫困地区和失业者，但这些人关心的只是生存。”

他经常在记者招待会上或在公开发表的演说中用他希望国会和全国都能理解的词句来表达这种愤慨。

“任何国家如果在同贫困和绝望作斗争中就已耗尽了精力，就很难集中力量去对付外来威胁和颠覆的威胁。……我们每年花五百亿美元去制止共产主义的军事扩张，却舍不得花不到这笔款项的十分之一去帮助其他国家消除共产主义一直赖以滋长蔓延的社会动乱。对我们来说，这样去对付共产主义的恐怖是毫无意义的。

最使肯尼迪感到自豪的就是建立和平队。这是他在1960年竞选运动中提出来的一个独特的机构，在他上任后的头一百天中就成立起来了，其人员都是具有他所号召的那种献身精神的美国人。和平队是一支拥有几百人的骨干力量，后来发展到几千人。他们大多数是年轻的志愿人员，把美国的活力和技术直接带给了贫穷国家的人民。他们在那些国家的村庄里同当地的人民一起生活，讲他们的语言，帮助他们开发自然资源和人力资源，除了从助人中得到的乐趣外没有什么其他的报酬。和平队后来成为——至少在发展中的国家内——约翰·肯尼迪的希望与诺言中最鼓舞人心的象征。

然而，和平队的建立不是一帆风顺的。自由派人士贬低它，认为它是骗人的玩意儿。保守派人士把它当作“垮掉的一代”派和幻想家的荒诞的避风港而加以否定。共产党国家谴责它是间谍的外围组织。许多十分需要它的中立国家的领袖对它非常憎恶并横加嘲弄。而它自己的支持者甚至在它还未成立之前，就已经议论着要建立一支联合国和平队和一支国内和平队以及十几支其他的分队来使它泄气。在1961年，遇到关键的唱名投票时，共和党的反对力量无论在众议院还是在参议院都是很强的。

但是总统以及他能干的富于理想的妹夫——和平队队长萨金特·施赖弗细心而坚持不懈地建立起了这支队伍。他们保证和平队在国际事务和国内事务中都是非政治性的，并且表明和平队只开往那些明确地发出邀请的国家。中央情报局要利用和渗入和平队的企图遭到了坚决而成功的抵制。施赖弗以一种只有亲属才具备的说服力劝说总统改变了把和平队置于极不受人欢迎的国际开发署领导之下的决定。申请参加和平队的人全经过仔细挑选和全面训练，不合适的人立即被淘汰。和平队的国家和地方干事都异常称职。总统实事求是、注意实效地描述了和平队的使命，把这项满腔热情的事业委托给了施赖弗。

经历了产前的阵痛和成长中的苦楚之后，和平队终于茁壮地成长起来了。拨给和平队的款项逐年增加，反对的人也减少了。每一个驻有和平队志愿人员的国家都要求再多派去一些。这些志愿人员很少犯错误，也很少出事——在东道国的首都之外，他们比任何美国外交人员都更为人们所熟悉。他们担任教师、医生、护士、农业人员、木匠以及各行各业的各级技术人员，他们成为了美国最得力的理想主义使节。他们还使美国对世界上落后地区的生活状况有了充分的了解。

总统同和平队志愿人员之间产生了一条特殊的纽带。今天，他们在某些地区被人称作“肯尼迪的孩子”，而这个称呼也很确切地描写了他和他们之间的感情。有一个和平队队员后来写道，他是真正的志愿人员。而总统一有机会总要一批批接见他们，并说和平队志愿人员是他在就职演说中关于不要求任何报偿的训谕的最热烈的响应。

第二次世界大战以后，德意志民主共和国（简称民主德国或东德）在德国首都柏林己方领土上建立了一座围墙，目的是隔离和德意志联邦共和国(简称联邦德国或西德)，从而阻隔东西柏林市民之间的往来，这座围墙被称为柏林墙。柏林墙的建立，是二战以后德国分裂和冷战的重要标志性建筑。1961年建造，1989年拆除，之后两德重归统一。柏林墙的建立，是德国历史上难以抹去的一道伤疤，这个民族最大的悲哀，莫过于此次的分裂。

柏林墙与朝鲜半岛上的“三八线”一样，均为“冷战”的产物，又都为水泥所筑，可称得上是欧亚大陆上的两条“姊妹墙”。柏林墙是东德政府根据人民议院1961年8月12日通过的法令，于8月12～13日夜间修筑。目的是制止东德居民包括熟练技工大量流入西德。柏林墙原为铁蒺藜围成的路障，后改筑成2米高顶上带铁丝网的混凝土墙，并在正式的交叉路口和沿线的观察塔楼上设置警卫。1970年，虽然东西德之间关系有所改善，但是东德政府还是把柏林墙加高到3米，以阻止居民逃向西方。到1980年，围墙、电网和堡垒总长达1369千米。除筑墙外还严格限制西柏林与东德之间的人口流动。后根据东西德政府1971年12月20日签署的协议，限制略有放宽。1989年下半年，东欧各国政局剧变。民主德国在向德国西部移民浪潮的冲击下，于同年11月9日，将存在28年3个月的柏林墙推倒，促进了德国的统一。

柏林墙是一个悲剧，是20世纪德意志民族挥之不去的一个梦魇。二次大战的硝烟刚刚飘散，作为战败国的德国一片废墟，断垣残壁，残破不堪，风雨飘摇，美英法苏四大国对其实施分区占领，意识形态的差异，导致冷战的出现。1949年，分裂宛如一把刀子砍在了弱不禁风的德国身上，德意志联邦共和国（联邦德国，西德）与德意志民主共和国（民主德国，东德）相继成立。苏联占领区包括东柏林在内成立德意志民主共和国（简称东德或民主德国），首都定在东柏林，而美英法占领区则成立德意志联邦共和国（简称西德或联邦德国），首都设在波恩，两个德国的分裂对峙从此持续了整整41年，一直到两德统一为止。东德和西德成为东西方两大阵营交锋的最前沿，各为其主，各不相让。这期间，柏林墙的出现，便具有了标志性意义，成为冷战的符号和象征。

第二次世界大战快结束时所缔结的军事和外交协定，没有对西方进入柏林的通道作出明确的保证，只规定该市由四国共管，并把柏林留在远离西德一百英里的苏军控制的东德境内。1948年，苏联的一系列行动使这个城市分裂为苏联占领的东柏林和西方占领的西柏林。在其后十年中，东柏林和东德与西德的相对应的部分日益隔绝。在1958年赫鲁晓夫要求签订对德和约使分裂永远合法化，并结束盟国在东德境内的所有占领权。这项要求以及1960年巴黎首脑会议的破裂表明，柏林和德国将是苏联部长会议主席同艾森豪威尔的继任者的议程中最重要的问题。

肯尼迪于1959年接见记者时曾预言，总有一天柏林会成为一个考验胆量和意志的场所。但当时他没料到，在处理这座被围的城市的问题上，他自己的胆量和意志那么快就受到一场极其严峻的考验。

东西柏林之间逐步地增加法律上的——在某些情况下是物质上的障碍，其中包括临时关闭大多数通道口，需要特种通行和入境许可证，以及禁止西柏林人在东柏林工作。东德人和东柏林人感觉到他们已被逐步关闭起来，于是越来越多地越过铁幕的主要孔隙，即东西柏林之间的分界线逃跑。到1961年夏季，约有三百五十万人离开他们的家庭和工作岗位去西柏林的难民中心和飞机场，使已经衰退的东德经济濒于绝境，并使全世界都关注于他们选择自由胜于选择共产主义的态度。8月份，由于对战争的恐惧或受到更多的约束，难民外流从每天几百人增加到几千人。

最初柏林市民是能在各区之间自由活动的，但随着冷战紧张气氛的提升，为了防止东德人逃到西德，造成东德严重缺少工人，1952年东西柏林的边界开始关闭。1949年到1961年大约有250万东德人冒着被东德边防射杀的危险逃入西柏林。柏林围墙在1961年8月13日开始建造，一开始只是铁丝网，后来被换成真正的围墙。东德称此围墙为“反法西斯防卫墙”，但多数西方国家认为建围墙的真正目的是禁止东德人逃入西柏林。在该墙建立后，有人采用跳楼、挖地道、游泳，自制潜水艇、热气球等方式翻越柏林围墙。共有5043人成功逃入西柏林，3221人被逮捕，239人死亡，260人受伤。

1961年8月15日，柏林墙已修建到最后一部分，当时还没有变成2米高顶上带铁丝网的混凝土墙，而仅仅是铁蒺藜的路障。19岁的东德士兵康拉德·舒曼头戴钢盔、肩背长枪大步跃过铁蒺藜樊篱的瞬间，被当时在场的摄影师彼得·雷宾拍了下来，震惊了世界。1962年8月17日，18岁的东德人彼得·费查试图攀越围墙，被东德士兵开枪射杀。当时，有西方记者在场，东西两边的人民都看到他中枪，但没有人施予援手，事件在冷战时期轰动一时。他成为第一个因试图攀墙而被射杀的人。

1979年一个夜晚，从东德一个家庭的后院升起了一个巨大的热气球。气球下面的吊篮里是两个家庭——两对夫妇和他们的四个孩子。这个气球是这两个家庭花了数年的时间手工制成的，逃亡者操纵热气球升高到2800米以上的高空，飞行20多分钟后，他们在西德领土安全着陆。

1989年11月9日，新东德政府开始计划放松对东德人民的旅游限制，但由于当时东德的中央政治局委员君特·沙博夫斯基对上级命令的误解，错误地宣布柏林围墙即将开放，导致数以万计的市民走上街头，拆毁存在了28年3个月的柏林墙，整个德国陷入极度兴奋状态，此事件被称为“柏林围墙倒塌”。柏林人爬上柏林围墙，在上面涂鸦，并且拆下建材当纪念品。11个月后，两德终于统一，成为“柏林围墙倒塌”后的最高潮。

当年，柏林人对柏林墙进行了彻底摧毁，借此消除他们心中仇恨隔离的屏障。直到今天，柏林人依然对柏林墙是否值得纪念存在很大争议。柏林墙不仅是德国分裂的标志，也是欧洲和世界分裂的标志。

柏林围墙的兴建与倒塌都标志着近代历史的重大变化。它的兴建意味着二战之后东西对峙的冷战时代达到巅峰。而它的倒塌则意味着自由化、民主化、市场化的呼声已沛然莫之能御。柏林围墙倒塌的第二年，即1990年10月3日两德统一。因此柏林围墙倒塌，乃是欧洲及世界史的里程碑事件。它淘汰了历史发展过程中某些专制封闭的政治形式，让全球统一进入了以自由化、民主化和市场化为主导的新秩序中。

赫鲁晓夫曾谈起1961年4月是他解决柏林问题的最后限期，而他于1月6日曾发誓要从欧洲心脏拔掉这根刺。可是6月份在维也纳同肯尼迪会晤的决定，把一切行动全推迟到这个时间以后。总统在维也纳会晤之前所作的研究中，以及在华盛顿同阿登纳的会谈和在巴黎同戴高乐的会谈中明确地认识到，西柏林是美国的荣誉和决心的试金石，赫鲁晓夫必然会用它来考验盟国的团结和抵抗力。

打动人心的肯尼迪柏林之行，源于20世纪60年代初柏林处在冷战时期美苏争斗的舞台中心，赫鲁晓夫多次提出要吞并西柏林，而五角大楼甚至制定出一套对苏联发动核打击的作战计划。

1961年1月，赫鲁晓夫又重新发出了这一信息，要求西方国家中止与西柏林的各种联系，接着就发生了古巴导弹危机，人们感到战争一触即发。处在东西方两大阵营前沿的西柏林人每天惶惶不可终日，不少人希望美国能成为他们的救世主和保护神。

柏林墙以高高的带刺铁丝网和混凝土的障碍物封锁了这两个城市的边界，它使家庭朋友分离，把东德人禁锢在内，自由的德国人排除在外，使西方更加有限地进出东柏林，从而使自由世界感到震惊。肯尼迪立即要求他的助手和盟国提出意见，但在这种形势下，他们所讲的没有多大用处。

大家一致认为，东德政权早就有关闭边界通道的力量，它迟早会这样做，大家也同意，墙建在东德领土上，是在苏联管辖区内十三年之久的一系列类似行动中最恶劣的行动，是非法的、不道德的和不近人情的，但它不是进行一场战争的理由。它结束了西柏林对东方作为橱窗和逃生之路的作用，可是不妨碍西方长期强调的三个基本目标：我们留驻在西柏林，我们去西柏林的通道和西柏林人选择他们自己制度的自由。没有一个负责的官员建议盟国军队应向东德领土推进并把墙拆毁。因为正如卢修斯·克莱特后来指出的那样，共产党人可以后退十码、二十码或五百码建立另一堵墙。如果再拆就又再建另一堵，除非西方准备把生死攸关的利益范围扩大到东柏林境内而发动一场战争。任何一个盟国或顾问都不希望西方作出一个刺激性的反应，从而在绝望的东柏林人中间引起一场暴动，这只能造成另一次布达佩斯式的大屠杀。

然而，总统确信需要作出某种反应。不是去威胁共产党人要他们公开承认失败，而是使感到震惊和懊丧的西柏林人恢复士气。最后，为了考验共产党人的意图和显示美国的决心，总统增派一千五百名美国部队，乘装甲车沿高速公路通过东德检查站开到西柏林。他说，将驻军增加一千五百人显然并不能在苏联的直接进攻中守住这个城市，可是西柏林人现在将从我们承担义务的提示中受益，而苏联人将认为这批军队是我们为了那种意图而交出的人质。这是他在旷日持久的柏林危机中最焦虑的时刻，使美国军队同苏联军队进入潜在的对峙状态的第一项命令。他推迟了周末去海恩尼斯港白宫换换环境的惯例，要他的军事助理同这支部队的司令官不断保持接触。当第一分队的六十辆装甲车通行无阻地进入西柏林时，他感到危机的转折点已经到来了。

在1963年6月25日即肯尼迪到访西柏林的前一天晚上，已有几百人带着睡袋聚集在市政府广场前过夜，以便占上一席之地，亲耳聆听美国总统的讲话。26日早上柏林雷雨交加，9时40分当肯尼迪的“空军一号”座机降落在西柏林机场时，大雨戛然停止，天空出现阳光。从此西柏林人把这种天气称为“肯尼迪天气”。当天100多万西柏林居民走上街头，从机场到市区在沿途几十公里的路旁夹道欢迎美国总统。人们含着眼泪，由于没有彩纸，他们就把手中的电话簿撕成碎片，撒在肯尼迪身上。只能容纳20万人的市政府广场被近50万人挤得水泄不通。

柏林墙被视为冷战的象征，所以肯尼迪想去看看这堵墙。6月26日，肯尼迪徒步参观了柏林墙最著名查理检查站。这里是外国人和盟军官兵进入东柏林的唯一通道，也被认为是“冷战的最前沿”。柏林墙建成后刚刚2个月，这里就发生了一场不小的危机。当时一名美国外交官想去东柏林看歌剧，东德士兵要检查他的证件，外交官不同意。此事引发美苏军事对峙，双方各自出动10辆坦克，在查理检查站两侧相隔100米的距离虎视眈眈。这起事件很快通过谈判解决，当时美方代表是肯尼迪总统的弟弟罗伯特·肯尼迪，苏方则是一名克格勃间谍。

看到把一个民族割成两半的柏林墙，看到西柏林人如此企盼的表情后，肯尼迪感慨万分。从检查站回来肯尼迪就在西柏林市政厅广场，向45万听众发表了那段著名的演讲。他这样讲道：“两千多年前，人们说的最自豪的一句话是‘我是罗马公民’。今天，在这个自由的世界，最自豪的一句话当属‘Ich bin ein Berliner’(我是柏林人)……所有自由的人，不管他生活在哪里，都是柏林的公民。因此，作为自由人，我也以‘我是柏林人’而感到自豪!”

肯尼迪的演讲是用英语发表的，一名翻译现场将它译成德语。但当他两次说出“我是柏林人”时用的都是德语，现场45万观众的热情一下被点燃，一时间掌声、欢呼声雷动。看到观众们的反应，肯尼迪整理了一下西装，像完成一件了不起任务的男孩那样咧开嘴笑了。原西柏林市议员隆格鲁斯回忆说：“这是一种非常亲切的感觉。在听完演说后，我回家告诉妻子，我们的疑虑多余了，柏林不会被吞并。”

肯尼迪离开西柏林时说，他要给他的继任者留下一纸便条，请他们在泄气的时候打开它，上面的字是：“到德国去。”他的几位继任总统执政期间大多来过柏林。德国统一后，1994年克林顿提出美德特殊关系论，使德美关系达到肯尼迪之后的最高。

为了准备这段演讲，肯尼迪着实下了一番工夫。上面最出彩的那一段是从他1962年5月在新奥尔良发表的演说中借鉴过来的。当时他说道：“两千多年前，人们说的最自豪的一句话是‘我是罗马公民’。我相信在1962年的今天，最自豪的一句话应该是‘我是一名美国公民’。而且仅仅这样说是不够的，我们还要这样做。”为了将柏林演讲稿准确翻译成德文，美国国务院还专门请来罗伯特·洛赫纳。此人是美联社一名记者的儿子，生在美国，长在柏林，曾在柏林大学念书。由于德语流利，驻西德美军曾聘请他当首席翻译，肯尼迪访问柏林时他是一家英语电台的负责人。

最初肯尼迪想用德语发表演讲，经过一番尝试后放弃了，但他还是想在演讲中插入德语，于是让洛赫纳将“我是柏林人”，我为来到柏林而自豪”等几句译成德语并用英语标注。肯尼迪反复练习，甚至走上讲台前还在西柏林市长勃兰特的办公室里练习。

在演讲中肯尼迪还说了另外一句德语——“让他们来柏林吧”，颇有向苏联人挑战的意味。走下台后，美国国家安全顾问麦乔治·邦迪认为演讲稍微有点儿过，于是两人对措词稍加修改，缓和了一下语气，当天晚些时候又在西柏林的自由大学演讲了一遍。

这篇演讲表达了美国对西德的支持，极大鼓舞了西德人民的士气，西柏林因而成为被冷战威胁的自由的象征。此前西柏林人认为自己处于东德的包围之中，时刻担心被东德占领。苏联人显然对这篇演讲不大开心，因为就在两周前肯尼迪还表示要与苏联改善关系。赫鲁晓夫评价道：“两个演说好像是从两个总统嘴里说出来的!”

肯尼迪的演讲还引出一段文字案。有人指出它的点睛之笔“Ich bin ein Berliner”存在语法错误。因为如果德国人说自己是柏林人，通常会说“Ich bin Berliner”，而不会加上不定冠词“ein”。肯尼迪的表述容易让人理解成“我是一个‘柏林人’牌的果冻炸面圈”。还有人认为洛赫纳的翻译很到位，加上一个不定冠词表达出了肯尼迪对柏林人代表的自由精神的一种归属感。这场文字官司一直打了30年，直到1993年德国语言学家朱尔安·艾奇霍夫为它画上句号。艾奇霍夫通过分析语法在一个学术期刊上撰文说：“尼迪的表述不仅正确，而且传神，可以说那是用德语准确表达肯尼迪总统意思的唯一方法。加上不定冠词一个表达了他是具有柏林人精神的一个人，这正是他想表达的意思。”而且事实本身也证明，当时没有人误解肯尼迪的这句话。

一场演讲让肯尼迪被柏林这座城市接纳，他留下了不少纪念物，例如肯尼迪学校，自由大学的“肯尼迪北美研究中心”，市政厅前的广场也被重新命名为“肯尼迪广场”。

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在柏林墙边的演讲

Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was "civis Romanus sum." Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is "Ich bin ein Berliner."

There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the 2000 great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.

Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin.

While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.

What is true of this city is true of Germany—real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people.

You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.

Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe.

When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.

All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words "Ich bin ein Berliner."

两千年前，最自豪的夸耀是“我是一个罗马公民”；今天，自由世界最自豪的夸耀是“我是一个柏林人”。

世界上有许多人确实不懂，或者说不明白什么是自由世界和共产主义世界的根本分歧。让他们来柏林吧。有人说，共产主义是未来的潮流。让他们来柏林吧。有人说，我们能在欧洲或其他地方与共产党人合作。让他们来柏林吧。甚至有那么几个人说，共产主义确是一种邪恶的制度，但它可以使我们取得经济发展。让他们来柏林吧。

自由有许多困难，民主亦非完美，然而我们从未建造一堵墙把我们的人民关在里面，不准他们离开我们。我愿意代表我的同胞们（他们与你们远隔千里住在大西洋彼岸）说，他们为能在远方，与你们共有过去十八年的经历感到莫大的骄傲。我不知道还有哪一个城镇或都市被围困十八年后，仍有西柏林的这种生机、力量、希望和决心。

全世界都看到，柏林墙最生动最明显地表现出一种失败。但我们对此并不感到称心如意，因为柏林墙既是对历史也是对人性的冒犯，它拆散家庭，造成妻离子散，骨肉分离，把希冀统一的一个民族分成两半。

这个城市的事实也适用于整个德国──只要四个德国人中有一个人被剥夺了自由人的基本权利，即自由选择的权利，那么欧洲真正持久的和平便绝无可能实现。经过保持和平与善意的十八年，这一代德国人终于赢得自由的权利，包括在持久和平中善待所有的人民，实现家庭团聚和民族统一的权利。

你们住在一座受到保护的自由之岛上，但你们的生活是大海的一部分。因此在我结束讲话时，请你们抬起目光，超越今日的危险看到明天的希望；超越柏林市或你们的祖国德国的自由看到世界各地的进展；超越这道墙看到正义的和平来临的一天；超越你们自己和我们自己看到全人类。

自由是不可分割的，只要一人被奴役，所有的人都不自由。当所有的人都自由了，我们便能期待这一天的到来：在和平与希望的光辉中，这座城市获得统一，这个国家获得统一，欧洲大陆获得统一。

当这一天最终来临（它必将来临）时，西柏林人民将为近二十年的时间里，他们站在第一线感到欣慰。

一切自由的人，不论他们住在何方，皆是柏林市民。因此，所以作为一个自由的人，我为“我是一个柏林人”这句话感到自豪。

第三节  精彩语录

Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was "civis Romanus sum." Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is "Ich bin ein Berliner."

两千年前，最自豪的夸耀是“我是一个罗马公民”。今天，自由世界最自豪的夸耀是“我是一个柏林人”。

Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin.

自由有许多困难，民主亦非完美，然而我们从未建造一堵墙把我们的人民关在里面，不准他们离开我们。我愿意代表我的同胞们（他们与你们远隔千里住在大西洋彼岸）说，他们为能在远方，与你们共有过去十八年的经历感到莫大的骄傲。我不知道还有哪一个城镇或都市被围困十八年后，仍有西柏林的这种生机、力量、希望和决心。

Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe.

自由是不可分割的，只要一人被奴役，所有的人都不自由。当所有的人都自由了，我们便能期待这一天的到来：在和平与希望的光辉中，这座城市获得统一，这个国家获得统一，欧洲大陆获得统一。

第五章  不以自由为代价换取和平

第一节  背景介绍

1962年，加勒比海地区发生了一场震惊世界的古巴导弹危机。它由苏联在古巴部署导弹，美国坚持要求其撤除导弹而引发。这是冷战期间美苏两大国之间最激烈的一次对抗。这次危机虽然仅仅持续了13天，但美苏双方在核弹按钮旁的徘徊，却使人类空前地接近毁灭的边缘，战争处于千钧一发之际。最后双方以妥协而告终。其中有不少值得总结和反思的经验教训。

1959年1月1日，古巴取得了人民革命的胜利，推翻了巴蒂斯塔独裁政权。1月13日成立了古巴共和国。宣告这一胜利的是领导人民革命的菲德尔·卡斯特罗，当时这位领袖人物年仅32岁。新政权成立初期，美国同古巴的关系还比较好。2月，卡斯特罗出任总理，4月访问美国，还受到艾森豪威尔政府的热烈欢迎。巴蒂斯塔是美国一手扶植起来的傀儡，美国政府欢迎卡斯特罗，并不是赞赏反对独裁统治，而是企图把古巴纳入美国的势力范围，巩固它在拉美的统治基础。

1959年6月，古巴新政府的领导成员发生很大变动，政府重要部门绝大多数被主张实行急进政策的人所掌握。美国政府担心控制不了古巴，动摇美国在拉美的统治基础，于是就对古巴新政权产生了怨恨和不满，并且以傲慢的态度对待古巴，企图逼新政府就范。但是古巴新政府的领导人并不屈服于美国的压力，从而导致了美国与古巴关系的日益恶化。

1961年1月5日，美国宣布同古巴断绝外交关系。同时，从经济上开始对古巴进行制裁，把一个完全依靠生产和销售糖类来维持国计民生的国家严密地封锁起来，其企图通过卡断经济命脉来扼杀年轻的古巴共和国。

那个灾难重重时期的最大灾难，那个使约翰·肯尼迪看清楚他的运气和判断力都有局限性的事件，以及那次使他对于未来工作获得非常宝贵的教益的经历，于4月17日在古巴猪湾—萨帕塔沼泽地上发生了。一支由美国中央情报局组织、训练的由一千四百名反卡斯特罗古巴流亡分子组成的登陆部队，在不到三天的时间便被人数占绝对优势的古巴部队击溃了。美国卷入在内是无可否认的，总统无论在公开或私下的场合都声称此事由他单独负责。可是许多人仍然不理解他怎么会批准这样一个计划。他后来对一个记者说，猪湾事件全部结束后，他自己头脑里最难解的问题的确是：参与其事的人怎么全会认为这样一个计划会成功呢？1962年年底，有个著名的作家请求查看猪湾事件的档案材料，总统作了否定的答复。他说：“现在还不是时候，而且我们想由我们自己去谈这件事。”

猪湾事件中真正重要的问题，正是他在第一篇国情咨文中痛心地谈到的“决定和执行计划与现实之间存在着很大的脱节”。约翰·肯尼迪有可能选择一个错误的方针，但决不会选择一个愚蠢的方针。

1960年年初，艾森豪威尔政府批准在中央情报局的指导下，训练和武装一支由古巴流亡分子组成的解放部队。1960年总统选举前不久，又决定（尽管这个决定显然没有告诉过艾森豪威尔）这应该是一支常规的战斗部队，而不是一支游击队，并且急剧地增加了部队的人数。

1961年1月20日，约翰·肯尼迪接下了这项计划以及由古巴流亡分子组成的这支突击队。这是一支挂着另一国旗子，在危地马拉秘密基地接受高度训练的部队，它只热衷于完成唯一的一项任务。这同接过一项政策声明或行政命令不一样，这件事不能由总统简单地废除或撤销了事。当肯尼迪作为当选总统在棕榈滩听取中央情报局汇报这一行动计划时，他对这个计划的庞大和大胆感到惊讶。他后来说，从那时起他就对此抱有重大的疑虑。

然而，制订这项登陆计划的中央情报局人员，不仅把它提交给新总统而且加以鼓吹。实际上曾有人问他，他是否愿意像共和党人那样允许并帮助这些流亡分子解放他们自己的岛屿，或者他是否要取消业已就绪的准备工作，听任古巴随意在西半球搞颠覆。他是否要解散一支在艰苦条件下训练了将近一年并渴望出击的部队，而听任他们散布流言说肯尼迪已出卖了他们推翻卡斯特罗的打算。艾伦·杜勒斯后来就公开提出了这个问题，你是不是想告诉“这批优秀的青年人，他们不会得到美国的同情、支持和帮助，这批青年人冒着生命的危险，他们只求能有机会在自己的国家中恢复一个自由的政府，而别无他求”。他是否愿意让他们在两者之间作出抉择：是在美国找个安全的避难所，还是要打回自己的国家去；或者他会不会迫使他们违心地解散掉，从此不再集合起来？

此外，肯尼迪还被告知执行这个计划机不可失。理由有三：第一，因为这支突击队已受过充分的训练，急切地想作战很难加以阻拦。第二，由于危地马拉政府受到压力，要它关闭这个在政治上引起争议日益公开的训练营。因此他唯一的选择就是要么把这批人送回他们希望去的古巴，要么把他们带回美国，而在这里他们将会散播愤懑情绪。第三，因为俄国武器不久就将装备卡斯特罗的军队，在铁幕后面受训成为米格飞机驾驶员的古巴飞行员不久就将返回古巴，大量箱装的米格飞机已经到达该岛。因而1961年春天在卡斯特罗拥有一支强大的喷气式空军之前，在流亡分子的部队心怀不满地解散之前，是古巴人能够单独解放古巴的最后时刻。登陆前一周，肯尼迪在一次电视谈话中过分坦率地透露了这个因素的重要性。他宣称：“如果我们现在不采取行动，卡斯特罗先生对我们可能变得比今天更加危险得多。”

在该计划付诸实施的前一周，它既获得了代表参谋长联席会议的兰尼兹尔将军和伯克海军上将的书面赞同，又获得了国务卿腊斯克和国防部长麦克纳马拉的口头同意。肯尼迪总统虽怀着重重疑虑，但最后终于发出了干的信号。他没有把卡斯特罗视为对美国的直接威胁，但是他也不认为他应该“保护”卡斯特罗，使他不致受到古巴人的攻击。这些古巴人由于古巴革命被出卖给了共产党人而感到怨恨。他担心在这个阶段取消该项计划，会被解释为承认卡斯特罗的统治获得人民的支持，卡斯特罗便会在今后许多年里闹得拉丁美洲到处不得安宁。正如某些人所猜测的，他竞选时所作的帮助反卡斯特罗叛乱分子的诺言，并没有迫使他采取行动，但是他确实感到，如果他不批准这个计划，就会是一种与他的总体态度前后不一致的软弱的表示。他后来说：“我的确以为他们有一个很好的机会。”他还作了如下的解释：如果卡斯特罗自己的一批同胞，在没有美国明显参与的情况下，能够成功地在岛上立足，宣布成立一个新政府，把人民团结到他们的事业上来并推翻卡斯特罗的话，整个拉丁美洲就会感到更为安全。如果不然他们被迫逃往山区，在那里进行游击战仍然会有收获。

在批准这项计划之前，他提出要坚持的主要条件是，必须排除美国武装部队在古巴任何直接的明显的参与。这个决定在一种意义上许可这场灾难的发生，但在另一种意义上也有助于防止一场更大的灾难。因为要是美国海军和空军公开承担了义务就不能允许失败，最终就会要求美国发动全面的攻击。一旦在空中和海上进行公开的干涉，约翰·肯尼迪就决不允许古巴流亡分子在地面上被打败。他后来说：“显然，如果你们要求美国提供空中掩护，你们也可能会要求美国全面承担义务，这势必意味着将由美国进行正式入侵。”

正如肯尼迪所说，这种明显的单方面的干涉与美国的传统和国际义务相违背，其结果对整个西半球的自由事业所造成的损失甚至比卡斯特罗继续存在这件事还要重大。况且，美国的常规部队仍然没有满员。假如美国可动用的陆军战斗师有半数要被牵制在古巴山区去抵抗游击队，那么共产党人就可能在柏林或世界其他地区采取行动。即便这种干涉似乎是十分需要的，肯尼迪也决不会批准这个行动。

不把美国武装部队投入战斗的决定突出了一个论点，即古巴人凭借他们自己的力量就可以获胜。这一决定还导致了其他一些限制，它们使行动计划更加秘密，使美国的卷入更为隐蔽，这些限制实际上也损害了这项计划的军事前景。

然而，中央情报局、五角大楼和古巴流亡运动者，都没有对总统的基本条件提出任何异议。相反，他们全都如此热衷于行动，以致他们看不见危险，或许是一厢情愿地假定，一旦情况需要总统会被迫改变他的决定的。结果，他们所制订的计划好像美国肯定会公开进行干涉似的，可是他们对总统提出的具体问题的答复却并非如此。总统问道，如果没有我们的军队参加，流亡分子的突击队能达到他们的目标吗？他们向总统书面保证说，能达到——这是一种轻率的错误判断，至多也不过是一项表达希望的声明。总统又问道，如果没有我们的军队参加，流亡分子突击队的成员是不是愿意冒这种艰难尝试的风险，并且在认识到如果他们失败了我们也不会干涉的情况下，他们是不是愿意干下去？他得到保证说，他们愿意冒风险干下去——这是严重的谎报军情，这种说法至少是由于中央情报局的联络官通讯失灵而造成的。

由于得到了这些保证，总统在4月12日的记者招待会上公开提出保证说：“……在任何情况下，美国武装部队将不会对古巴进行任何干涉，而且本政府将尽一切努力——我认为它能够履行其职责——以确保没有美国人卷入古巴境内的任何行动……古巴的基本问题不是美国和古巴之间的问题，而是古巴人自己的问题。我打算设法使我们坚守这项原则。”

这项保证有助于在随后的那个星期里使美国避免发动任何直接的攻击，从而限制了对国际法的破坏——尽管中央情报局和军方施加了种种压力，总统始终没有改变这项保证或为此感到后悔。但是他很快就认识到他本应把整个行动计划撤销。

1961年4月17日星期一的清晨，古巴流亡分子组成的第2506突击队在他们登陆的地方成功地发动了战术性的突然袭击。这支突击队大约有一千四百名不同种族、职业、阶级和党派的古巴人，他们受过充分的训练、有着老练的领导，并配备着精良的武器。在弹药能够维持时他们勇敢善战，并使人数迅速增加到两万名的卡斯特罗部队遭到了重大损失。根据马克斯韦尔·泰勒将军后来主持的全面调查，他们失败的原因是缺乏弹药，而缺乏弹药的原因正说明了这一行动计划的全部缺陷。

泰勒将军说，士兵们携有充足的补给，但是像第一次参加战斗的大部分军队那样，他们由于射击过度而把弹药浪费掉了，特别是因为他们遭到了比预料更为迅速的抵抗。一批够十天用的弹药补给，连同所有的通讯设备以及必要的食品和医药补给品均储存在“里奥·埃斯孔迪多号”货轮上，但是那艘货轮连同另一艘装载补给品的货轮“休斯敦号”，在登陆那天清晨都被卡斯特罗小小的空军部队击沉于近海。这支空军小部队是由两三架配备有火箭装置的喷气教练机有力地领导着的。

增补的补给品和弹药由另外两艘货轮“阿特兰蒂科号”和“卡里贝号”运送。然而尽管在别的场合下，总统关于禁止美国人待在战斗地区的规定曾受到破坏，但这些船上却没有一个美国人，也没有美国人可以控制这些船只的行动。当它们的姐妹船被击沉后，这两条船无视要它们在海岸外五十英里处重新集结的命令迅速地向南远逃，以致当美国海军拦阻它们时，“卡里贝号”货船已跑得太远无法及时返回给予帮助了。“阿特兰蒂科号”于星期二夜间返航，把船上的弹药补给品转移到五条小艇上，准备赶到五十英里外的海滩去，但时间已经太迟，它们无法在夜幕的掩护下完成这一航程了。天一破晓，他们肯定不能幸免于卡斯特罗空军的再次攻击，古巴船员威胁说要进行反抗除非提供一艘美国海军驱逐舰和喷气飞机来护航。由于海滩上处境极为困难的流亡分子呼吁提供补给品，护航司令官要求华盛顿的中央情报局去取得海军帮助，但是中央情报局总部由于未能充分掌握当时海滩上的战局情况，尤其是他们显然不知道迫切需要弹药这一点，所以他们未与总统磋商就取消了这次护航。

这是该地区正式呼吁给予空中掩护的唯一请求，可是这项请求始终未送达给总统。然而就在那天夜里，在内阁会议室举行的一次持续到午夜后的会议上，中央情报局和参谋长联席会议请求他改变公开作出的保证，公然使用美国的海空力量去支持海滩上的突击队。总统仍然不愿意美国突然对古巴发动全面进攻，他没有忘记他不干涉的公开保证和他的全球性责任，所以最后只同意让没有标志的海军喷气机于第二天早晨，对实施空中掩护的反卡斯特罗部队的B-26型飞机进行护航。但是B-26型飞机只能提供不超过一小时的空中掩护，而从中央情报局那里接受指令的B-26型飞机比从海军方面接受指令的喷气机早一小时到达了登陆地点上空。不管这次悲剧性的错误是由于时区的差别还是由于人为所造成，那些B-26型飞机不久就被击落或者失踪，因此喷气式飞机的使命在出动之前就已经无法完成了。流亡分子由于弹尽很快就被围歼了。

战斗开始之前，两次空袭都未能摧毁停在地面上的卡斯特罗的飞机，从而影响了对空中和海滩的控制。4月15日星期六清晨，第一次打击按照计划进行了。但是这次打击的有效性却受到了限制，因为他们企图伪装成是背叛卡斯特罗的飞行员所干的。他们只使用了B－26型飞机，也没有使用美国凝固汽油弹，除了一架飞机飞往佛罗里达以掩盖事实真相外，其他的飞机必须从尼加拉瓜起飞并返回那里。

但掩盖真相的工作甚至比空袭更不成功。不仅很快被卡斯特罗的代表所揭穿，而且也被一家敏锐的报纸所揭穿。总统这时认识到，他本应了解这种情况在一个开放的社会里是不可避免的。那个星期六下午，艾德莱·史蒂文森在联合国虽一再否认，但在二十四小时内就被各种照片和编出来的故事情节中许多内在的矛盾驳斥掉了。整个行动成了一条轰动的新闻，全世界都为美国的蓄意欺骗而激动起来。没有人会相信，定于星期一黎明在登陆部队上岸后所进行的第二次攻击，不是美国对一个小得可怜的邻国进行的公开的无端的进攻。苏联说美国的干涉不会不遭到反击，同时我们的拉丁美洲朋友则全激怒起来了。

因此，总统的外交政策顾问在星期日敦促他——但没有举行可以听取军方和中央情报局意见的正式会议——按照以前商定的美国避免公开卷入的原则，取消星期一清晨的袭击。总统同意了这个建议，第二次攻击被取消了。大家全希望第一次打击会使卡斯特罗的空军受到足够的损失，正如最初报道的那样。星期一的事态表明这些希望已落空之后，那天夜里又准备重新进行第二次打击，但是云层密布使这一次拖延成了致命的事，打算通过消灭T－33型飞机和其他飞机以消除海滩上空威胁的最后机会幻灭了。事实上，原定为关键性的第一次打击，后来证明是非常无效的，没有理由认为，第一次打击后幸存下来并被分散隐蔽起来的卡斯特罗的空军会在第二次打击中被歼灭掉。

因此，总统推迟星期一清晨的空袭一事，对于星期三下午不光彩地结束的这场冒险行动只起了较小的作用。总统后来说，早在星期一清晨之前，败局就已经定了。当这项计划的基本前提已遭到破坏，如果他撤销整个行动计划，而不仅仅是第二次空袭就明智多了。因为他那时已经明白，他实际上批准了一个和他以为自己所批准的东西毫无相似之处的计划。猪湾事件的关键就在这里。

事后看来十分清楚，他实际上批准的东西在外交上是不明智的，而在军事上则从一开始就是注定要失败的。他认为自己所批准的东西在当时看来外交上是可以接受的，而且彻底失败的可能性也很小。设想和现实之间如此大的差距，竟然在这么高的领导层里出现一个这么危险的问题，这反映出了整个决策过程中存在着惊人的错误，这些错误使官僚主义的势力可以代替政策领导者来决定问题。

总统认为他所批准的是一千四百名古巴流亡分子，静悄悄地尽管是大规模地重行潜返其祖国的行动。他得到保证说，按照他的标准修改过的计划是一次基本上全由古巴爱国者所进行的不引人注目的悄悄的登陆，其中空袭是保留下来的唯一真正发出喧闹声的行动。事实上，古巴流亡分子的登陆事先已被大加宣扬，并被蓄意鼓吹为一次“入侵”，而且对他们的人数也故意夸大。这一方面由于流亡团体和官员希望鼓动古巴人民加入他们的队伍；另一方面也由于卡斯特罗起初想要夸大他面临的危险，随后又要宣扬他的胜利；还有一方面是由于拟标题的记者觉得“入侵”听起来要比一千四百人登陆的提法更加耸人听闻。中央情报局甚至向麦迪逊大街代表流亡分子政治阵线的一家公共关系公司口述了战报。为了掩盖美国扮演的角色，军方接受了军事上的种种限制，可是结果美国扮演的角色不仅十分明显而且被过分夸大了。

总统认为他批准的计划是万一流亡分子未能守住并扩大一个滩头堡的话，他们就可以根据计划与山区的其他叛乱分子一起展开游击战。事实上，他们接到的却是相反的指示，即万一失败就退到海滩上。他们曾使总统相信，附近地区是不适宜于展开游击战的，而且绝大多数突击队成员全没有受过游击战训练。他们原来使他确信流亡分子可以逃往埃斯坎布雷山区，但从海滩通往该山区有八十英里，道路如此漫长，而且到处是沼泽地带还布满了卡斯特罗的军队，所以这根本不是一个现实的办法。负责这项行动计划的中央情报局官员甚至从未计划这样做，而且他们既未告诉总统他们认为这种选择是不可取的，也没有告诉流亡分子这是总统的计划。

总统认为，他正在让古巴流亡分子以其革命委员会和突击队领导人为代表去作决定，他们是否愿意在没有美国明显的支持下，为了解放他们的国家而使自己冒生命和失去自由的风险。事实上，大部分突击队员都有一种错觉，即认为在必要时，美国武装部队会公开和直接地援助他们，以消除空中威胁，保证他们的弹药供应并使他们免于失败。这一错觉显然是在他们同中央情报局的接触中产生的。他们也错误地推测，一支更大的流亡分子部队会和他们一起登陆，古巴的地下组织或游击队会同他们会合，而且在岛上另一处的登陆也会牵制住卡斯特罗的部队。实际上，一种小规模的牵制性的登陆列入了计划，但是在两次尝试后被取消了。总统并未获悉他们的设想，正像他们也不知道总统的设想一样。同样地，革命委员会基本上未被告知登陆情况，而且基本上和突击队失去了联络。革命委员会主席何塞·米罗·卡多纳博士认为只有美国武装力量可以推翻卡斯特罗，但他也没有把肯尼迪的密使送来的信件传达下去，这封信说美国不愿给他们军事援助。

肯尼迪总统认为他批准的这项计划，将在古巴地下组织、叛逃军人，以及到一定时候叛变的人民的一场起义运动等配合之下来取得成功。事实上，卡斯特罗的名望和他的警察国家所采取的手段，辅以轰炸和登陆行动后立即进行的大逮捕，其作用竟然远比行动计划的制定人所声称的更为有力。而且，计划制定人不惊动卡斯特罗的部队就无法使地下组织警觉起来。正如古巴地下组织不信任流亡分子中的某些右翼领导人和突击队成员一样，中央情报局也不信任他们中的某些左翼领导人，这种情况进一步损害了合作。结果，虽然突击队在登陆后也受到某些叛变军人和村民的帮助，但是他们事实上并没有策划过也不可能开展配合性的起义活动或是地下活动，特别是在突击队进行战斗的短暂时间内更是不可能的事。总之，总统在批准这项计划时认为只有两种结果，或者发生一场全国性的起义，或者是逃亡到山区去，可是实际上这两者都是极不可能的。

总统批准这项计划并仓促予以实施，是由于他认为卡斯特罗以后将获得挫败这个行动的军事能力。事实上，卡斯特罗当时已经具备这种能力。肯尼迪被告知，卡斯特罗只有一支过时的不处于战斗状况不起作用的空军，猪湾—萨帕塔沼泽地区既没有通讯系统，附近也没有部队。但是所有这些报告都是错误的。预期的大规模的军事叛变并没有出现，卡斯特罗的T－33型喷气教练机比预料的要有效得多，而且卡斯特罗的部队开往滩头阵地打垮流亡分子队伍所用的兵力、装备和速度远比所预料的强。实际上，计划制定人员忽视了那些喷气教练机，而这些飞机在很大程度上造成了弹药的损失和其他的失败。

总统批准这项计划之前得到保证说，它将既是秘密的又是成功的。但是事实上他发现这项计划的规模，既太大，以致于不可能保守秘密，又太小，以致于不可能获得成功。如果有一万或两万名流亡分子像他们那样勇敢和出色地战斗，也许能完成这项计划，但这决不是一千四百人所能做到的。泰勒将军后来检讨这件事时，发觉整个计划在军事上是很勉强的。突击队人数太少，空军飞行员太少，替换疲劳的领导者的副指挥人员太少，补充战斗伤亡人员的后备兵太少，而遇到的意料不到的障碍则太多。例如，突击队指望用外装马达的小船穿过海图上没有标明的暗礁实施夜间登陆。即使有充足的弹药并控制住了天空，即使再有两次比之前规模大两倍的空袭，如果没有美国军队或古巴人民的大力协助，突击队还是不可能从滩头堡突围出去或者支持得更长久的。但两者都不可能实现，因此突击队在猪湾的胜利也决不可能实现。

后来，他在记者招待会上说：“有一句老话，胜利人人居功，失败无人任咎。……我是政府的负责官员，这一点是很明显的。”由于他自己承担了全部责任，他赢得了职业官员和公众的称赞，避免了党派的调查和攻击，并阻止了有关人员进一步泄露出他们的看法和指责。但是他的承担责任不仅仅是一个政治手段，或者是宪法上的一项义务，他强烈地、真诚地感觉到他的责任，而且他一再反复地讲到这一点。他大声地问自己：“我怎么会如此大错特错呢？我一生中非常清楚不能依赖专家。我怎么会如此傻，让他们搞起来呢？”

起初无论是卡斯特罗还是他的战友，本来不仅同苏联和其他社会主义国家没有任何联系，而且甚至对马列主义、对共产主义学说尚无基本的认识。但是在受到美国的强大压力时，卡斯特罗不得不向苏联寻求援助。苏联当时对古巴的处境表现出异乎寻常的关切，正是出于同美国争夺霸权的需要，想在拉丁美洲找一个立足点。古巴的求援，正是赫鲁晓夫求之不得的事情。他认为古巴局势的发展，直接关系到苏联在拉丁美洲的影响，关系到苏联的威信及其在拉美的立脚点。古巴和苏联于1960年已经恢复了外交关系。在美国同古巴绝交后，苏联抓住机会增加了对古巴的经济、军事援助。苏古关系的发展，导致了美苏关系的紧张和日后的导弹危机。

被逼上梁山的卡斯特罗，1960年秋天在联合国大会上发表了一番慷慨激昂的讲话。他面对坐在大厅里的美国人说，是你们促使我们寻求新的市场和新的朋友，他们就是苏联和社会主义世界。在这之后，我们开始对社会主义产生兴趣并开始进行研究。

赫鲁晓夫思前想后，坚决主张把导弹运进古巴，其理由如下。

第一，肯尼迪上台之后，吉隆滩登陆失败，使他在外交上输了一个回合，美国没有充分理由反对卡斯特罗采取一切可能的预防措施来对付另一次入侵，其中包括接受苏联的核武器援助在内。

第二，对抗美国的包围。鉴于当时美国已经用轰炸机基地和导弹包围了苏联，美国在土耳其、意大利和西德的导弹都对准了苏联，苏联重要的工业中心都处于核弹、战略轰炸机的直接威胁之下。因此应尽快秘密地把导弹运进古巴，而且要在美国发现之前装好，可供发射。

第三，最重要的一个原因是为了在全球恢复美苏平衡。20世纪50年代后期，在军备竞赛中，肯尼迪政府拼命扩充核武库，使美国在苏美核竞赛中处于领先地位。因此，在赫鲁晓夫看来，向古巴部署导弹显然是恢复苏美平衡的一个既方便又快捷千载难逢的好机会。从军事角度来说，在古巴安置导弹，能够增加以美国为目标的导弹总数，而且可以避开美国的预警系统，从而使苏联打击美国的能力增加一倍，改变苏联的战略地位。

第四，可以巩固古巴领导人卡斯特罗的地位，从政治、经济和军事上控制古巴，从而把古巴作为同美国进行政治交易的筹码，以增强苏联的威慑能力。赫鲁晓夫或许也知道可能会面临严重的军事冲突，但思前想后觉得这场大赌博还是值得一试的。

1962年苏联政府批准了赫鲁晓夫的计划，赫鲁晓夫在7月3日和8日参加了与劳尔·卡斯特罗的会谈，并达成秘密协议。苏联在古巴部署中程导弹，向其提供伊尔-28喷气轰炸机。此计划于7月开始实施，苏联船只将被拆开的几十枚导弹和几十架飞机装到集装箱里运往古巴。同时，3500名军事技术人员也陆续乘船前往。每一枚导弹都携带着一个威力比在广岛爆炸的原子弹大20或30倍的核弹头。经过伪装的第一批武器在7月下旬用商船运抵古巴。

1962年8月，美国发现了苏联设在古巴的导弹发射场。但直到9月2日，苏联才公开宣布根据苏古两国达成的协议，苏联将向古巴供应武器和提供技术专家。此时，苏联的武器和专家的运输计划已基本完成，部署工作也已近尾声。

在此期间，苏联在公开场合一直否认在古巴拥有任何进攻武器。赫鲁晓夫在给肯尼迪的信中表示：“苏联不需要为了击败侵略，为了进行报复性的打击而将自己的武器转移到其他任何国家，例如古巴。”赫鲁晓夫并且保证，在11月美国国会选举前，他不会挑起任何事件。一周以后，苏联政府发表了一个声明，特别提到征召后备役军人以及美国对苏联向古巴进行海运而引起的惊恐问题。声明说：“苏联的船只是装运给古巴人民的日用品和食物。”但是，接着又承认：“由于侵略成性的帝国主义集团的威胁，应古巴政府的请求，还装载着一定数量的武器，以及训练古巴人使用现代化武器的军事技术专家和技术人员。”声明中还说：“我们的核武器爆炸力如此强大，而苏联又拥有如此强大的火箭来运载这些核弹头，以致没有必要在苏联疆土之外寻找发射核武器的场所。……苏联有可能从它自己的国土上支援任何爱好和平的国家，不仅是古巴。”

1962年10月14日，在这个万里无云的星期日清晨，两架美国U-2飞机从南向北飞过了古巴西部上空，拍摄了大量照片。经专家们对放大照片的仔细研究，他们认出了一座发射台和许多发射弹道导弹的建筑物，以及一枚中程弹道导弹和射程为2000英里的中远程弹道导弹使用的永久基地。而且，经美国专家鉴定，发射装置上安装的是导弹核武器。

10月16日，肯尼迪总统得到上述情况的汇报。他对赫鲁晓夫的欺骗行为非常恼怒，并立刻意识到这件事关系重大。他没有料到苏联人在古巴会采取如此轻率和冒险的行动，没有料到转眼之间古巴戏剧性地拥有了在西半球仅次于美国的最大的、装备最好的军事力量。

肯尼迪感到苏联的导弹造成了严重的威胁，要是不猛烈回击，就会有损政府在国内外的形象，激起公众对他的不信任，并使美国如芒在背。肯尼迪决定，要使苏联明白美国不惜一战的决心。

10月22日晚上７点，肯尼迪向美国和全世界发表广播讲话，通告了苏联在古巴部署核导弹的事实，宣布武装封锁古巴，要求苏联在联合国的监督下,撤走已经部署在古巴的进攻性武器。

肯尼迪认为这一秘密、迅速和异乎寻常的导弹设施是“蓄意的挑衅和对现状做出的毫无道理的改变，是美国不能接受的。肯尼迪总统又以强调的语气列举了美国即将采取的海上隔离等初步措施。他在演说中用“隔离”一词代替了“封锁”，认为这个词比“封锁”火药味较少，比较适用于和平、自卫的行动。然而，婉转的言词并没有减弱行动的火药味。封锁命令一下达，美国地面、空中和两栖作战部队即开始集中。此外，还调集出兵古巴所需要的军需物资，开始采取保护美国免遭核袭击的种种预防措施。美国在世界各地的军队也进入戒备状态。美国总统下令，载有核弹头的美国轰炸机进入古巴周围的上空。

美国如此强硬的态度着实让赫鲁晓夫吃了一惊，于是他下令加快向古巴运送导弹及苏式轰炸机的速度。赫鲁晓夫低估了美国的情报系统和肯尼迪政府的强硬态度。

在肯尼迪发表广播讲话以后的5天中，即从10月23日至27日，局势紧张到几乎难以忍受的程度，核战争的阴影笼罩着整个加勒比海上空，整个世界危在旦夕。

10月23日，星期二，苏联政府发表声明，表示仍要按苏古协议继续使用武器援助古巴，坚决拒绝美国的拦截，对美国的威胁将进行最激烈的回击。

10月24日，在68个空军中队和８艘航空母舰护卫下，由90艘军舰组成的美国庞大舰队出动了。美舰从佛罗里达到波多黎各布成了一个弧形，封锁了古巴海域。与此同时，美国导弹部队全部奉命处于高度戒备状态，导弹在发射台上听候指令。不仅在佛罗里达和邻近各州，美国集结了第二次世界大战后最庞大的登陆部队准备参战，而且世界各地的美军基地也进入戒备状态，剑拔弩张地准备打一场全球性的核战争。

美国对古巴实施的海上隔离，于10月24日上午10时起正式开始。在蓝色的加勒比海上，美国海军舰只控制了几千英里长的海域。在离古巴东部海岸约300公里的大特克岛上，设有巨大的美军导弹跟踪站，密切监视来往古巴的船只的一举一动。整个古巴像个铁桶似地被团团围住。

10月25日，苏联作出了一个决定，即以不携带武器的船只去考验封锁。

10月26日，星期五。赫鲁晓夫给肯尼迪写了一封被白宫形容为冗长、杂乱无章、漫无边际的信，它显然是在情感冲动下写的，充满着要避免核战的激情。在信中，赫鲁晓夫承认苏联导弹在古巴的存在，但把它们说成是纯粹防御性的。他说，他深切地渴望和平，让我们不要使局势弄得不可收拾，强行实行隔离只会使苏联采取自认为必要的措施。但是，如果美国做出不会入侵古巴，也不允许别人入侵的保证，并且撤回舰队，不再搞隔离，就会使一切马上改观。

但是，就在美国总统答复赫鲁晓夫的来信之前，国家安全委员会执行委员会又收到了苏联领导人发出的第二封颇为冗长，带着官腔并且火药味十足的信件（这也许是由苏联外交部写的）。信中包含着不同的立场，其实质是谋求实现一种相互交换。

“我的这一建议是：我们同意从古巴撤走那些您称为进攻性的武器。我们同意这样做并同意在联合国宣布这一承诺。您的代表则必须发表一个声明，即就美国而言，考虑到苏联的忧虑和关心，将从土耳其撤出类似的武器。我们可就双方何时将其付诸实施达成一项协议……”

肯尼迪立即拒绝了这种交换方法。他没有答复这封信，但白宫发表了一份声明，指出土耳其与古巴危机毫不相干。这封信既反映出克里姆林宫内部意见的不一致，又使美国对苏联的意图更加捉摸不定，因而使局势又复杂化了。

此时，在全世界所有的美国核部队和常规部队都已经奉命准备随时行动，一支庞大的入侵部队也聚集在佛罗里达。双方剑拔弩张，战争一触即发。

美国官方普遍估计，在古巴的几个发射场已处于发射状态，在这种情况下对导弹发射场的任何直接空袭都可能造成美国城市上空的热核爆炸。

肯尼迪和国家安全委员会执行委员会权衡了赞成与反对从土耳其撤除导弹的两种主张，讨论了空中打击和入侵的时间表。正当国家安全委员会执行委员会激烈紧张地辩论应采取什么对策而一筹莫展的时候，罗伯特·肯尼迪想出了一个摆脱危机的办法。他说，为什么不可以不理睬赫鲁晓夫的第二封信而只回答第一封信呢？于是，他向赫鲁晓夫发出了接受他10月26日星期五提议的信。

亲爱的主席先生：

我非常仔细地阅读了您10月26日的来信，对您表示愿意迅速谋求一个解决办法的声明表示欢迎。然而，需要做好的第一件事是，在联合国的有效安排下，停止在古巴进攻性导弹基地上施工，并使古巴一切可供进攻之用的武器系统都无法使用。……

但是让我强调一下，其首要的因素还是要在有效的国际保证之下，停止在古巴的导弹基地上的工作。使这一威胁继续存在下去，或者使这些问题同欧洲和世界安全的一些广泛问题联系起来而拖延有关古巴问题的讨论，肯定将会加剧古巴危机并严重危害世界和平。因此，我希望我们能按照此信和您10月26日的信件中提出的办法迅速取得一致意见。

约翰·肯尼迪

赫鲁晓夫领会了肯尼迪的暗示。他认识到长期容忍无法打破而又日益加强的封锁不利于苏联，封锁拖得越久，苏联的损失就越大。在做出这一决定时，他已经来不及，也不想与性格倔强的卡斯特罗商量了。因为他已通过情报部门获悉，如果第二天不给美国答复，美军就会在29日或30日轰炸苏联的导弹设备和古巴的军事目标，然后入侵该岛。再拖延下去，就意味着死亡。

大约一年零八个月后，在1962年圣诞节前夕，由于肯尼迪对卡斯特罗发出的严厉警告而保住了性命的俘虏，在价值5300万美元物品的交换下获释了。这一给人留下深刻印象的行动是由司法部长指挥，并由代表古巴家属委员会的詹姆斯·多诺万律师去与卡斯特罗谈判的。此次行动并没有使用财政部或中央情报局的任何经费，而是完全用公众捐赠的药品、婴儿食品、医疗设备和非禁运的生活用品来交换的。从1961年6、7月起，各种谈判的尝试断断续续地进行着。虽然这一行动基本上是由私人负责和筹措资金的，总统却为他的政府通过免税、协作、调拨剩余粮食和给予鼓励等方式所提供的帮助感到自豪。在突击队领导人获释后，总统和第一夫人在棕搁滩的家里接见了他们，被他们的仪态和精神深深感动了。两天以后，在奥兰治圆形竞技场对突击队员及其友人发表的一次演说中，总统预言突击队的旗帜总有一天会在自由的哈瓦那上空飘扬。

10月28日，星期六。莫斯科电台广播了赫鲁晓夫的回信。

我非常理解您以及美国人民对于您所称为进攻性武器所感到的忧虑，这的确是一种可怕的武器。您和我都了解，这是一种什么性质的武器。

为了尽快地消除这一危及和平事业的冲突，为了给渴望和平的各国人民以保证，苏联政府除了此前已下达的在武器的建筑工地停止施工的命令外，现又下达新命令拆除您所称为进攻性的武器，并将它们包装运回苏联。

随着这一句话的播出，这场严重的古巴导弹危机至此结束。信中没有再提撤出美国在土耳其的导弹为对等条件。

11月11日，苏联部署在古巴的42枚导弹全部撤走。

11月20日，肯尼迪宣布赫鲁晓夫答应在30天内从古巴撤走全部伊尔-28型轰炸机，肯尼迪同时宣布取消对古巴的海上封锁。与此同时，苏联政府命令苏联武装力量解除最高战备状态。加勒比海又平静了下来。

肯尼迪很可能是他的政府中最懦弱的一员，他根本不是鹰，但是他明白坚持这种立场才是更勇敢的。很多时候，寻求和平比发动战争更需要勇气。肯尼迪对危机的处理一直是果断的、不妥协，勇气是不偏不倚的。虽然很多人认为，那根本不是勇气，而是一种危险的固执。肯尼迪认识到，无论苏联战略能力陡增2倍或3倍所带来的军事影响是什么，政治影响可能是毁灭性的。赫鲁晓夫是想通过这一努力去重新调整，与华盛顿没有导弹差距的承认所确立的战略平衡。肯尼迪勇敢的鹰派作风和冷静灵活的反应，阻挠了这一计谋的实现，为美国人赢得了胜利。

第二节  肯尼迪于1962年关于古巴导弹危机发表电视讲话

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet military buildup on the island of Cuba. Within the past week, unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purpose of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere.

Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning at 9 A.M., I directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And having now confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail.

The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations. Several of them include medium range ballistic missiles, capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D. C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area.

Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate range ballistic missiles—capable of traveling more than twice as far—and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weapons, are now being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared.

This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base—by the presence of these large, long-range, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction—constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation and hemisphere, the joint resolution of the 87th Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings to the Soviets on September 4 and 13. This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly and privately delivered, that the arms buildup in Cuba would retain its original defensive character, and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic missiles. on the territory of any other nation.

The size of this undertaking makes clear that it has been planned for some months. Yet, only last month, after I had made clear the distinction between any introduction of ground-to-ground missiles and the existence of defensive antiaircraft missiles, the Soviet Government publicly stated on September 11 that, and I quote, "the armaments and military equipment sent to Cuba are designed exclusively for defensive purposes," that there is, and I quote the Soviet Government, "there is no need for the Soviet Government to shift its weapons for a retaliatory blow to any other country, for instance Cuba," and that, and I quote their government, "the Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to carry these nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the boundaries of the Soviet Union."

That statement was false.

Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive buildup was already in my hand, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told me in my office that he was instructed to make it clear once again, as he said his government had already done, that Soviet assistance to Cuba, and I quote, "pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the defense capabilities of Cuba," that, and I quote him, "training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling defensive armaments was by no means offensive, and if it were otherwise," Mr. Gromyko went on, "the Soviet Government would never become involved in rendering such assistance."

That statement also was false.

Neither the United States of America nor the world community of nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as a definite threat to peace.

For many years, both the Soviet Union and the United States, recognizing this fact, have deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never upsetting the precarious status quo which insured that these weapons would not be used in the absence of some vital challenge. Our own strategic missiles have never been transferred to the territory of any other nation under a cloak of secrecy and deception; and our history—unlike that of the Soviets since the end of World War II—demonstrates that we have no desire to dominate or conquer any other nation or impose our system upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become adjusted to living daily on the bull's-eye of Soviet missiles located inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines.

In that sense, missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger—although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat. But this secret, swift, extraordinary buildup of Communist missiles—in an area well known to have a special and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy—this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil—is a deliberately provocative and unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country, if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe.

The 1930's taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country, and to secure their withdrawal or elimination from the Western Hemisphere.

Our policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful nation which leads a worldwide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further action is required, and it is under way; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will not prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth; but neither will we shrink from that risk at any time it must be faced.

Acting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western Hemisphere, and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the Resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken immediately:

First: To halt this offensive buildup a strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated. All ships of any kind bound for Cuba from whatever nation or port will, if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons, be turned back. This quarantine will be extended, if needed, to other types of cargo and carriers. We are not at this time, however, denying the necessities of life as the Soviets attempted to do in their Berlin blockade of 1948.

Second: I have directed the continued and increased close surveillance of Cuba and its military buildup. The foreign ministers of the OAS [Organization of American States], in their communiqué' of October 6, rejected secrecy on such matters in this hemisphere. Should these offensive military preparations continue, thus increasing the threat to the hemisphere, further action will be justified. I have directed the Armed Forces to prepare for any eventualities; and I trust that in the interest of both the Cuban people and the Soviet technicians at the sites, the hazards to all concerned of continuing this threat will be recognized.

Third: It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.

Fourth: As a necessary military precaution, I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo, evacuated today the dependents of our personnel there, and ordered additional military units to be on a standby alert basis.

Fifth: We are calling tonight for an immediate meeting of the Organ[ization] of Consultation under the Organization of American States, to consider this threat to hemispheric security and to invoke articles 6 and 8 of the Rio Treaty in support of all necessary action. The United Nations Charter allows for regional security arrangements, and the nations of this hemisphere decided long ago against the military presence of outside powers. Our other allies around the world have also been alerted.

Sixth: Under the Charter of the United Nations, we are asking tonight that an emergency meeting of the Security Council be convoked without delay to take action against this latest Soviet threat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in Cuba, under the supervision of U.N. observers, before the quarantine can be lifted.

Seventh and finally: I call upon Chairman Khrushchev to halt and eliminate this clandestine, reckless, and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations between our two nations. I call upon him further to abandon this course of world domination, and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and to transform the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of destruction by returning to his government's own words that it had no need to station missiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis, and then by participating in a search for peaceful and permanent solutions.

This nation is prepared to present its case against the Soviet threat to peace, and our own proposals for a peaceful world, at any time and in any forum—in the OAS, in the United Nations, or in any other meeting that could be useful—without limiting our freedom of action. We have in the past made strenuous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have proposed the elimination of all arms and military bases in a fair and effective disarmament treaty. We are prepared to discuss new proposals for the removal of tensions on both sides, including the possibilities of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its own destiny. We have no wish to war with the Soviet Union—for we are a peaceful people who desire to live in peace with all other peoples.

But it is difficult to settle or even discuss these problems in an atmosphere of intimidation. That is why this latest Soviet threat—or any other threat which is made either independently or in response to our actions this week— must and will be met with determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of peoples to whom we are committed, including in particular the brave people of West Berlin, will be met by whatever action is needed.

Finally, I want to say a few words to the captive people of Cuba, to whom this speech is being directly carried by special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as one who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all. And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed—and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination. Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and agents of an international conspiracy which has turned Cuba against your friends and neighbors in the Americas, and turned it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war—the first Latin American country to have these weapons on its soil.

These new weapons are not in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and well-being. They can only undermine it. But this country has no wish to cause you to suffer or to impose any system upon you. We know that your lives and land are being used as pawns by those who deny your freedom. Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt that most Cubans today look forward to the time when they will be truly free—free from foreign domination, free to choose their own leaders, free to select their own system, free to own their own land, free to speak and write and worship without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of free nations and to the associations of this hemisphere.

My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out. No one can foresee precisely what course it will take or what costs or casualties will be incurred. Many months of sacrifice and self-discipline lie ahead—months in which both our patience and our will will be tested, months in which many threats and denunciations will keep us aware of our dangers. But the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing.

The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are; but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.

Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right; not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.

Thank you and good night.

晚上好，我的同胞们：

本政府一直如承诺地，对古巴岛上的苏联军事建设保持着最密切的留意。在上周，有清晰的证据显示了这样的事实，在那个被囚禁的小岛上，一系列进攻性导弹场地正处在建设中。这些基地除了提供针对西半球的核打击能力，实在找不出存在的其他目的。

在上个星期二早上9点，我一收到第一份该性质的初步严峻情报，就指示把我们的监视升级。现在证据已获证实，并完成了证据评估和我们对采取行动所做的决策。本政府觉得有责任向你们报告这场新危机最详细的情况。

这些新导弹场地的特点明确表明是两种不同类型的安装。其中包括一些能够携带射程超过1000海里的核弹头的中程弹道导弹。简单地讲，每枚这样的导弹都能够对华盛顿特区、巴拿马运河、卡纳维拉尔角、墨西哥城，或美国东南部、中美洲、加勒比地区的任何其他城市进行打击。

另外尚未完工的场地，看来是被用于射程超过上面所说导弹2倍的中程导弹，进而能够打击最北至加拿大哈得森湾，最南至秘鲁利马的西半球大多数主要城市。另外，能够携带核武器的喷气式轰炸机已运抵古巴开始组装，配套的空军基地也在建设中。

这些大型、远程而且明显具攻击性的武器能在瞬间形成大规模杀伤力，它们的出现说明古巴已经急速蜕变为一个战略要地，这对所有美国人的和平和安全构成了明确的威胁。是对1947年里约协定，美国与西半球的传统，87届联大联合决议，联合国宪章以及我在9月3日和13日对苏联所做警告进行公然和蓄意的挑衅。该行为也与苏联发言人在公开和私下场合反复透露的保证——在古巴的军事建设仍然是防御性质，苏联不需要或没有必要在任何其他国家领土上布置战略导弹相矛盾。

这些工程的规模清晰的表明，对方已经计划了数月。然而就是上个月，在我对引入的地地导弹和现有防空导弹之间做出了明确界定后，苏联政府在9月11日做了公开声明，我来引用：“运往古巴的武器和军事设施专门用于防御目的。”这里还有：“苏联政府不需要为了报复性还击，把武器运到任何其他国家。”我再引用：“苏联有威力强大的火箭足以运送核弹头，不需要在苏联国界外寻求基地。”

这个声明是假的。

就在上个星期四，当我已经掌握了进攻性工事在快速兴建的证据时，苏联外相葛罗米柯在我的办公室告诉我，他获得指示再向我澄清一遍。他说他的政府即苏联对古巴实行的援助，我这里引用：“仅仅是为了增加古巴的防御能力。”我再引用：“苏联专家是训练古巴人掌握防御性武器，如果该培训包含其他内容也决不具进攻性质。”他接着说：“苏联政府绝对不会提供这样的援助。”

这个声明又是假的。

美国和国际社会都无法容忍对任何国家，无论大小，进行蓄意的欺骗和进攻威胁。我们将要居住在一个炮火纷飞的真实世界，这代表了对一个国家安全的极大挑战，构成了最大的威胁。核武器威力惊人，而弹道导弹的速度又如此之快，任何它们使用机会的实质性增加，或它们的部署发生任何突然的变化，都会被当做对和平构成明确的威胁。

多年来，美国和苏联都认识到了这个事实，小心翼翼地开发战略核武器，决不扰乱这些武器的不稳定现状，保证它们不得在非紧要关头使用。我国的核武器从来没有在诡秘和欺骗的外衣下，被转移到其他任何国家的领土上；我们的历史也不像苏联自二战结束以来的历史，说明我们没有欲望支配或征服其他任何国家或把我们的制度强加给其他国家的人民。然而，美国人民却要适应每天在苏联导弹或潜艇的靶心下生活。

从这个意义上讲，古巴的导弹已经明显加剧了现实的威胁。尽管要注意的是拉美国家以前从来没受到过潜在的核威胁，但苏联导弹这样秘密、快速和不寻常的建立，而且在一个众所周知对美国和西半球国家有特殊和历史关系的地区。这违反了苏联的保证，是对美国和西半球政策的挑衅。这种突然秘密地把战略武器首次部署在苏联国土以外的决策是蓄意挑衅，如果要我们的朋友或敌人再次相信我们的勇气和承诺，那我国就不能接受对现状进行目中无人的改变。

20世纪30年代的现实给我们上了清楚的一课，进攻性行为如果不加节制和未受到还击，最终会滑向战争。美国反对战争，但我们也不食言。因此我们的目标是必须至死不渝地防止，针对美国或任何其他国家使用这些导弹，并确保其从西半球撤除或拆毁。

忍耐和克制一直是我们的政策之一，这让一个领导世界联盟的，和平而强大的国家受益。我们的关注中心也肯定不仅仅是刺激和狂躁。但现在要采取进一步的行动，已经在进行中了。这些行动还只是个开始。即使我们尝不到胜利的果实，也不会过早地或没有必要冒造成世界核大战的风险，但无论何时，面对必须要冒的风险，我们也决不退缩。

因此要采取行动来保卫我们和整个西半球的安全，根据宪法赋予我的权力并经国会决议批准，我指示立即采取以下初步步骤。

首先，暂停该进攻性建筑工事，开始对所有运往古巴的进攻性军事设备进行严格盘查。无论从哪个国家或港口驶往古巴的任何船只，如果被发现货物中包含进攻性武器都必须返回。如果需要，这样的盘查将扩大到其他类型的货物和运输工具。不过此时我们不会拒绝生活必需品的输入，就像苏联在1948年封锁柏林时那样。

第二，我指示对古巴和其军事工事进行持续的更严密监视。美洲国家组织的外长在10月6日的公告中，拒绝对事关整个西半球的事态进行保密。如果这些进攻性军事准备继续下去，对西半球的威胁就进而增大了，会有进一步的行动。我已经命令陆海空三军准备应对任何出现的可能性，而我也相信从那些在基地的古巴人和苏联技师的利益考虑，这样的威胁继续下去会被认为对所有各方都构成危害。

第三，我国的政策是，从古巴发射的针对西半球任何国家的任何核弹，都将被看作是苏联对美国的攻击，都会对苏联采取全面的报复。

第四，作为必要的军事戒备，我加强了我们在关塔纳摩的基地，今天撤离了那里人员的家属，并下令更多军事单位进驻，处于待命警戒状态。

第五，为了考虑该威胁对西半球的安全和援引里约条约第6条和第8条来支持所有必要的行动，我要求立即召开美洲国家组织协商会议。联合国宪章允许对地区安全进行安排，西半球国家很早以前就决定了反对来自该区域以外军事力量的存在。我们在全世界的其他盟国也已接获警报。

第六，根据联合国宪章，我们要求立刻召开安理会紧急会议，对苏联最近对世界和平的威胁采取行动。我们的解决方案是在盘查升级之前，呼吁在联合国观察员的监督下，立刻拆除并撤走所有在古巴的进攻性武器。

第七，我呼吁赫鲁晓夫主席暂停和消除这种对世界和平进行的秘密、不顾后果和挑衅性的威胁，并稳定我们两国的关系。我呼吁他进一步摒弃这种支配世界的做法，加入到终结危险军备竞赛和改变人类历史的历史性努力中。现在他有机会把世界从毁灭的深渊中拉回来，做到这点只要他的政府能够信守诺言——不需要在其领土外部署导弹，从古巴撤走这些武器来控制任何会扩大或加剧现有危机的活动，寻求一个和平和永久的解决方法。

美国准备在任何时候，无论是在美洲国家组织，联合国或任何其他有帮助的会议上，在我们的自由不受限制的情况下，讨论苏联对和平的威胁和我们对世界和平的提议。我们过去做出了艰苦的努力来限制核武器的扩散。我们打算用公平和有效的裁军条约来消除所有的军事和武装基地。我们还准备讨论消除双方紧张的新提案，包括古巴真正独立，自己决定其命运的可能性。我们不希望同苏联开战，因为我们是一个想同所有其他民族和平相处的民族。

但在被胁迫的气氛中很难解决，甚至讨论这些问题。这就是为什么苏联最近的威胁或任何其他单独或针对我们本周所采取活动的威胁必须要被果断解决的原因。对世界上任何地方都得到美国承诺的人民的安全和自由采取敌对行动，尤其包括西柏林那些勇敢的人民，无论采取什么行动都必须被解决。

最后我想对被压制的古巴人民，对通过特殊收听器材直接听到该演讲的人说几句话。我是以一个朋友，一个深知你们对祖国深深依恋的人，一个和你们分享对自由和正义的渴望的人在对你们说话。我和美国人民对你们的国民革命如何被出卖，你们的祖国如何向外国势力臣服表示深切的遗憾。现在你们的领导人不再是心中有古巴的领导人。他们是被国际阴谋所操纵的傀儡和代理人，想把古巴变成核大战的目标。古巴是第一个在自己的土地上拥有这些武器的拉美国家。

这些新式武器不代表你们的利益，它们对你们的和平和幸福起不到任何贡献，只能伤害你们的和平和幸福。但美国不想让你们遭受痛苦或把任何制度强加给你们。我们知道你们的生命和国家正被否定你们自由的人扣为抵押品。古巴人民过去多次起义推翻破坏他们自由的暴君。我深信大多数古巴人现在都期待着他们能真正自由的那天——不受外国支配，自由选择自己的领导人，自由地选择自己的制度，自由地拥有国家，自由发言和出版，不需要伴随着恐惧或蔑视人格的崇拜。而那时将欢迎古巴重返自由国家的社会和西半球大家庭。

我的同胞们，不要怀疑我们付出的努力有多困难和危险。没有人能真正预见会采取什么行动，或付出什么代价或遭到什么伤亡。今后的几个月要准备牺牲和克制，这几个月我们的耐心和意愿将接受考验，这几个月许多威胁和谴责能让我们意识到危险。但最大的危险是什么都不做。

像所有的路一样，我们现在选择了一条充满危险的路，但这是与我们国家的特点和勇气以及美国对全世界的承诺最一致的一条路。自由的代价一直很高，但美国人总是愿意为此付出。有一条路我们绝对不会选择，那就是投降或屈服。

我们的目标不是胜利，而是辩明权利。不仅西半球，我们希望全世界都不以自由为代价来换取和平，而是同时拥有自由与和平。上帝保佑，这个目标必将实现。

谢谢大家并祝大家晚安。

第三节  精彩语录

Neither the United States of America nor the world community of nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as a definite threat to peace.

美国和国际社会都无法容忍对任何国家，无论大小，进行蓄意的欺骗和进攻威胁。我们将要居住在一个炮火纷飞的真实世界，这代表了对一个国家安全的极大挑战，构成了最大的威胁。核武器威力惊人，而弹道导弹的速度又如此之快，任何它们使用机会的实质性增加，或它们的部署发生任何突然的变化，都会被当作对和平构成明确的威胁。

Our policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful nation which leads a worldwide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further action is required, and it is under way; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will not prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth; but neither will we shrink from that risk at any time it must be faced.

忍耐和克制一直是我们的政策之一，这让一个领导世界联盟的，和平而强大的国家受益。我们的关注中心也肯定不仅仅是刺激和狂躁。但现在要采取进一步的行动，已经在进行中了。这些行动还只是个开始。即使我们尝不到胜利的果实，也不会过早地或没有必要冒造成世界核大战的风险，但无论何时，面对必须要冒的风险，我们也决不退缩。

I call upon him further to abandon this course of world domination, and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and to transform the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of destruction by returning to his government's own words that it had no need to station missiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis, and then by participating in a search for peaceful and permanent solutions.

我呼吁他进一步摒弃这种支配世界的做法，加入到终结危险军备竞赛和改变人类历史的历史性努力中。现在他有机会把世界从毁灭的深渊中拉回来，做到这点只要他的政府能够信守诺言——不需要在其领土外部署导弹，从古巴撤走这些武器来控制任何会扩大或加剧现有危机的活动，寻求一个和平和永久的解决方法。

The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are; but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.

像所有的路一样，我们现在选择了一条充满危险的路，但这是与我们国家的特点和勇气以及美国对全世界的承诺最一致的一条路。自由的代价一直很高，但美国人总是愿意为此付出。有一条路我们绝对不会选择，那就是投降或屈服。

Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right; not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.

我们的目标不是胜利，而是辩明权利。不仅西半球，我们希望全世界都不以自由为代价来换取和平，而是同时拥有自由与和平。上帝保佑，这个目标必将实现。

第六章  我们选择登月

第一节  背景介绍

1957年前苏联在抢先发射第一颗人造地球卫星之后，又于1961年把第一名航天员送上了地球轨道。这是人类历史上最具震撼力的探索与进步，从而使前苏联在航天领域遥遥领先。这大大刺激了技术力量雄厚的美国，美国总统肯尼迪惊呼：“我们落后了！”为了迎接苏联的太空挑战，美国决心不惜一切代价，重振昔日科技和军事领先的雄风。

总统在1961年向联合国发表的演说中，要求在一个新的领域——外层空间进行和平的合作。他说：“决不能让宇宙的寒冷地区成为更加寒冷的冷战的新战场。”在那年的就职演说和第一份国情咨文中，他号召东西方合作来创造科学的奇迹，而不是使人看到科学的恐怖。让我们一起去探索星球吧。

但是，苏联人粗暴地拒绝了这个建议。他们无意同大大落后于他们的美国空间计划——不是在科学研究的数量和种类上，而是在把大型运载工具发射入轨道的十分重要的能力上进行合作。苏联人有较为强大的火箭推进器，在1957年首先发射了一个宇宙卫星，接着又第一个把活的动物送入了空间轨道。尽管多数党领袖约翰逊一再敦促，艾森豪威尔政府在着手制定空间计划方面却是迟缓和拖拉的，而共和党官员们还对俄国人所作的努力大加嘲笑和表示怀疑。杜鲁门总统也砍掉了战后在德国科学家帮助下开始制定的初期美国空间计划。

为了打破前苏联的航天优势，肯尼迪召集各有关部门首脑商量对策，他大大增加了发展大型土星或火箭推进器的预算，并使国家空间委员会恢复了活力。由副总统担任主席，在减少军方和文职人员进行无原则的争辩的情况下加速工作的进展。但这还不够。在加加林进入太空的消息宣布后第二天，当国家航空和宇宙航行局局长詹姆斯·韦布把一个美国设计的，即将把一位美国飞行员送入空间的密封小舱的模型带来放在桌上时，肯尼迪还是很不安心。他打量着放在他桌上的这个鲁布·戈德堡式的新鲜玩意儿，心想这或许是韦布当天早晨在上班的路上从玩具店买来的。

国家航空和宇宙航行局报告说，未来惊人的庞大计划按其可能的发展程序大约包括：更长时间的单人轨道飞行，双人宇宙飞船，空间轨道实验室，固定的宇宙中间站，绕过月球后返回地面的载人火箭，登上月球再返回地球的载人火箭，勘察星球的载人火箭，以及用于宇宙航行的全部可控制的飞机。科学家们说，美国要在这份报告的前几项的任何一个项目上超过苏联人其前景都是暗淡的，因为他们一开始在火箭方面就占了优势。击败他们第一个最好的赌注是使人登上月球。

但是总统一旦迈开了步子就不再后退。对于那些认为把这笔钱用来消除这个星球上的贫穷和无知更为值得的人，他指出我国有财力把这两方面的事业都办到。但提出前面那种意见的国会议员，不论空间计划的规模大小如何，似乎都不会投票提供更多的福利基金。对那些批评他把力量集中在登月计划上的人，他指出这是进行具有广泛基础的科学研究力的焦点问题，约有六十项其他互不相关的工程占去了空间预算的将近四分之一。对那些争辩说单靠仪器本身就能完成这项工作的人，他回答说，人是一切仪器中最了不起的计算机。人的判断力、勇气以及吸取经验的能力仍然使人在各种仪器中居于独特的地位。对那些担心发射万一失败将使美国蒙受重大损失的人，他回答说，这个冒险不仅显示出我们献身于自由的精神，还可以提高我们取得成就的声望，否则的话，别人可能会把我们已取得的成就看作是第二流的。

总统说，美国仍然不是名列第一。赫鲁晓夫主席发表了各种听起来似乎是漫不经心的声明。例如，在维也纳提出的建议，说美国更能第一个登上月球而后苏联再跟上，这都没有使他上当。他也没有因为国内持不同意见者群起反对而裹足不前。他注意到每当苏联获得一项引人注目的成就，就有人要求政府在一项应急的曼哈顿计划的基础上多搞出点名堂来。在美国每进行了一次宇宙飞行后，就有人要求世界承认美国所取得的优势。但在各次飞行的较长的间隔中，总有人要求削减空间预算和放慢时间表，因为纳税人抱怨费用太大。科学家抱怨说，更重要的活动受到了忽视。共和党人开始散布这样的论调，说空间计划是白花钱，是科学幻想的花招等。

总统比他的任何一个顾问都更为清楚地认识到，在空间探索方面处于第二流、第二位的情况，是同美国的安全、同美国充当世界领袖的角色，以及同“新边疆”政策的开发精神不相称的。因此。他要求副总统以空间研究委员会主席的身份，根据美国的人力、科学水平、设备、代用燃料、机构之间的合作以及资金等条件，设法对取得空间优势所能采取和必须采取的步骤的一切基本问题找出答案来。委员会集中力量召开了一些意见听取会。韦布和麦克纳马拉拟出了新的空间预算的细节。在这些报告的基础上，总统作出了他后来称之为他当总统所作出的最重要的决定之一：“把我们的空间探索工作从低速转向高速。”在1961年5月他在第二份特别国情咨文中作出了坚定而惊人的保证：在这十年结束之前，要把人送上月球并安全地返回地球。

他不愿意事先规定一个确切的年份，只提到这十年作为期限，这样他以后可以解释为1969年或1970年。事实上，詹姆斯·韦布把这样一种预想告诉了他，即预期在1968年下半年实现的月球之行，将作为他第二任任期胜利的顶峰。根据之前对空间计划提供的支持的程度来看，这一飞行如果实现的话，也决不可能在七十年代中期之前。不管日期如何，这项保证的目的是使人们感到需要把注意力集中在整个空间计划上，并且有一种实现它的迫切感。登上月球并不是所要进行的唯一的空间工作，不过这显然是现代史上人类的伟大冒险活动之一。

他说，这个时期，没有一项其他的空间计划比这一项对人类影响更大或更为重要。实现起来也没有如此困难和如此昂贵。这将需要把它置于国家最优先考虑的事务中，需要从其他重要的活动中抽调科学人员和资金，需要更大程度的献身精神和纪律性，并且要杜绝长期以来干扰空间计划的一切小规模的怠工、竞争和人员变动。就十分现实的意义来说，这将不是一个人登上月球，这将是整个国家登上月球。因为我们大家必须为了把他送上月球而努力。这不仅仅是一场竞赛，现在空间已向我们敞开大门，我们热衷于分担对空间的探索，并不受别人在这方面努力的限制。我们进入空间，因为只要是人类必须承担的事业，自由人都必须尽到自己的一份力量。

1961年5月25日，肯尼迪在题为“国家紧急需要”的特别咨文中提出，在十年内将美国人送上月球。他说：“我相信国会会同意，必须在本十年末，将美国人送上月球，并保证其安全返回。整个国家的威望在此一举。”肯尼迪以历届总统都没有的坦率态度警告美国人民，除非他们具有跑完全程的毅力，否则就不要接受这项任务。于是，美国航宇局制订了著名的“阿波罗”登月计划。

阿波罗是古代希腊神话中掌管诗歌和音乐的太阳神，传说他与月神是同胞姐弟，曾用金箭杀死巨蟒，替母亲报仇雪恨。美国政府选用太阳神命名登月计划，其心情可想而知。

为研制大型运载火箭，著名的火箭专家布劳恩及其4人小组划归国家航空航天局。同时政府为“土星5”号火箭的研制拨款1.4亿美元经费。

但是，建造登月船并不是轻而易举的事情。两个月后，美国科学家为实施“阿波罗”登月计划拿出了直接登月、地球轨道会合、加油飞机、月球表面会合4种方案，但是，每种方案都存在着各种不易解决的问题。在以后的日子里，尽管失败、事故和来自某些方面的苛刻批评接连不断，但美国人民和他们的政府支持“阿波罗”计划的决心却从来没有动摇过。他们下定决心，一定要把苏联人摔倒在月球上，以雪屡屡败北之耻。

正当美国科学家和政府首脑犹豫不决时，一位名叫约翰·C·霍博特的太空署工程师提出了第5种方案 “月球轨道会合”法，这种方法是从地球上发射一支推力为750万磅的“土星5”号火箭，将装载3名宇航员的“阿波罗”太空船推向月球。“阿波罗”太空船绕月球轨道运行，但并不在月球上降落，而是分离出一艘小的登月舱登月舱带着2名宇航员依靠倒退火箭抵达月球表面，第3名宇航员则留在太空船上环绕月球飞行。当勘查工作完成后，月球上的2位宇航员就引发登月舱上的火箭，重新和太空船会合。然后3名宇航员乘坐太空船，引发火箭回到地球。最终，科学家们决定采用“月球轨道会合”法。1969年7月16日，巨大的“土星5”号火箭载着“阿波罗11”号飞船，从美国卡纳维拉尔角肯尼迪航天中心升空，开始了人类首次登月的太空征程。美国宇航员尼尔·阿姆斯特朗、巴兹·奥尔德林、迈克尔·柯林斯驾驶着“阿波罗11”号宇宙飞船，跨过38万公里的征程，承载着全人类的梦想踏上了月球。这确实是一个人的小小一步，但是整个人类却迈出了伟大的一步，他们见证了人类从地球到月球梦想的实现。

毋庸讳言，阿波罗计划实施的背景是美苏两国冷战中的太空竞赛。正是在这个大背景下，带有强烈浪漫主义色彩的肯尼迪登场了。在做出自己任期内要让美国的太空探索和导弹防御两个项目全面超过前苏联的承诺之后，肯尼迪终于在总统竞选中胜出。1961年1月20日，他发表了激情四射的就职演讲展望冷战与太空竞赛：“对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证。在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平……让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠……”

肯尼迪将登陆月球，在太空竞赛中彻底胜出作为寻求和平的捷径。4个月后的5月25日，他力排参众两院的反对意见，发表了要在20世纪60年代末登上月球的演讲：“我们要登上月球，并非因为它容易，而是因为它极其艰难……没有任何单一的航天计划会比登月更能使人类振奋，也没有任何计划比对远程宇宙探索更重要，也没有任何计划像登月一样昂贵且充满挑战。”

在美国科学家尤其是天文与航天领域的科学家眼中，肯尼迪无愧于一位伟大的总统。在他遇刺身亡近半个世纪以后的今天，他依然受到这些科学家的敬意与谢意——他是阿波罗计划真正的缔造者，正是他那近于天真的浪漫与激情，照亮了阿波罗探月之路。

尽管肯尼迪本人没有看到登月的成功，但阿波罗计划以他期望的方式终结了空间竞赛。它标志着美国在这个领域已经赶超前苏联，打破了原先双方势均力敌的僵局。1975年7月17日，前苏联的联盟19号和阿波罗18号在太空中成功对接，美、苏两位指令长在太空第一次握手，部分实现了肯尼迪当年“双方寻求利用科学的奇迹”的愿望。

不仅如此，当时以过于昂贵为由反对阿波罗计划的参众两院议员，事后也发现自己的担心是多余的。阿波罗计划前后投入超过30万的人力和255亿美元（大约相当于现在的1500亿美元）资金，后来保守的估算认为该计划在经济上的投入产出比是1:14，原因在于它全面带动了其他民用技术的发展。阿波罗计划在电子控制、铁路运输、医疗保障、天气预报等多方面都起到了带动作用，比如目前许多种类的体检设备都来自于阿波罗计划。如果没有阿波罗计划，目前人们普遍使用的手机很可能要晚许多年才会出现。

另外，阿波罗计划作为一项系统化工程，推进了全世界工业产品的可靠性。由于要保护宇航员的生命安全，美国宇航局进行了一系列的可靠性管理和控制，推广到民用后进一步带动各个领域。因而，阿波罗计划带动了全世界各个领域的技术进步，其影响一直延续到现在，今天我们每一个人事实上都是其受益者。

第二节  肯尼迪于1962年在赖斯大学关于航天事业的演讲

Houston, Texas, September 12, 1962

President Pitzer, Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.

I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion. We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a State noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.

Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation’s own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.

No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man’s recorded history in a time span of but a half a century. Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America’s new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.

This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.

So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait. But this city of Houston, this State of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered by those who moved forward—and so will space.

William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.

If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.

Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolutions, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it—we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.

Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.

We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say the we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.

There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?

We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.

It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.

In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.

Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them were "made in the United States of America" and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.

The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the the 40-yard lines.

Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.

We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may be less public.

To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.

The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.

And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this State, and this region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space. Houston, your City of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this Center in this City.

To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year’s space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year—a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United Stated, for we have given this program a high national priority—even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us. But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun—almost as hot as it is here today—and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out—then we must be bold.

I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.

However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will be done in the decade of the sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university. It will be done during the term of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of this decade.

I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.

Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."

Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.

Thank you.

得克萨斯州休斯敦，1962年9月12日

匹兹校长、副校长、州长、汤姆斯议员、威利参议员、米勒议员、韦伯先生、贝尔先生、科学家们、尊贵的来宾、女士们、先生们：

我非常感谢你们的校长授予我名誉客座教授的头衔。我向你们保证，我的第一个演讲将会很简洁。

我很高兴来到这里，特别是在这个时候来到这里。我们在这个以知识而闻名的大学相会，在这个以进步而闻名的城市相会，在这个以实力而闻名的州相会。并且我们需要这三者，因为我们处于一个变化与挑战的时期，希望与失望的10年，知识与无知并存的时代。我们获得的知识越多，我们显露出的无知也就越多。

尽管存在一个惊人的事实，世界上绝大多数科学家都在努力奋斗；尽管我国的科研力量以每12年翻一番的速率增长，超过了人口增长速率的3倍；尽管这样，未知、未解和未尽的探索仍如漫漫长路，仍然远远超出了我们所有人的理解力。

没有人知道我们能走多远，能走多快。但是，如果你愿意把人类有史以来的5万年浓缩成半个世纪的时间跨度。在这个时间跨度下，我们对于开始的40年知之甚少，除了知道在这40年的最后出现了学会用兽皮遮体的人类。在这个标准下，大约数年前人类走出洞穴建造新的家园。仅仅在5年前人类才学会了写字和使用有轮子的车辆。基督教诞生于不到2年之前。印刷出版今年才出现。在人类历史的整个50年跨度中，在最近不到两个月的时间之前，蒸汽机为我们提供了新的动力。牛顿发现了引力的意义，上个月出现了电灯、电话、汽车和飞机。仅仅在上周我们才发明了青霉素、电视与核动力。如果现在美国新的飞船能够成功抵达金星，那么我们真正算得上在今天午夜抵达别的星球了。

这是激动人心的一步。但是这样的一步在驱散旧的痛苦、无知和问题的同时，不得不创造新的痛苦、新的无知和新的问题。毫无疑问，航天事业的回报高，花费和风险也高。

因此，不难理解有些人要我们在原地止步不前继续等待。但是休斯敦市、德克萨斯州，美利坚合众国并不是由那些止步不前的人建立的。这个国家是由不断前进的人征服的，航天事业也是这样。

威廉·布拉德福德在1630年普利茅斯湾殖民地建立仪式上说，所有伟大而光荣的举动都伴随着巨大的困难，而两者都应该被有责任感的勇气所克服。

如果说这个人类进步的浓缩历史给了我们什么启示，那就是在寻求知识和进步的过程中的人类是坚定而不能被阻止的。空间探索将会继续，不论我们是否加入它。无论在什么时候，它都是一项重大的冒险，没有任何一个期望成为世界领袖的国家希望在这场空间竞赛中停步。

我们的前辈让这个国家掀起了工业革命的第一波浪潮、现代发明的第一波浪潮、核动力的第一波浪潮。而我们这一代并不希望在即将到来的太空时代的浪潮中倒下。我们要参与其中，我们要领导潮流。为了全世界注视太空、月球和其他行星的人们，我们发誓我们不会看到太空代表敌意的旗帜，而应该是代表自由与和平的旗帜。我们发誓我们不会看到太空充满了大规模杀伤性武器，而应该是充满获取知识的工具。

然而，我国的承诺只有在我国领先（因为我们想要领先）的情况下才能得以履行。简而言之，我们在科学和工业上的领导地位，我们对于和平和安全的渴望，我们对于自身和他人的责任，所有这一切要求我们做出努力，为了全人类的利益解决这些谜团，成为世界领先的航天国家。

我们踏上新的航程，为了获取新的知识，为了赢得新的权利，获取并运用权利，应该是为了全人类的进步。空间科学正如核科学以及其他技术一样，本身没有道德可言，它成为善或者恶的力量取决于人类。并且只有当美利坚合众国取得了卓越的地位，才能帮助决定这片新的领域是和平还是成为战争的威胁。我不认为我们应该对敌人滥用太空比对敌人滥用陆地和海洋更加无动于衷，但是我确实认为太空能够在非战争的目的下开发和利用，再不重复人类曾经犯过的错误的情况下开发和利用。

在太空上还没有竞争、偏见和国家冲突。太空的危险是我们所有人面对的。太空值得全人类尽最大的努力去征服，而且和平合作的机会可能不会重来。但是有些人问，为什么是月球？为什么选择登月作为我们的目标？他们也许会问为什么我们要登上最高的山。35年前，为什么要飞越大西洋？为什么赖斯大学要与德克萨斯大学比赛？

我们决定登月，我们决定在这个10年间登月，并且做其他的事，不是因为它们简单，而是因为它们困难，因为这个目标将有益于组织和分配我们的优势能力和技能，因为这个挑战是我们乐于接受的，因为这个挑战是我们不愿推迟的，因为这个挑战是我们打算赢得的，其他的挑战也是一样。

正是因为这些理由，我把去年关于提升航天计划的决定作为我在本届总统任期内最重要的决定之一。

在过去的24小时里，我们看到一些设施已经为人类历史上最复杂的探险而建立起来。我们感受到了土星C-1助推火箭试验产生的震动和冲击波，它比把约翰·伦格送入太空的大力神火箭还要强大好几倍，产生相当于10万辆汽车的功率。我们看到了5个F-1火箭发动机，每一个都相当于8个土星火箭发动机的功率，它们将会用于更先进的土星火箭，在卡纳维拉尔角即将兴建的48层大楼中组装起来。这幢建筑宽一个街区，长度超过这个体育场的两倍。

在过去的19个月中至少有45颗卫星进入了太空，其中大约40颗标着“美国制造”的标记，它们比苏联的卫星更加精密，更能为世界人民提供更多的知识。

正在飞向金星的水手号飞船是空间科学史上最复杂的装置。其精确程度比得上在卡纳维拉尔角发射的一枚火箭击中这个体育场的40码线之间。

海事卫星让海上的船只航行更安全，气象卫星给我们对于飓风和风暴空前的警告，它同样也能用于森林火灾和冰山的预警。

我们经历过失败，但是别人也经历过，即使他们不承认失败。因此它们可能不为人所知。

很显然我们落后了，并且在载人航天方面继续落后一段时间。但是我们并不打算一直落后，在这个10年间我们将会迎头赶上。

我们获得的关于宇宙和环境的新知识，新的学习、绘图和观测技术，用于工业、医学和家庭的新工具和计算机，所有这些都将促进科学和教育的发展。像赖斯大学这样的技术院校将会因此而得益。

最终，尽管航天事业本身仍然处于童年，但是，它已经催生了很多公司和数以千计的工作机会。航天和其他相关工业对投资和有特殊技能的人力产生了新的需求，并且这个城市、这个州、这个地区将会极大的分享这种增长。西部曾经的旧疆域将会成为空间科学的新疆域。休斯敦，你们的休斯敦市，以及它的载人飞行器中心，将会成为一个大的科学与工程共同体的心脏。在接下来的5年中，宇航局期望这个地区的科学家和工程师数量加倍，期望把工资和开支提高到每年6千万美元，期望在工厂和实验室设施上得到2亿美元的投资，期望指导或与这个城市的航天中心签订超过10亿美元的合同。

很显然，这将会花去我们一大笔钱。今年的航天预算是1961年1月的3倍，比过去8年的总和还要多。预算现在保持在每年54亿美元——一个令人吃惊的数目，尽管还稍微小于我们在香烟和雪茄上的消费额。航天支出很快就会从平均每人每周40美分上升到50美分的程度，因为我们赋予了这个计划很高的国家优先权，即使我觉得它稍微有点信念与幻想的意味，因为我们不知道会有什么样的好处等待着我们。但是我说，我的同胞们，我们应该登上月球，那个距离休斯敦控制中心24万英里的天体。建造一个超过300英尺高的火箭，和这个橄榄球场的长度相同，由新的合金制成，其中一些我们还没有发明出来，能够承受数倍于以前的材料所能承受的热和压力。装配的精密程度媲美最精巧的手表，携带有用于推进、导航、控制、通讯、食品和维生的全部设备。执行一个没有先例的使命，登上那个未知的天体，然后安全的返回地球，以超过每小时25000英里的速度重返大气层，产生的温度大约是太阳温度的一半，就像今天这里这样热——我们要达到全部这些目标，要顺利达到这个目标，要在这个10年达到，因此我们必须勇于面对。

我一个人做了所有这些工作，所以我们想让你们冷静一会儿。

然而，我认为我们正在付诸实践，我们必须付出应该付出的。我不认为我们应该浪费金钱，但是我认为我们应该付诸实践。这些应该在20世纪60年代实现，它有可能在你们还在中学、这所学院和大学的时候实现，它将会在台上诸位任期之内实现。但是它应该完成，它应该在这10年末之前完成。

我很高兴这所大学在登月计划中扮演着一个角色，作为美利坚合众国的国家事业的一部分。

很多年之前，伟大的英国探险家乔治·马洛里（他死于攀登珠穆朗玛峰）被人问到他为什么要攀登珠穆朗玛峰。他回答说：“因为它就在那儿。”

因此，太空就在那儿，而我们将要登上它，月球和其他行星在那儿，获得知识与和平的新希望在那儿。因此，当我们启程的时候，我们祈求上帝保佑这个人类有史以来所从事的最危险和最伟大的冒险。

谢谢。

第三节  精彩语录

We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a State noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.

我们在这个以知识而闻名的大学相会，在这个以进步而闻名的城市相会，在这个以实力而闻名的州相会。并且我们需要这三者，因为我们处于一个变化与挑战的时期，希望与失望的10年，知识与无知并存的时代。我们获得的知识越多，我们显露出的无知也就越多。

No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man’s recorded history in a time span of but a half a century. Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.

没有人知道我们能走多远，能走多快。但是，如果你愿意把人类有史以来的5万年浓缩成半个世纪的时间跨度。在这个时间跨度下，我们对于开始的40年知之甚少，除了知道在这40年的最后出现了学会用兽皮遮体的人类。在这个标准下，大约数年前人类走出洞穴建造新的家园。仅仅在5年前人类才学会了写字和使用有轮子的车辆。基督教诞生于不到2年之前。印刷出版今年才出现。在人类历史的整个50年跨度中，在最近不到两个月的时间之前，蒸汽机为我们提供了新的动力。牛顿发现了引力的意义，上个月出现了电灯、电话、汽车和飞机。仅仅在上周我们才发明了青霉素、电视与核动力。如果现在美国新的飞船能够成功抵达金星，那么我们真正算得上在今天午夜抵达别的星球了。

This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.

这是激动人心的一步。但是这样的一步在驱散旧的痛苦、无知和问题的同时，不得不创造新的痛苦、新的无知和新的问题。毫无疑问，航天事业的回报高，花费和风险也高。

All great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.

所有伟大而光荣的举动都伴随着巨大的困难，而两者都应该被有责任感的勇气所克服。

Man in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.

在寻求知识和进步的过程中的人类是坚定而不能被阻止的。空间探索将会继续，不论我们是否加入它。无论在什么时候，它都是一项重大的冒险，没有任何一个期望成为世界领袖的国家希望在这场空间竞赛中停步。

Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."

很多年之前，伟大的英国探险家乔治·马洛里（他死于攀登珠穆朗玛峰）被人问到他为什么要攀登珠穆朗玛峰。他回答说：“因为它就在哪儿。”

Space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.

因此，太空就在那儿，而我们将要登上它，月球和其他行星在那儿，获得知识与和平的新希望在那儿。因此，当我们启程的时候，我们祈求上帝保佑这个人类有史以来所从事的最危险和最伟大的冒险。

第七章  缔造一个和平的世界

第一节  背景介绍

随着国际形势的变化，美国不仅没有解放社会主义国家，自己反深深陷入越南战争，消耗了大量人力物力财力，加之西欧经济力量的恢复和发展，摆脱美国的独立倾向加强，以美国为首的西方世界出现分裂。与此同时，虽然国际共产主义运动动荡不定，原来意义上的社会主义阵营发生变化，但苏联趁美国深陷越南之机推行全球争霸战略，扩大了势力范围，使美苏的实力对比发生了明显变化。在这种形势下肯尼迪的“和平战略”应运而生。

约翰·肯尼迪处理外交事务的方式同他处理国内问题的方式截然不同。他在就任初期曾说过：“一个议案遭到失败和国家遭到毁灭这两者之间是有重大差别的。”外交事务一贯远比国内事务让他感兴趣，作为总统他在外交事务上所花费的时间和精力也要多得多。在了解外交事务的细节、拟订可供选择的办法，以及从提出到执行一项议案的过程等方面，总统倾注的注意力也要多得多。外交事务远为严峻地考验了他的判断能力和执行能力，因为比较起来外交事务简直不大着重制订预算和立法计划方面的事，可是对无法预料和无法控制的事件需要作出反应的情况却多得多。

作为总统，他试图使自己和自己的国家跟得上所有新的发展：空间探索、共同市场、新兴国家、科学革命以及共产党国家集团内部的紧张关系。他坚持要作出仔细的区别，而不能只看到它们表面上相似就一概而论。例如，对待不同类型的共产党国家，或者处于不同发展阶段的各个拉美国家。他认为在老挝和越南问题上还没有正确的答案，只存在着待处理的问题，而不是待解决的问题。

1961年秋季在华盛顿大学发表的一篇著名演说中，他讲话的调子已经远不像十二个月前当候选人时那样热情洋溢了：“我们必须面对这样的事实：美国既不是无所不能的，也不是无所不知的。我们不能把我们的意志强加于其余94％的人类，我们不能矫正每一个错误，也不能扭转每一种逆境，因此美国不能解决世界上的所有问题。”

他认为最重要的是需要保持作出选择的能力。这不是在赤化或死亡之间，也不是在大屠杀或屈辱之间，而是在发生侵略时从各种军事方案中进行选择，在运用外交手段方面选择时机和策略，以及在每一次交错着防务和外交问题的危机中选择一种稳妥的处理办法。他的这种态度在他爱用的一些对偶词句中得到了反映。

我们决不要由于恐惧而谈判，但是也决不要对于谈判感到恐惧。

——1961年就职演说

在总统的盾形纹章上，美国之鹰的右爪抓着一根橄榄枝，左爪则抓着一束箭。我们打算对两者都给予同样的重视。

——1961年第一篇国情咨文

我们的政策必须把坚定性和灵活性结合起来，使之达到为保护我们的重大利益所必要的程度，假如可能，便通过和平的手段，假如必要，则通过坚决的行动。……我们既然不想看到自由世界认输投降，我们就应竭尽全力以防止世界遭到毁灭。

——1961年在北卡罗来纳大学

我们如果要维持和平，就必须勇敢地面对战争的危险。……外交和国防是不能相互替代的。……有抵抗暴力的意愿，而没有谈判的意愿，只会引起战争。有谈判的意愿，而没有抵抗暴力的意愿，只会招致灾难。……我们虽然自由地进行谈判，但我们决不拿自由作交易。……总之，我们既不是战争贩子，也不是绥靖主义者。既不强硬，也不软弱。我们是美国人。

——1961年在华盛顿大学

这种处事态度使那些习惯于只会按非白即黑的思想方法去考虑问题的人感到不悦或迷惑不解。一位编年史作者指责肯尼迪煽动冷战，另一位则说他闭眼看不见共产主义的威胁。有一个批评他的人说他的就职演说和第一份国情咨文是危言耸听，另一个则说它幼稚无知。有两个记者曾就外交政策问题访问了他一个小时，后来他们核对了各自的记录后发现，一个认为他相当强硬寸步不让，另一个却认为他颇希望达成协议。还有些人把他八面玲珑的态度归因于他想取悦每一个人，归因于他的妥协倾向，或顾问太多。一位专栏作家向他提出：“你不能既当张伯伦，又当丘吉尔。”一位教会发言人对肯尼迪努力搞裁军感到高兴，但对他强调国防却感到不快，于是劝告他：“不要同时去做两件截然相反的事情。”对此，肯尼迪以心脏有规律的张缩作比方回答道：“生活中的一切事物都同心脏一样有收缩，也有舒张。”

约翰·肯尼迪无论是和父亲一起在英格兰，还是同海军士兵们一起在南太平洋上，以及在为他的哥哥和妹夫举行的追悼会上，或是作为国会议员出访亚洲和中东时，都看到过常规战争的丑恶一面。但是核战争却是无法用相同的尺度去衡量的。他说：“由于科学的创新以及人类不能控制彼此的关系，我们恰巧生活在人类历史上最危险的时期。……世界上通过武装冲突解决国际问题的时代早已过去。”

他非常敏锐地觉察到，处在一个美国和它的主要敌手都能在几分钟内摧毁对方社会的世界上，统治国家的责任何等重大。他说：“这一点使问题的性质改变了。它改变了所有的答案和所有的问题，我认为许多人并不真正懂得这个变化。……到了那一天，发生了大规模的交锋，那么末日就来临了，因为你们在谈论的是在头十八小时里将有一亿五千万人死于非命。这相当于美国在不到一天的时间里经历了五百场第二次世界大战。”

约翰·肯尼迪并没有因为这些死亡数字而感到烦扰，他常常公开引用这些数字。这些数字也没有使他惊惶失措或丧失意志，为了防止在核讹诈面前战败，他仍然愿意冒一场核战争的风险。在这种风险面前，他既不畏缩后退，也不铤而走险。在维也纳同赫鲁晓夫会谈之后，他听取了一次绝密的关于核交锋种种后果的情况汇报，这一事实曾被人大肆宣传。其实这次汇报是例行公事。

他批评杜勒斯的解放战略流于空话，主张强化“和平演变”的具体措施。他抛弃了“解放”战略中过时的东西，发展了其中“和平演变”的思想，“和平”战略是冷战时期“和平演变”战略的深化。

他在哈佛大学求学时曾选修过研究第一次世界大战起因的课程。他说，这门课使他认识到，那些不相干的国家多么迅速地在几天的时间里就被卷入了战事。这些国家的领袖就像现在他们的继任人这样，也谈论着军事力量能维护和平，但是单靠军事力量却没有能维持住。1963年，他援引了1914年两个德国领导人就那次大战的起因及其扩大的谈话，一位前首相问道：“这一切怎么会发生的？”他的继任者说：“唉，如果知道就好了。”肯尼迪总统说：“如果这个星球受到核战争的毁坏，如果那场浩劫的生还者能经受住大火、毒气、混乱和灾难而幸存下来的话，我可不希望这些生还者中有人会问另一个道：‘这一切怎么会发生的。’并得到这种难以置信的答复：‘唉，如果知道就好了。’”

他还思考过第二次世界大战的根源，并且很钦佩英国史学家A.J.P.泰勒的著作。肯尼迪说，希特勒以为他能夺取波兰，英国不会作战或者在波兰战败后，不会继续战斗。他又说，后来在朝鲜，北朝鲜人显然没有想到我们会参战，而当我们打到北部时我们也没有想到中国人会介入。

因此，在柏林危机时他对全国说：“在我的一生中，我国和欧洲三次卷入了大战，每一次双方对对方的意图都作了严重错误的判断，从而带来了巨大的灾难。现在到了热核时代，任何一方对于另一方意图的错误判断，都可能在几小时内造成比人类历史上全部战争更为严重的破坏。”

批评他的人指责这种讲法是奉行不求胜利的政策。然而，肯尼迪认为“无条件投降”和“没有代替胜利的结局”之类的传统口号不再有任何意义了。他说：“在核时代，彻底解决问题是不可能的。”他甚至认为，冷战就其传统的意义来说也不可能获胜。他并不希望在冷战中战败。他只希望加以抑制，让它持续地进行下去，使之有可能让自由和真理的持久力量自然地、和平地取得成功，并防止冷战吞噬掉美国所有的精力，从而损害到其他利益。他说：“用不着打一场核战争，我们想让当今仍为共产党国家所控制的地区感染上托马斯·杰斐逊称之为‘自由病’的那种疾病。”

他认为同共产党国家进行的意识形态斗争，或者经济、科学和政治方面的竞争，在短期内不会结束。他说，这种竞争不会导致我们美国人民在自己的传统薰陶下期待的那种驰名于世的胜利，充其量也不过导致一个漫长而又缓慢地脱离共产主义，走向国家独立和自由的演变过程。……但是假如自由和共产主义在一个和平的世界上争取人们的忠诚的话，那么我将怀着日益增长的信心展望未来。

肯尼迪的“和平”战略主要包括如下内容。

肯尼迪说，“在总统的徽章上，美国之鹰的右手抓着一根橄榄枝，左手则抓着一把剑。我们打算给两者同样的注意。”一方面他强调发展军事力量，加强空运能力，扩大北极星潜艇计划，加速导弹计划；另一方面采取和平的手段，利用美国的“经济工具”，以援助的办法实行“粮食用于和平计划”、派遣“和平队”、开展“攀亲戚运动”等，达到对社会主义国家和民族解放国家的控制。

调整全球战略，把“和平演变”的重点放到东欧。“和平”战略的主要方面是从与苏联对全球的争夺出发，重点争夺东欧。由于美苏实力对比的变化，美国处于不利地位，肯尼迪提出制定“灵活反映”战略，以加强军事实力为基础稳住美国阵脚，增强同苏联的全面争夺，特别是对东欧的争夺，通过“和平演变”把东欧国家纳入“自由世界”的范围。肯尼迪指出，“必须立刻动手，有步骤地、慎重地制订计划”“从出现在铁幕上的任何裂缝中培养自由的种子”“通过援助、贸易、旅行、新闻事业、学生和教师的交流以及我们的奖金和技术”去提高东欧国家和人民生活水平，积极关怀他们而不是漠不关心。

肯尼迪的“和平”战略正是建立在这种论断基础上的，他说，“共产主义世界面临着本身内部的深刻分裂” “这些分裂已经粉碎了共产主义是一种保险，能消除一切社会和国际冲突的全球制度的形象”。

从就职之日起，肯尼迪就不把共产党人称为“我们的敌人”，而称为“那些使自己成为我们对手的人”。他说，西奥多·罗斯福的名言：“说话温和但手执大棒”是我们大家奉行的一条很好的准则。“我的言论只需要表达信念，不需要带来战争。”1963年在达拉斯准备发表的演说稿中他写道：“如果我们强大，我们的实力就是最有说服力的言论。如果我们软弱，我们的言论也毫无帮助。”

1963年，他在美利坚大学的演说——由古巴导弹危机中所显示出的实力作为后盾，向共产主义制度伸出了橄榄枝。他说：“我们认为共产主义非常令人嫌恶，因为它否定了个人的自由和尊严。但我们仍旧可以为俄国人民所取得的许多成就向他们欢呼祝贺。即使一个国家的政府或社会制度极其邪恶，也不应就此认为它的人民缺乏美德。世界和平并不要求每个人都爱他的邻居，只不过要求他们在相互容忍的情况下共同生存，使他们之间的争端得到公正与和平的解决。”

1961年，他对《消息报》编辑的讲话更为大胆：“如果各种观点都有机会公平地表达之后，有哪一国的人民通过自由选举决定实行共产主义制度，那么美国将会接受这种局面。我们所反对的是一个小小的好战集团采用颠覆手段强制实行一种制度。如果苏联仅仅寻求维护它自己的国家安全，并允许其他国家按照各自的意愿生存，那我相信当今引起种种紧张局势的那些问题就会迎刃而解了。”

就西方的防御和外交能够影响共产党国家政策的演变而言，他希望要防止共产党国家政策的支配力量出现在北京而不是出现在莫斯科，要防止这种政策由斯大林的追随者而不是由赫鲁晓夫的追随者去制订，要防止这种政策谋求向外扩张而不是向内扩张。他知道莫斯科同北京一样，也相信共产主义将在世界范围获胜，而且可以预料赫鲁晓夫同斯大林一样，也会利用一切正当与不正当的手段去实现这种野心。但他希望美国和盟国的力量和政策能说服莫斯科和赫鲁晓夫懂得，安全地或廉价地通向主宰世界的道路是不存在的，所有的渠道都为进行真诚的谈判而敞开，引起苏联担心的任何理由都可以和平地消除，使莫斯科把更多的精力花在国内，从而增进双方的利益和安全。

肯尼迪认为，把共产主义世界带进我们所寻求的多样化的自由化世界中来，最好的办法是美国同苏联进行的和平竞赛。他不主张被动地依靠时间来解决问题，而且必须修正“解放”战略，把注意力集中在一种比较实际、能够实现的和平上，这种和平不是依靠人的天性的突然改变，而是依靠制度的逐步演变。就是说使东欧社会主义国家脱离苏联，设法削弱这些国家对苏联“经济和意识形态的依附”。总之，肯尼迪的“和平”战略为美国的全球战略增添了新的内容，使和平演变战略发展到一个新的具体实施的阶段。

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在美国大学毕业典礼上的演讲

delivered 10 June 1963

President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business. By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.

Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support.

"There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities—and his words are equally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see."

I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace.

What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children—not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.

I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.

Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles—which can only destroy and never create—is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.

I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.

Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.

First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.

We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.

I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.

Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions—on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process—a way of solving problems.

With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.

And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims—and I quote—"of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war."

Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth."

Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.

No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.

Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland—a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.

Today, should total war ever break out again—no matter how—our two countries will be the primary target. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons.

In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.

So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal.

Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.

We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy—or of a collective death-wish for the world.

To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.

For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.

Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system—a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.

At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.

Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.

It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.

This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.

We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort—to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.

The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security; it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.

I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.

First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hope must be tempered—Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.

Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not—We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.

Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives—as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.

But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together.In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete.

It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government—local, State, and National—to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority.It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.

All this—All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's way please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence?

While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.

The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough—more than enough—of war and hate and oppression.

We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we must labor on—not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.

1963年6月10日

安德森校长、员工们、董事会、我的老同事鲍勃·伯德参议员（伯德参议员上了多年法律夜校才取得学位，而我将在随后的30分钟取得学位）、贵宾们、女士们、先生们：

我为出席这次典礼而感到非常自豪。美国大学是卫理公会赞助、约翰·弗莱彻·赫斯特主教创办、伍德罗·威尔逊总统于1914年揭幕的学校。这是一所正在成长的年轻大学，却已经实现了赫斯特主教的开明夙愿，即在致力于创造历史和处理公共事务的城市研究历史和公共事务。本地和全国的卫理公会派信徒们为所有有志学习者赞助了这所高等学府，不论其肤色和信仰，他们为此应当得到国家的感谢。我向今天毕业的全体学生表示祝贺。

伍德罗·威尔逊教授曾经说过，大学送出的每个人都应当是国家的人，也应当是其时代的人。我相信，从这所学府光荣毕业的男生和女生会继续奉献其年华和才智，努力服务和扶助大众。

约翰·梅斯菲尔德在其对英国大学的赞美之辞中写道：“尘世间很少有事物能与大学媲美。”他的话在今天同样千真万确。他指的不是高耸的塔尖和雄伟的大厦，也不是绿树成荫的校园和攀满藤蔓的墙壁。他说，他赞赏大学的辉煌之美是因为“在这里，憎恨无知者可孜孜求学，谙悉真理者可解惑于人”。

因此，我选择此时此地来讨论一个话题。关于此话题，常常是无知者多而识真理者寡，但这恰恰是世上最重要的话题，这就是世界和平。

那么我指的是哪种和平呢？我们寻求的是哪种和平呢？不是靠美国战争武器强加给世界的美式和平，也不是坟墓般的平静或奴隶式的安全。我所说的是名副其实的和平，是那种使世人生活有意义的和平，是那种让人类和国家能够兴旺发达和充满希望并且能够为其子孙创造更美好生活的和平。这不仅是美国人的和平，而是全人类的和平；不仅是我们这个时代的和平，而是永世的和平。

我之所以谈到和平，是因为战争有了新面孔。在当今时代，全面战争毫无意义，因为世界强国能够保有庞大且相对牢不可破的核力量，并且拒绝对投降者诉诸核力量。因为一件核武器的爆炸力几乎10倍于二战期间所有盟国空军所投放的爆炸力。因为核交战产生的致命毒素会通过风、水、土壤和种子传播到世界每个角落，传给尚未出生的世世代代。

今天，我们每年要在武器上花费数十亿美元，而这恰恰是为了确保我们永远不需要使用武器，这对于保卫和平是必要的。但肯定的是，采购这种只会毁灭不会创造的闲置军备不是保障和平的唯一手段，更不是最有效的手段。

因此，我是将和平作为每一个理性的人所必需的理性终极目标来谈论。我知道追求和平没有追求战争那么引人注目，况且追求和平者之词常常被当成耳旁风。但这是我们紧迫无比的任务。

有人说，谈论世界和平、世界法或世界裁军毫无用处，除非苏联领导人采取更为开明的态度。但愿他们这样做。我认为我们可以帮助他们这样做。但我还认为，我们作为个人和作为一个国家，必须检讨自己的态度，因为我们的态度与他们的态度同样至关重要。本校的每位毕业生，每位对战争失望而希望实现和平的深思熟虑的公民，都应当从自省做起，都应当从检讨自己的态度做起，检讨自己对和平的可能性、对苏联、对冷战路线以及对本国之自由与和平的态度。

第一，我们要检讨自己对和平本身的态度。我们当中有很多人认为和平是不可能的。很多人认为这是不现实的。然而，这是一种危险的失败主义观念。这种观念得出的结论是，战争不可避免，人类在劫难逃，我们受制于我们无法控制的力量。

我们并非一定要接受这种观点。我们的问题是人造成的，因此可以由人来解决。而人的心有多大，其能力就有多大。涉及人类命运的问题无一超出人类的能力。人的理性和精神经常使貌似无解的问题得到解决，我们相信人的理性和精神可以再次奏效。

我指的不是某些幻想家和狂热派所梦想的那种绝对的、无限的和平与亲善的概念。我不否认希望与梦想的价值，但是，我们如果将其作为唯一的近期目标，则只会导致气馁和疑虑。

我们要将精力转而投向一种更实际、更可能实现的和平，这种和平的实现不是依靠人类本性的突然巨变，而是依靠人类习惯的逐渐演化，是依靠符合有关各方利益的一系列具体行动和有效协定。不存在可实现这种和平的简单的不二之法，也没有可供一两个强国采纳的万全之策或万灵之策。真正的和平必须是多国合作和多方行动的产物，必须有动态而非静态的变革才能应对一代又一代的挑战，因为和平是一个过程，是一条解决问题之路。

即使有了这种和平，也依然会存在争执和利益冲突，正如家庭和国家内部存在争执和利益冲突。世界和平犹如社区和平，并不要求人人都爱自己的邻居，而只是要求大家相互包容地同处在一起，将其分歧诉诸于公正而平和的解决方案。历史告诉我们，国与国之仇和人与人之怨一样，不会永世长存。无论我们的好恶看似多么根深蒂固，国间关系与邻里关系往往都会在时间与事件大潮的冲击下发生惊人的变化。所以，我们要坚持不懈。和平不一定不切实际，战争不一定不可避免。只要更明确地确定我们的最终目标，只要让我们的最终目标看起来更切实可行而非那么遥不可及，我们就能够帮助所有人看清这个目标，让他们寄希望于这个目标并且义无反顾地向这个目标迈进。

第二，我们要检讨自己对苏联的态度。如果想到苏联领导人可能确实相信其宣传者之言，就会让人心灰意冷。如果阅读苏联官方最近发表的一篇关于军事战略的文章，也会让人心灰意冷，因为该文章通篇充斥着毫无根据的荒诞主张。例如，该文章声称“美国帝国主义阵营正在筹划发动各种类型的战争……非常现实的威胁是美国帝国主义者正在发动一场针对苏联的先发制人的战争……美国帝国主义者的政治目的是用侵略战争的手段在经济和政治上奴役欧洲及其他资本主义国家，进而统治全世界……。”

诚然，如古言云，“恶人虽无人追赶也逃跑”。

然而，阅读苏联人的这些陈述，从而看到美苏之间的鸿沟，不免让人神伤。但这也是一种警告，警告美国人民不要像苏联人一样落入陷阱，不要只看到对方那种扭曲的激烈观点，不要以为冲突不可避免而和解不能实现，不要以为交往只不过是互相威胁。

没有哪国政府或哪种社会制度邪恶到我们必须将其人民看成一无是处。作为美国人，我们对共产主义深恶痛绝，将其看成是对个人自由与尊严的否定。但我们仍然可以为苏联人民在许多方面的成就喝彩，为他们在科学与太空技术、经济与工业增长、文化以及敢作敢为诸方面所取得的成就喝彩。

在我们两国人民的诸多共性当中，最显著的莫过于我们对战争的共同憎恶。我们两国从未交战，这在世界各强国当中几乎当属绝无仅有。而在战争的历史中，没有哪个国家曾经遭受过比苏联在第二次世界大战中所遭受的更为深重的苦难——至少有两千万人失去了生命；数不尽的家庭和农场惨遭焚毁或洗劫；三分之一国土（包括近三分之二工业基地）化成了废墟，其损失相当于我国芝加哥以东的全部国土遭到毁灭。

今天，假如全面战争再次暴发，无论是以何种方式暴发，我们两国都将成为首要目标。面临最严重灭顶危险的恰恰是这两个最强大的国家，这是具有讽刺意味却又千真万确的事实。不出24小时，我们所建造的一切，我们为之辛勤劳作的一切都会毁之殆尽。即便是冷战，也给包括我国最亲密盟国在内的诸多国家造成负担和危险，而我们两国则承受着最沉重的负担，因为我们都在为置备武器而投入巨额资金，而这些资金本可以用来抗击愚昧、贫困和疾病。我们两国都陷入了危险的恶性循环，在这种循环中，一方的猜疑招来对方的猜疑，而新型武器则招来新型对抗性武器。

总而言之，对于实现正义的真正和平以及停止军备竞赛，美国及其盟国与苏联及其盟国两方面具有共同的浓厚兴趣。就此目的而达成的协定符合苏联和我们的利益。我们可以相信，甚至最敌对的国家也会接受和遵守符合其本身利益的条约义务（仅限于符合其本身利益的条约义务）。

因此，我们既不能对我们之间的分歧视而不见，也应当着眼于我们的共同利益以及可以解决这些分歧的方法。而且，我们即便现在不能消除分歧，至少也可以帮助世界在存在多样性的条件下保持安全。因为我们毕竟都是居住在这个小小的星球上，这是我们最基本的共同利益关系。我们都呼吸着同样的空气，都珍视我们子女的未来，而且我们最终都会离开这个世界。

第三，我们要检讨自己对冷战的态度。要记住我们不是在参加一场辩论，因此没有必要罗列论点。我们不要在这里归咎于人或指手划脚地进行评判。我们必须正视现实的世界，而不要面对假想改写过去18年历史之后的世界。

因此，我们必须不懈地寻求和平，寄希望于共产主义集团内部的建设性变革使现在看来我们力所不及的解决方案变得我们力所能及。我们必须以适当的方式处理事务，使为实现真正和平而达成一致的做法符合共产主义者的利益。最重要的是，核大国在捍卫自己的切身利益时，必须避免那些逼迫对方在忍辱退却与核战争之间进行抉择的针锋相对的冲突。在核时代采取这种方针，只能证明我们政策的彻底失败，或者证明我们希望全世界同归于尽。

为了确保达到这些目的，美国的武器是非挑衅性的，是谨慎控制的，是用于威慑的，并且是可以有选择使用的。我们的军队旨在维护和平，具有自我克制的严明纪律性。我们的外交官受命避免不必要的刺激性言论和纯修饰性的敌意言辞。

因此，我们可以在不放松防卫的情况下寻求缓和紧张局势。而且，对我们来说，我们不需要用威胁手段来证明我们多么坚定。我们不需要因惧怕我们的信仰受到侵蚀而干扰外国广播。我们无意将自己的制度强加于任何不情愿者，但我们乐于并且能够与世界上任何国家进行和平竞争。

同时，我们谋求加强联合国，帮助其解决财政问题，使其成为更有效的和平工具，将其发展成真正的世界安全系统.该系统有能力依据法律解决争端，有能力保障大小国家的安全，并且有能力为最终解除武装创造条件。

我们同时谋求维护非共产主义世界的内部和平，这其中许多国家都是我们的朋友，却在各种问题上存在分歧，这些问题削弱西方国家的团结，招致共产主义者干预，或者造成爆发战争的危险。尽管有来自两方面的批评，但我们在西新几内亚、刚果、中东和印度次大陆的努力却始终是矢志不渝和富有耐心。我们设法调整了与最近邻邦墨西哥和加拿大之间的虽小却显著的分歧，以此尝试为其他国家树立榜样。

说到其他国家，我想阐明一点。我们与许多国家有联盟关系。这些联盟之所以存在，是因为我们双方具有大体上相同的关注点。例如，因为我们具有共同的切身利益，所以我们保卫西欧和西柏林的承诺经久不衰。美国不会以其他国家和人民为代价与苏联做任何交易，不仅因为这些国家是我们的盟友，还因为这些国家的利益与我们的利益相契合。不过，我们利益的契合不仅体现在保卫自由世界的前沿阵地，还体现在追求和平之路。

我们的希望和我们相关政策的目的是促使苏联认识到其本身也应当让各国选择其自己的未来，只要这种选择不妨碍别国的选择。共产主义国家将其政治和经济制度强加于他国的企图是当今世界紧张局势的主要原因。因为，如果所有国家都能避免干涉别国的自主权，则和平无疑会更有保障。

这就需要我们做出新的努力以实现世界法，从而为世界性大讨论提供新的环境。这需要苏联与我们之间加深理解，而加深理解则需要加强接触与沟通。朝此方向发展的一个步骤就是在莫斯科与华盛顿之间开通直接对话线路的建议方案，以避免在危机时刻可能发生一方对另一方行动的危险延迟、误解和误读。

另外，我们一直在日内瓦就其他的一级军控措施进行谈判，以限制军备竞赛的紧张度和减少突发战争的风险。不过，我们对内瓦谈判的首要的长远期盼是全面彻底裁军，这种裁军可以分阶段实现，允许在政治上并行发展，以建立可取代武力的新型和平体系。自20世纪20年代以来，美国政府一直在努力追求裁军。这也是前三届政府一直在迫切追求的目标。无论今天看来前景多么黯淡，我们都要继续努力，为了让包括我国在内的所有国家能够更好地把握裁军方面存在的问题和可能性而继续努力。

这些谈判的最主要内容就是禁止核试验条约，但谈判即将结束，却仍然没有一个迫切需要的新开端。这样一个既近在咫尺又远在天涯的条约，如果能缔结将遏制最危险地区之一的螺旋式军备竞赛。该条约将促使核大国更有效地应对人类在1963年面临的最大隐患之一，即核武器的进一步扩散。该条约将降低爆发战争的可能性，从而提高我们的安全性。此目标无疑非常重要，足以让我们不懈地追求，要求我们既不屈服于诱惑而放弃全部努力，也不屈服于诱惑而放弃我们采取必要且合理的防卫措施的坚决主张。

因此，我借此机会宣布两项有关此方面的重要决定。

第一，赫鲁晓夫主席、麦克米伦首相和我已经同意近期将在莫斯科举行高级别会谈，旨在就全面禁止核试验条约达成前期一致意见。历史的告诫必然会挫伤我们的希望，但是我们的希望寄托着全人类的希望。

第二，为了阐明我们对禁止核试验问题的诚意和严肃信念，我现在声明，只要其他国家不提出在大气层进行核试验，美国就不会这样做。我们不会首先恢复大气层核试验。这样一则声明并不能替代具有约束力的正式条约，但我希望此声明可以帮助我们实现正式条约。这样一个条约也不能替代裁军，但我希望此条约可以帮助我们实现裁军。

最后，美国同胞们，我们要检讨自己对国内和平与自由的态度。我们自己社会的素质与精神必须能够为我们的海外行动提供充分依据与支持。我们必须通过自我献身来表明我们的态度，正如今天毕业的许多人将有难得的机会去奉献你们的年华，到国外和平工作队或拟建的国内国民服务队去无偿服役。

但无论在何处，我们都必须在日常生活中厉行“和平与自由同在”这条古老信念。今天，在我们的很多城市，不健全的自由使和平得不到保障。

地方、州和国家各级政府行政机构有责任在其职权范围内尽一切办法为全体公民提供和保护自由。在这种职权不健全的地方，各级立法机构有责任使其健全。而全国各地的全体公民则有责任尊重他人权利和当地法律。

这一切都与世界和平不无关系。圣经云：“若人之行使上帝满意，甚至敌人也会与之和平相处。”而归根结底，和平基本上不就是人权问题吗？所谓人权就是我们不用担心惨遭涂炭而平安一生的权利，就是我们自由呼吸大自然所赐空气的权利，就是我们子孙后代健康生存的权利。

我们在捍卫国家的利益时，也要捍卫人的利益。而消除战争和武器显然符合这两者的利益。任何条约，无论如何兼顾各方的利益，也无论措辞多么严谨，都不能绝对杜绝弄虚作假和规避责任的风险。但是，如果条约得到充分有效的执行并且充分符合各签约方的利益，那么与经久不衰、难以控制和不可预知的军备竞赛相比，条约提供的安全性要高得多而风险则小得多。

众所周知，美国永远不会挑起战争。我们不需要战争。我们现在不希望发生战争。这一代美国人已经受够了太多的战争、仇恨和压迫。

如果别国想发动战争，我们应当有所准备。我们应当提高警惕，设法制止战争。但我们也应当尽自己的责任去缔造一个弱者安全而强者正义的和平世界。我们面对这项任务不是无可奈何，我们对成功完成这项任务也不是一无所望。我们满怀信心、无所畏惧地继续挺进，不是走向毁灭战略，而是走向和平战略。

第三节  精彩语录

Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support.

伍德罗·威尔逊教授曾经说过，大学送出的每个人都应当是国家的人，也应当是其时代的人。我相信，从这所学府光荣毕业的男生和女生会继续奉献其年华和才智，努力服务和扶助大众。

"There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities—and his words are equally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see."

约翰·梅斯菲尔德在其对英国大学的赞美之辞中写道：“尘世间很少有事物能与大学媲美。”他的话在今天同样千真万确。他指的不是高耸的塔尖和雄伟的大厦，也不是绿树成荫的校园和攀满藤蔓的墙壁。他说，他赞赏大学的辉煌之美是因为“在这里，憎恨无知者可孜孜求学，谙悉真理者可解惑于人”。

What kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children—not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.

我们寻求的是哪种和平？不是靠美国战争武器强加给世界的美式和平，也不是坟墓般的平静或奴隶式的安全。我所说的是名副其实的和平，是那种使世人生活有意义的和平，是那种让人类和国家能够兴旺发达和充满希望并且能够为其子孙创造更美好生活的和平。这不仅是美国人的和平，而是全人类的和平；不仅是我们这个时代的和平，而是永世的和平。

Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions—on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process—a way of solving problems.

我们要将精力转而投向一种更实际、更可能实现的和平，这种和平的实现不是依靠人类本性的突然巨变，而是依靠人类习惯的逐渐演化，是依靠符合有关各方利益的一系列具体行动和有效协定。不存在可实现这种和平的简单的不二之法，也没有可供一两个强国采纳的万全之策或万灵之策。真正的和平必须是多国合作和多方行动的产物，必须有动态而非静态的变革才能应对一代又一代的挑战，因为和平是一个过程，是一条解决问题之路。

All this—All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's way please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence?

这一切都与世界和平不无关系。圣经云：“若人之行使上帝满意，甚至敌人也会与之和平相处。”而归根结底，和平基本上不就是人权问题吗？所谓人权就是我们不用担心惨遭涂炭而平安一生的权利，就是我们自由呼吸大自然所赐空气的权利，就是我们子孙后代健康生存的权利。

克林顿演说

出版说明

自1776年《独立宣言》发表至今，美国建国已有两百三十多年。在这一历史阶段中，先后产生了四十四任总统。作为总统共和制国家的美国，其总统兼国家元首和政府首脑双重身份于一身，其在三权分立的国家政治架构中拥有极大的权力和影响力，在国家政治生活中拥有举足轻重的地位。正如美国第二十六任总统西奥多·罗斯福所说，美国总统是“国王和总理大臣的统一体”。

在美国，演讲是任何一个准备从政的人士必须具备的基本技能。无论地方议会议员、地方行政首脑还是美国联邦国会议员乃至美国总统，都是通过以演讲为基本形式的竞选活动产生的，这就决定了演讲这种活动在美国政治生活中的重大意义。而作为国家最高领导人的美国总统，他们的演讲往往在表明个人政治见解和基本立场、展露自身意志品质和性格特点的同时，在某种程度上还代表了美国的制度设计与价值观念、反映了美国的文化背景与社会演变。他们的演讲大都是针对当时美国所面临的国内外重大问题，讨论国家内政外交政策的优劣得失，表明解决问题的态度，指出今后的施政方向，激励和动员美国人民克服困难、奋力前行。从美国总统的演讲中，我们可以看到他们对时代潮流的认识、把握和对国家意志的充分表达，可以看到他们的政治才华和不同的人格魅力，还可以看到美国在其国家发展所经历的一个又一个时代转折点上，怎样面对困难、迎接挑战、坚韧不拔，一步步走向成功与成熟。

美国总统的演讲事先大多经过了精心的准备，语言精炼、用词规范、措辞讲究、逻辑严密，不但文采斐然、优美动人，而且有的放矢、言之有物。同时，每个总统的演讲都具有鲜明的个性特色。有的晓之以理，发人深省；有的动之以情，感人肺腑；有的则充满思辨，促使人们对人生、社会乃至世界进行更深层次的思考。

《美国总统演讲系列》丛书，重点选取了美国自成立以来几位重要总统的演讲，其中既有他们的就职演讲、卸任演讲，也有他们在重大事件发生时发表的演讲以及针对一些特定案例向公众发表的演讲等。选取这些演讲，并不代表我们认同其所包含的思想倾向或价值取向，只是想帮助广大读者从这些演讲中，加深对美国国情、美国社会的了解。相信广大读者在对这些演讲进行欣赏的同时，一定会对其反映出的世界观、价值观等做出正确的分析和判断。

编  者

2014年5月

前言

比尔·克林顿原名威廉·杰弗逊·克林顿，美国第42任总统。在英文中叫威廉的人，小名一般都叫做比尔，所以大家也都称他为比尔·克林顿。克林顿曾在1978～1980年，1982～1992年担任阿肯色州州长一职。克林顿是美国第一位二战后出生的总统，也是在西奥多·罗斯福和约翰·肯尼迪之后最年轻的总统，还是第二位受到国会弹劾的总统，同时也是继富兰克林·罗斯福之后成功连任的唯一一位民主党总统。

比尔·克林顿被称作为新民主党人，在他的任期内美国经历了有史以来最为平和，并且持续时间最长的一次经济发展，政府财政收支平衡，国库盈余5590亿美元。然而，在他执政的时期也遭遇了不少挫折和挑战，由于他计划实施的全民保健政策失败，使民主党失去了众议院的控制权。在他的第二个任期内，又因伪证罪和妨碍司法罪被众议院弹劾，不过最终弹劾案被参议院否决，使其得以出色地完成第二个任期。

克林顿创下了二战后历任美国总统最高的支持率纪录，以65%的民意支持率结束了总统生涯。卸任之后克林顿一直进行公开演讲和人道主义工作，他成立了威廉·J.克林顿基金，致力于改善全球变暖和艾滋病等问题。2004年，克林顿出版了自传小说《我的生活》。

克林顿执政期间最出色的成绩就是让美国经济有了飞速发展。由于互联网科技的成熟，使一个崭新的科技产业在1996年开始发展起来，在1998年呈现高峰状态。正因为互联网的革命造就了一个具有巨大产值的新行业，从而不断地创造高薪工作岗位，带动经济快速运转。

克林顿的政绩得到了多数美国国民的肯定。1999年，美国公共有线电视台C-SPAN访问了近60位历史学者，邀请他们评价历任美国总统，其中包括领导能力、与国会的关系、经济成就、道德号召力等十个项目，并为此评分计算综合排名。结果显示克林顿的综合排名为第21位，在当时美国42位总统中恰好处于中间。

克林顿执政时期创造了美国经济腾飞的盛世，他执政的八年被誉为“黄金八年”，同时也成就了美国繁荣时代中的温和。克林顿是自富兰克林·罗斯福总统以来首位连任成功的民主党总统，他的当选也结束了共和党连续12年执政的历史。

尽管克林顿在其总统生涯中经历了一系列丑闻，包括拉链门案件和白水门案件，但是因为克林顿给美国所带来的繁荣以及使美国的高科技行业飞速发展，奠定了美国成为世界唯一超级大国的地位，所以克林顿成为了历史上得到公众认可最多的总统之一。

第一章  新的契约

第一节  背景介绍

1946年8月19日，比尔·克林顿出生在阿肯色州霍普的一个普通家庭。他的父亲小威廉·杰弗逊·布莱斯是一名推销员，在克林顿出生的前三个月惨遭车祸离世。克林顿的母亲弗吉尼亚·德尔·卡西迪把比尔留在自己的父母身边，独自一人到新奥尔良学习护理。1950年，弗吉尼亚从护士学校毕业后回到霍普，不久嫁给了温泉城的一个汽车经销商罗杰·克林顿。此后，比尔和母亲与继父一同生活在温泉城。克林顿的继父是一个酒鬼和赌徒，不过他的继父还是和他的母亲一起把克林顿抚养成人。比尔·克林顿原名叫做威廉·杰弗逊·布莱斯三世，在威廉·杰弗逊15岁那年，正式将自己的姓氏改成了“克林顿”。

克林顿的少年时光是很精彩的，他的成绩在学校里一直都非常出色，除此之外，他还是一个优秀的萨克斯演奏手，曾一度想成为专业的音乐家。不过在高中时期，当他作为全国学生代表到白宫与当时的美国总统约翰·肯尼迪见面后，他的想法又发生了转变。这一次白宫之行，彻底让他下定决心成为一名公务员。

成绩优异的克林顿拿到了乔治城大学外交学院的国际关系学位后，又获得了罗兹奖学金，得到了去英国牛津大学深造的机会。1973年又获得了耶鲁法学院的法学学位，克林顿从耶鲁法学院毕业后回到了阿肯色州，在阿肯色大学法学院任教。

1979年1月，时年32岁的克林顿就任阿肯色州州长一职，使他成为了美国历史上最年轻的州长之一。1982年，自信满满的克林顿再度当选州长，并连续执政十年。1990～1991年克林顿还曾担任民主党领导委员会的领导人。克林顿任州长期间，在推动州教育改革和实施经济发展计划方面取得了辉煌的成就，被选为美国南部经济发展政策委员会主席，兼任全美州长联席会议主席，并协助总统主持国家最高教育当局的工作。当克林顿还在阿肯色州任职时，在政治舞台上就已经显示出了耀眼的光芒，各方对于他将来竞选总统深信不疑。1988年民主党全国大会上，克林顿受邀发表讲话介绍民主党的总统候选人迈克尔·杜卡基斯，这是他第一次踏入全国的政治舞台。然而这场原定15分钟的演讲，最后却成为了一场长达一个半小时的乏味谈话。

尽管克林顿在政治舞台上第一次崭露头角就受到了打击，但他还是下定决心参加1992年的总统选举，对寻求总统连任的老布什发出了挑战。当时美国刚经历过海湾战争，老布什似乎铁定连任，就连民主党内的其他几位对手，例如纽约州州长马里奥·郭默都想跃跃欲试，克林顿当选总统的机率非常渺茫。

然而结果却出乎人们的意料，当时如日中天的老布什和众多民主党内重量级的竞选人物都打了退堂鼓，这让一些虽有些声望但资历尚浅的竞争对手得到了机会。克林顿即是其中之一，虽然克林顿在新罕布什尔州全国第一场初选输给了马萨诸塞州参议员宗格斯，但是他后来居上赢得了民主党提名。

1992年7月，美国举行了民主党全国代表大会，民主党中有六位候选人一同出席了这次会议，并向大会阐述各自的竞选纲领。这次大会的结果是克林顿和戈尔双双获得了当选民主党总统和副总统的候选人资格。在民主党大会结束的时候，克林顿发表了《新的契约》的演说，他一再地强调：“是美国需要做出变革的时候了。”

然而在克林顿竞选的初期，他也曾经遭受到很多指责，例如婚外恋、吸毒等问题。因而他在竞选中并非一帆风顺，还一度处于劣势。但是他机智的头脑、敏锐的思维以及真诚和自信深深地打动了选民的心，人们开始对这位政坛新人刮目相看，此后，克林顿的知名度一度攀升。

平民出身的克林顿总是以和善面对世人，他的这篇演讲体现了他对国家和未来的美好憧憬，对孩子和弱势群体的关怀，对企业和各个阶层的希望。他的“人民放在首位”的思想，无论从经济、教育、妇女还是儿童等方面都得到了广大选民的支持，他像民众拉家常一样阐述着自己的政治倾向与竞选主题，言语中充满了坚定和自信，给广大选民振奋与鼓舞。

第二节  克林顿1992年获民主党提名演讲

July 16 1992, New York

Governor Richards, Chairman Brown, Mayor Dinkins, our great host, my fellow delegates and my fellow Americans, I am so proud of Al Gore:

He said he came here tonight because he always wanted to do the warm-up for Elvis. Well, I ran for President this year for one reason and one reason only: I wanted to come back to this convention and finish that speech I started four years ago.

Last night Mario Cuomo taught us how a real nominating speech should be given. He also made it clear why we have to steer our ship of state on a new course. Tonight I want to talk with you about my hope for the future, my faith in the American people, and my vision of the kind of country we can build together.

I salute the good men who were my companions on the campaign trial: Tom Harkin , Bob Kerrey, Doug Wilder, Jerry Brown, and Paul Tsongas.

One sentence in the Platform we built says it all. The most important family policy, urban policy, labor policy, minority policy, and foreign policy America can have is an expanding entrepreneurial economy of high-wage, high-skilled jobs.

And so, in the name of all those who do the work and pay the taxes, raise the kids, and play by the rules, in the name of the hardworking Americans who make up our forgotten middle class, I proudly accept your nomination for President of the United States.

I am a product of that middle class, and when I am President, you will be forgotten no more.

We meet at a special moment in history, you and I. The Cold War is over. Soviet communism has collapsed and our values—freedom, democracy, individual rights, free enterprise—they have triumphed all around the world. And yet, just as we have won the Cold War abroad, we are losing the battles for economic opportunity and social justice here at home.

Now that we have changed the world, it's time to change America.

I have news for the forces of greed and the defenders of the status quo: Your time has come and gone. Its time for a change in America.

Tonight 10 million of our fellow Americans are out of work, tens of millions more work harder for lower pay. The incumbent President says unemployment always goes up a little before a recovery begins, but unemployment only has to go up by one more person before a real recovery can begin. And Mr. President, you are that man.

This election is about putting power back in your hands and putting government back on your side. It's about putting people first.

You know, I've said that all across the country, and whenever I do, someone always comes back to me, as a young man did just this week at a town meeting at the Henry Street Settlement on the Lower East side of Manhattan.He said, “That sounds good, Bill, but you're a politician. Why should I trust you?”

Tonight, as plainly as I can, I want to tell you who I am, what I believe, and where I want to lead America.

I never met my father. He was killed in a car wreck on a rainy road three months before I was born, driving from Chicago to Arkansas to see my mother.

After that, my mother had to support us, so we lived with my grandparents while she went back to Louisiana to study nursing. I can still see her clearly tonight through the eyes of a three-year-old, kneeling at the railroad station and weeping as she put me back on the train to Arkansas with my grandmother.

She endured that pain because she knew her sacrifice was the only way she could support me and give me a better life. My mother taught me. She taught me about family and hard work and sacrifice. She held steady through tragedy after tragedy, and she held our family—my brother and I together through tough times.

As a child, I watched her go off work each day at a time when it wasn't always easy to be a working mother.As an adult, I've watched her fight off breast cancer, and again she has taught me a lesson in courage. And always, always, she taught me to fight.

That's why I'll fight to create high-paying jobs so that parents can afford to raise their children today.

That's why I'm so committed to make sure every American gets the health care that saved my mother's life and that women's health care gets the same attention as men's.

That's why I'll fight to make sure women in this country receive respect and dignity, whether they work in the home, out of the home, or both.

You want to know where I get my fighting spirit? It all started with my mother. Thank you, Mother. I love you.

When I think about opportunity for all Americans, I think about my grandfather. He ran a country store in our little town of Hope. There was no food stamps back then, so when his customers, whether they were White or Black who worked hard and did the best they could, came in with no money, well, he gave them food anyway. He just made a note of it. So did I.

Before I was big enough to see over the counter, I learned from him to look up to people other folks looked down on.

My grandfather just had a high school education—a grade school education, but in that country store he taught me more about equality in the eyes of the Lord than all my professors at Georgetown, more about the intrinsic worth of every individual that all the philosophers at Oxford, more about the need for equal justice under the law than all the jurists at Yale Law School.

If you want to know where I come by the passionate commitment I have to bringing people together without regard to race, it all started with my grandfather.

I learned a lot from another person too: a person who for more than 20 years has worked hard to help our children, paying the price of time to make sure our schools don't fail them. Someone who traveled our state for a year, studying, learning, listening, going to PTA meetings, school board meetings, town hall meetings, putting together a package of school reforms recognized around the Nation, and doing it all while building a distinguished legal career and being a wonderful, loving mother.

That person is my wife.

Hillary taught me. She taught me that all children can learn and that each of us has a duty to help them do it.

So if you want to know why I care so much about our children, and our future, it all started with Hillary. I love you.

Frankly, I am fed up with politicians in Washington lecturing the rest of us about family values. Our families have values. But our government doesn't.

I want an America where family values live in our actions, not just in our speeches. An America that includes every family. Every traditional family and every extended family. Every two parent family. Every single-parent family. And every foster family. Every family.

I do want to say something to the fathers in this country who have chosen to abandon their children by neglecting their child support: Take responsibility for your children or we will force you to do so. Because governments don't raise children; parents do. And you should.

And I want to say something to every child in America tonight who is out there trying to grow up without a father or a mother: I know how you feel. You are special too.

You matter to America. And don't you ever let anybody tell you can't become whatever you want to be. And if other politicians make you feel like you are not part of their family, come on and be part of ours.

The thing that makes me angriest about what has gone wrong in the last 12 years is that our government has lost touch with our values, while our politicians continue to shout about them. I'm tired of it!

I was raised to believe the American Dream was built on rewarding hard work. But we have seen the folks of Washington turn the American ethic on its head.

For too long those who play by the rules and keep the faith have gotten the shaft, and those who cut corners and cut deals have been rewarded.

People are working harder than ever, spending less time with their children, working nights and weekends at their jobs instead of going to PTA and Little League or Scouts. And their incomes are still going down. Their taxes are still going up. And the costs of health care, housing and education are going through the roof.

Meanwhile, more and more of our best people are falling into poverty even though they work 40 hours a week.

Our people are pleading for change, but government is in the way. It has been hijacked by privileged private interests. It has forgotten who really pays the bills around here. It has taken more of your money and given you less in return. We have got to go beyond the brain-dead politics in Washington and give our people the kind of government they deserve, a government that works for them.

A President, a president, ought to be a powerful force for progress. But right now I know how President Lincoln felt when General McClellan wouldn't attack in the Civil War. He asked him, “If you’re not going to use your army, may I borrow it?”And so I say: George Bush, if you won't use our power to help America, step aside. I will.

Our country is falling behind. The President is caught in the grip of a failed economic theory. We have gone from first to 13th in the world in wages since Ronald Reagan and Bush have been in office.

Four years ago, candidate Bush said, “America is a special place, not just another pleasant country somewhere on the UN Roll Call between Albania and Zimbabwe.” Now under President Bush, America has an unpleasant economy struck somewhere between Germany and Sri Lanka.

And for most Americans, Mr. President, life's a lot less kind and a lot less gentle than it was before your administration took office.

Listen, do it some more.

Our country has fallen so far so fast that just a few months ago the Japanese prime minister actually said he felt sympathy for the United States. Sympathy. When I am your President , the rest, the rest, of the world will not look down on us with pity but up to us with respect again.

What is George Bush doing about our economic problems?

Now, four years ago he promised 15 million new jobs by this time, and he's over 14 million short. Al Gore and I can do better.

He has raised taxes on the people driving pickup trucks and lowered taxes on the people riding in limousines. We can do better.

He promised to balance the budget, but he hasn't even tried. In fact, the budgets he has submitted to Congress nearly doubled the debt. Even worse, he wasted billions and reduced our investments in education and jobs. We can do better.

So if you are sick and tired of a government that doesn't work to create jobs, if you're sick and tired of a tax system that's stacked against you, if you're sick and tired of exploding debt and reduced investments in our future, or if, like the great civil rights pioneer Fannie Lou Hamer, you're just plain old sick and tired of being sick and tired, then join us, work with us, win with us, and we can make our country the country it was meant to be.

Now, George Bush talks a good game, but he has no game plan to rebuild America, from the cities to the suburbs to the countryside, so that we can compete and win again in the global economy. I do.

He won't take on the big insurance companies and the bureaucracies to control health costs and give us affordable health care for all Americans, but I will.

He won't even implement the recommendations of his own commission on AIDS, but I will.

He won't streamline the federal government and change the way it works, cut 100,000 bureaucrats and put 100,000 new police officers on the streets of American cities, but I will.

He's never balanced a government budget, but I have 11 times.

He won't break the stranglehold the special interests have on our elections and the lobbyists have on our government, but I will.

He won't give mothers and fathers the simple chance to take some time off from work when a baby is born or a parent it sick, but I will.

We're losing our farms at a rapid rate, and he has no commitment to keep family farms in the family, but I do.

He's talked a lot about drugs, but he hasn't helped people on the front line to wage that war on drugs and crime. But I will.

He won't take the lead in protecting the environment and creating new jobs in environmental technologies for the 21st century, but I will.

And you know what else? He doesn't have Al Gore, and I do.Just in case, just in case, you didn't notice, that's Gore with an E on the end.

And George Bush—George Bush won't guarantee a women's right to choose; I will.

Hear me now. I am not pro-abortion; I am pro-choice, strongly. I believe this difficult and painful decision should be left to the women of America.

I hope the right to privacy can be protected and we will never again have to discuss this issue on political platforms. But I am old enough to remember what it was like before Roe v. Wade, and I do not want to return to the time when we made criminals of women and their doctors.

Jobs, education, health care-these are not just commitments from my lips; they are the work of my life.Our priorities must be clear; we will put our people first again. But priorities without a clear plan of action are just empty words. To turn our rhetoric into reality we've got to change the way government does business, fundamentally. Until we do, we'll continue to pour billions of dollars down the drain.

The Republicans have campaigned against big government for a generation, but have you noticed? They've run this big government for a generation and they haven't changed a thing. They don't want to fix government; they still want to campaign against it, and that's all.

But, my fellow Democrats, its time for us to realize we've got some changing to do too. There is not a program in government for every problem, and if we want to use government to help people, we have got to make it work again.

Because we are committed in this Convention and in this Platform to making these changes, we are, as Democrats, in the words that Ross Perot himself spoke today, “a revitalized Democratic Party.”

I am well aware that all those millions of people who rallied to Ross Perot's cause wanted to be in an army of patriots for change. Tonight I say to them, join us, and together we will revitalize America.

Now, I don't have all the answers, but I do know the old ways don't work. Trickledown economics has sure failed. And big bureaucracies, both private and public, they've failed too.

That's why we need a new approach to government, a government that offers more empowerment and less entitlement. More choices for young people in the schools they attend in the public schools they attend. And more choices for the elderly and for people with disabilities and the long-term care they receive. A government that is leaner, not meaner; a government that expands opportunity, not bureaucracy; a government that understands that jobs must come from growth in a vibrant and vital system of free enterprise.

I call this approach a New Covenant, a solemn agreement between the people and their government based not simply on what each of us can take but what all of us must give to our Nation.

We offer our people a new choice based on old values. We offer opportunity. We demand responsibility. We will build an American community again. The choice we offer is not conservative or liberal. In many ways, it is not even Republican or Democratic. It is different. It is new. And it will work. It will work because it is rooted in the vision and the values of the American people.

Of all the things that George Bush has ever said that I disagree with, perhaps the thing that bothers me most is how he derides and degrades the American tradition of seeing and seeking a better future. He mocks it as the “vision thing.”

But just remember what the Scripture says: “Where there is no vision, the people perish.”

I hope, I hope, nobody in this great hall tonight, or in our beloved country has to go through tomorrow without a vision. I hope no one ever tries to raise a child without a vision. I hope nobody ever starts a business or plants a crop in the ground without a vision. For where there is no vision, the people perish.

One of the reasons we have so many children in so much trouble in so many places in this nation is because they have seen so little opportunity, so little responsibility, so little loving, caring community, that they literally cannot imagine the life we are calling them to lead.

And so I say again: Where there is no vision, America will perish.

What is the vision of our New Covenant?

An America with millions of new jobs and dozens of new industries, moving confidently toward the 21st century.

An America that says to entrepreneurs and businesspeople: We will give you more incentives and more opportunity than ever before to develop the skills of your workers and to create American jobs and American wealth in the new global economy. But you must do your part, you must be responsible. American companies must act like American companies again, exporting products, not jobs.

That's what this New Covenant is all about.

An America in which the doors of colleges are thrown open once again to the sons and daughters of stenographers and steelworkers. We will say: Everybody can borrow money to go to college. But you must do your part. You must pay it back, from your paychecks or, better yet, by going back home and serving your communities.

Just think of it. Think of it. Millions of energetic young men and women serving their country by policing the streets or teaching the children or caring for the sick. Or working with the elderly and people with disabilities. Or helping young people to stay off drugs and out of gangs, giving us all a sense of new hope and limitless possibilities.

That's what this New Covenant is all about.

An America in which health care is a right, not a privilege, in which we say to all of our people: “Your government has the courage finally to take on the health care profiteers and make health care affordable for every family.” But, you must do your part. Preventive care, prenatal care, childhood immunization—saving lives, saving money, saving families from heartbreak.

That's what the New Covenant is all about.

An America in which middle-class incomes, not middle-class taxes, are going up.An America, yes, in which the wealthiest few, those making over $200,000 a year, are asked to pay their fair share.An America in which the rich are not soaked, but the middle class is not drowned, either.Responsibility starts at the top.

That's what the New Covenant is all about.

An America where we end welfare as we know it. We will say to those on welfare: You will have, and you deserve, the opportunity, through training and education, through child care and medical coverage, to liberate yourself. But then, when you can, you must work, because welfare should be a second chance, not a way of life.

That's what the New Covenant is all about.

An America with the world's strongest defense, ready and willing to use force when necessary.

An America at the forefront of the global effort to preserve and protect our common environment and promoting global growth.

An America that champions the cause of freedom and democracy from Eastern Europe to Southern Africa and in our own hemispheres, in Haiti and Cuba.

The end of the Cold War permits us to reduce defense spending while still maintaining the strongest defense in the world, but we must plow back every dollar of defense cuts into building American jobs right here at home. I know well that the world needs a strong America, but we have learned that strength begins at home.

But the New Covenant is about more than opportunities and responsibilities for you and your families. It's also about our common community.

Tonight every one of you knows deep in your heart that we are too divided. It is time to heal America.

And so we must say to every American: Look beyond the stereotypes that blind us. We need each other—all of us—we need each other. We don't have a person to waste, and yet for too long politicians have told the most of us that are doing all right that what's really wrong with America is the rest of us—them.Them, the minorities. Them, the liberals. Them, the poor. Them, the homeless. Them, the people with disabilities. Them, the gays.

We've gotten to where we've nearly them'ed ourselves to death. Them, and them, and them.But, this is America. There is no them. There is only us.One nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.

That, that, is our Pledge of Allegiance, and that's what the New Covenant is all about.

How do I know we can come together and make change happen? Because I have seen it in my own state. In Arkansas, we are working together, and we are making progress. No, there's no Arkansas Miracle, but there are a lot of miraculous people. And because of them, our schools are better, our wages are higher, our factories are busier, our water is cleaner and our budget is balanced. We're moving ahead.

I wish I could say the same thing about America under the incumbent President. He took the richest country in the world and brought it down.

In the end, my fellow Americans, this New Covenant simply asks us all to be Americans again—old-fashioned Americans for a new time. Opportunity, responsibility, community.

When we pull together, America will pull ahead. Throughout the whole history of this country, we have seen, time and time and time again, when we are united we are unstoppable.

We can seize this moment, make it exciting and energizing and heroic to be American again. We can renew our faith in each other and in ourselves. We can restore our sense of unity and community.

As the Scripture says, “our eyes have not yet seen, nor our ears heard, nor minds imagined” what we can build.

But I can't do this alone. No President can. We must do it together. It won't be easy, and it won't be quick. We didn't get into this mess overnight, and we won't get out of it overnight. But we can do it—with commitment, creativity, diversity and drive.

We can do it. We can do it.

We can do it. We can do it. We can do it.

We can do it. We can do it. We can do it.

I want every person in this hall and every person in this land to reach out and join us in a great new adventure, to chart a bold new future.

As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy's summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I head that call clarified by a professor name Carol Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest Nation in history because our people had always believed in two things—that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.

That, that, kind of future entered my life the night our daughter, Chelsea, was born. As I stood in the delivery room, I was overcome with the thought that God had given me a blessing my own father never knew—the chance to hold my child in my arms.

Somewhere at this very moment a child is being born in America. Let it be our cause to give that child a happy home, a healthy family and a hopeful future. Let it be our cause to see that that child has a chance to live to the fullest of her God-given capacities.

Let it be our cause to see that child grow up strong and secure, braced by her challenges but never struggling alone, with family and friends and a faith that in America, no one is left out; no one is left behind.

Let it be, let it be, our cause that when this child is able, she gives something back to her children, her community and her country. Let it be our cause that we give this child a country that is coming together, not coming apart, a country of boundless hopes and endless dreams, a country once again lifts its people and inspires the world. Let that be our cause our commitment and our New Covenant.

My fellow Americans, I end tonight where it all began for me—I still believe in a place called Hope.

God bless you, and God Bless America.

1992年7月16日，纽约

尊敬的得克萨斯州州长安·理查兹、主席布朗以及纽约市长狄更斯，我们热情的东道主、我的代表伙伴们、我的美国同胞们、我为之骄傲的阿尔·戈尔：

戈尔说今晚他来到这里，是因为在电视直播之前他总是要做些“热身运动”。而我今年参加总统竞选有一个而且只有一个原因：我希望回到这里，完成我四年前没有完成的演讲。

昨天晚上马里奥·柯默教给我们真正的提名演说要怎样写，他也清楚我们为什么要在新阶段中调整政府的方向。今晚我要跟你们谈谈我对于未来的希望，我对于美国人民的信念，以及我对于我们共同建设国家的憧憬。

我要向在竞选活动中我的杰出的同事们致敬：汤姆·哈金、鲍勃·克里、道·怀德、杰里·布郎和保罗·桑贾斯。

在我们搭建的工作平台上的那句话表明了一切：美国所能采取的政策——最重要的家庭政策、城市政策、劳工政策、少数民族政策以及外交政策，这些必然是促使那带来更多高技术高报酬的就业机会的自由经济进一步扩展的政策。

因此，以所有那些劳作纳税、养育子女、奉公守法的人民，还有那些被我们遗忘的中产阶级、努力工作的美国人的名义，我很荣幸地接受美国总统候选人的提名。

我是中产阶级的产儿，当我成为美国总统，你们将不再被遗忘。

我们相逢在一个特殊的历史时刻，冷战已经结束，苏维埃已经崩溃，我们的价值观自由、民主、人权、自由竞争——已取得全球性的胜利。然而，就在我们于海外赢得冷战的同时，我们却输掉了在国内创造平等的经济机会和争取社会正义的战役。

既然我们已经改变了世界，是时候让我们改变美国了。

我要告诉那些贪婪的和捍卫现状的人们：你们的时代已经成为过去，现在是改变美国的时代！

今天晚上，我的数以千万计的美国同胞没有工作，数千万的人们为越来越低的工资付出更多的努力。我们的现任总统说，失业率总是在经济开始复苏前有小幅度的上升，但是在真正复苏前失业人数只需要再多一个人就行了，而那个人就是您，总统先生！

这次选举就是要把权力交还给你们，就是让政府作为你们的后盾，就是要把人民放在第一位。

你们知道这些我在全国各地都说过。无论何时，只要我这么说总有人靠近我，就像本周在曼哈顿东区亨利街住宅区的一次市镇选民大会上一个年轻人所做的那样。他说：“那些听起来不错，比尔。但是你是一个政客，我为什么要相信你呢？

今晚，我要尽可能坦率地告诉你们，我是谁，我信仰什么，我要把美国引向何方。

我从未见过我父亲。在我出生前三个月，他驾车从芝加哥赶往阿肯色州去看望我妈妈，一路上下着雨，他在车祸中丧生。

从那以后，妈妈不得不独自抚养我们。我们同外祖父外祖母住在一起，同时她又必须回到路易斯安那学习护理。直到今天我依然清晰地记得我三岁时所看到的情景：妈妈跪在站台上，一边哭着一边把我交给坐在开往阿肯色列车上的外祖母。

妈妈忍受痛苦，因为她知道只有做出牺牲才能给我更好的生活。是妈妈教育了我，她教我懂得家庭、勤奋工作和牺牲的真谛。她镇定地承受一次又一次灾难的打击，她领着全家——我弟弟和我共同渡过艰苦的岁月。

当我还是个孩子的时候，我每天都看着她上下班，那个时候对一个母亲来说上班真是不容易。我长大成年了，我看着她与乳腺癌斗争，她又教给我什么是勇气，她总是要我去奋斗。

这就是为什么，我要争取创造高薪就业的机会，这样就可以让家长有能力去抚养他们的孩子。

这就是为什么，我会确保每一位美国人都会获得医保，那样就可以保住我母亲的性命，也能够让女性的健康与男性同样受到关注。

这就是为什么，我要确保美国的每位女性都要受到尊重和拥有尊严，不管她们是操持家务、外出工作，还是身兼二任。

你们想知道我的战斗精神从何而来吗？这一切都源自我的妈妈。谢谢你，妈妈。我爱你！

每当我想起全体美国人的机会平等，我就想起我的外祖父。他在霍普小镇经营一家乡村杂货店。那时还没有政府救济券，所以他的客户不管他们是白人或黑人，只要他们努力工作尽其所能，即使没有钱也没有关系，他总是给他们食物，他只是随便记上一笔。遇到此类情况，我也是这样做。

当我长到能够看到柜台以上时，我已从他那里学会如何去尊重那些通常被人们蔑视的人。

我外祖父只有普通高中一年级的教育水平，然而在那家乡村杂货店里，他教给我更多的是上帝所传达的平等，而不是乔治敦大学教授眼中的平等；他教给我更多的是每个人内在的价值，而不是牛津大学里那些哲学家的价值；他教给我更多的是在法律下的平等公正，而不仅仅是耶鲁法学院里法学家眼里的公正。

如果你们想知道，我承诺不分种族要把全体人民团结起来的热情从何而来。这一切全都源自我的外祖父。

从另一个人身上我也获益良多。有这么一个人，她勤奋工作逾20年来帮助我们的孩子们；她牺牲大量的时间以确保我们的学校不会误人子弟；她用一年时间走遍全国，倾听、学习、研究，出席家庭教师协会、学校董事会以及市政厅的有关会议，推出了得到各地区验证的学校改革的一揽子计划。同时她在律师界奠定了良好的事业基础，她又是一位了不起的充满爱心的母亲。

那个人就是我妻子。

希拉里教会我，她教会我所有的孩子都能学习，我们每个人都有义务帮助他们。

因此，如果你们想知道为什么我如此关心我们的孩子们，我们的未来，这一切都源自希拉里。我爱你。

坦白地说，我对那些向我们宣讲家庭价值的华盛顿的政客们感到厌倦。我们的家庭是有价值的，但不是我们政府的价值标准。

我想拥有这样一个美国，在那里家庭的价值体现在我们的行动中，而不只是停留在我们的演说里。我想拥有这样一个美国，能够包容每一个家庭——每一个传统的大家庭，每一个双亲或单亲的家庭，每一个收养的家庭，所有这些家庭。

对我们国家中那些选择放弃他们的孩子，忽视对孩子抚养义务的父亲们，我想说几句话：担负起抚养孩子的义务来，否则我们将强迫你们这样做。因为政府不能抚养孩子，而父母却能，你们责无旁贷。

今晚，我要告诉美国的每一个孩子——那些失去父亲或母亲正在长大成人的孩子——我了解你们的感受，你们也是独一无二的。

你们对美国很重要。你们不能听任别人告诉你们，说什么你们不能成为你们所希望成就的那种人。如果别的政治家让你们觉得你们不属于他们的家庭，来吧，成为我们之中的一员。

过去12年的所有错误中最让我愤怒的莫过于我们的政府将我们所珍视的价值观抛弃，而我们的政治家却把它们挂在嘴上喋喋不休，我厌恶这些。

我从小就相信美国梦应该建立于努力工作必有回报的基石之上。我们看到的却是华盛顿那帮家伙把这一道德信条抛诸脑后。

太久了，那些奉公守法保持信仰的人得到的是不公正的待遇，那些投机取巧弄虚作假的人却往往占尽好处。

人们工作得比以往更辛苦，他们陪伴孩子的时间比以往更少了。以往参加家庭教师协会或少年棒球联合会的时间被挤占，取而代之的是夜间和周末的加班。他们的收入不断下降，他们的税负持续上升，而医疗保健、住宅和教育的开支更是涨上了天。

与此同时，越来越多优秀的人正在陷入贫困，尽管他们每周工作40个小时。

人民呼唤改革，但政府却挡在道上，它已经被特权阶层的私利所劫持。它忘了站在这里真正为政府“埋单”的人们。我们必须超越华盛顿僵化的政见，给人民一个他们应得的政府，一个为他们服务的政府。

作为一位总统，应该是推动进步的强大力量。但直到今天，我才体会到林肯总统的感受。内战期间当麦克莱将军不愿进攻时，林肯问他：“如果你不用你的军队，你能借给我吗？”同样地我说，乔治·布什，如果你不用你的权力来帮助美国，站到旁边去，让我来吧！

我们的国家正在落后，总统的经济理论证明是错误的。自从罗纳尔多·里根和布什执政以来，我们的工资收入已从世界第一滑落到第十三。

四年前，总统候选人布什说：“美国是一个特殊的地方，不是在联合国的名册处于阿尔巴尼亚和津巴布韦之间的随随便便的一个什么国家。”今天，在现任总统布什的领导下，我们的经济已然可悲地落到了德国和斯里兰卡之间。

对绝大多数美国人而言，总统先生，比起之前你的政府执政以来，生活少了仁爱，少了温暖。

听听他们的呼声，在这些方面多做努力！

我们的国家滑落得如此之远，如此之快，仅仅几个月前，日本首相竟然说他“同情美国”。“同情”？当我成了你们的总统，这世界上其他地方，其他地方的人们将不再怜悯地俯视美国，而是再一次怀着敬意仰视我们。

为了解决我们的经济问题，乔治·布什做了什么呢？

四年前的今天，他许诺要带来1500万新的就业机会，现在他却造成了超过1400百万的职位短缺。阿尔·戈尔和我能做得更好。

他增加驾驶皮卡货车人们的税负，却为乘坐豪华轿车的人们减税。我们能做得更好。

他承诺要平衡预算，却始终光说不练。事实上，他向国会提交的预算案使我们的负债翻了将近一番。更糟的是，他浪费数十亿美元，却削减我们在教育以及创造就业机会方面的投资。我们能做得更好。

因此，如果你厌倦了一个不努力创造就业机会的政府，如果你厌倦了一个机关算尽来对付你的税收系统，如果你厌倦了债务的急剧增长和被削减的投资；或者像人权先驱范妮·卢·哈默所说，你只是厌倦了这些令人厌倦的事，那么加入我们吧，让我们一同工作一同胜利，我们能够使我们的国家成为真正意义上的国家。

眼下，乔治·布什正在谈论一个美妙的“策略”，可他却没有任何计划来重建美国，从城市到郊区到乡村，使我们能够参与全球经济的竞争并再次赢得胜利。我可以做到。

他不会雇佣大保险公司和官僚机构去控制医疗费用，给我们一种所有美国人都支付得起的保健服务。但是我可以做到。

他甚至不愿采纳他自己的艾滋病防治委员会的建议。但是我愿意。

他不会精简联邦政府，改变它的工作方式，裁减10万官员给美国城市的街道增加10万新警官。但是我会。

他从未平衡过政府预算。但是我已经平衡了11次。

他不想打破特殊利益集团对选举的束缚，不想排除各种游说团体对政府的干扰。但是我想。

他不愿让父母们享有最起码的福利在他们的孩子出生或双亲患病时享受带薪假期。但是我让。

我们正在以惊人的速度失去我们的农庄，但他却不肯承诺让家庭保住他们的农庄。但是我可以做到。

关于毒品他说了很多，他却不肯帮助第一线的人们发动缉毒灭罪的战役。但是我肯。

他不会带头保护环境，并利用环保科技为21世纪创造新的工作机会。但是我能。

你们知道吗？他没有阿尔·戈尔，但是我有。因为怕你们注意不到，我要提醒一句，“戈尔”的最后一个字母是“E”。

并且，乔治·布什，乔治·布什不愿意保证妇女选择的权利。但是我保证。

听我说，我并不赞成堕胎，我只是强烈提倡堕胎合法化。我认为那艰难而痛苦的选择应该留给美国的妇女去做。

我希望个人的隐私权能够得到保护，而且我们无需在政治论坛上再来讨论这个问题。我的年龄足以让我记得以前“罗伊案”的情形，我不想回到把人工流产的妇女和她们的医生看作罪犯的时代。

就业机会、学校教育、医疗保健，这些不是挂在我嘴上的承诺，而是我毕生的工作。我们必须优先明确要做的事情，我们将再次把人民放在第一位。然而这种“优先”若无清晰的行动计划就只是空洞的言辞。要将美丽的言辞变成现实，我们就必须彻底改变政府的办事方式。否则，我们将继续把数十亿美元扔进下水道。

共和党人反对大政府的选战已经持续了一个时代。但是你们注意到没有，他们竟然将这个政府运行了整整一个时代而未作任何改变！他们不想稳定政府，他们仍然要发动选战来反对它，这就是全部事实。

但是，我的民主党同胞们，是时候了，让我们明白我们也必须做出某些改变。政府并没有一个解决所有问题的万全之策。如果我们要让政府帮助人民，我们就必须让政府再次运转起来。

因为我们承诺在这次大会在这个平台上做出这些改变。用罗斯·佩罗今天自己的话来说，我们是新生的民主党，新生的民主党人。

我十分清楚数十万人正聚集在罗斯·佩罗的旗帜周围，组成了一支要求变革的爱国者的大军。今晚我要对他们说，加入我们吧，让我们一起使美国获得新生。

眼下我还没有全部的答案，然而我确信老一套是行不通的。积极投资的经济理论已经破产。庞大的官僚体系，无论是私营的还是公立的都失败了。

这就是为什么我们要给政府找一条新的途径。一个更多授权而非集权的政府；一个给在校的——在公立学校的年轻人更多的选择，给接受长期保健的老年人和残疾人更多的选择的政府；一个更像引导者而非定义者的政府；一个增加机会而非扩充官僚机构的政府；一个明了就业机会只能来自活泼的生机勃勃的自由企业体系的政府。

我把这种新的方法叫做“新的契约”，一个人民和政府之间庄严的协议。它并不简单地立足于我们能从国家索取什么，更多地立足于我们必须向国家奉献什么。

我们提供基于传统价值之上的新选择。我们提供机会，我们要求责任，我们将重建美国社会。我们提供的选择，既不是保守主义的，也不是自由主义的。从更丰富的层面看，甚至既不是共和主义的，也不是民主主义的。它是截然不同的，它是全新的，它将行之有效。它之所以有效，因为它深深地植根于美国人民所信守的价值和美国人民对未来的憧憬之中。

乔治·布什说过的话中，我不能同意的，也是最让我恼怒的，是他对美国人民寻求和探索更美好的未来这一传统的嘲笑和贬低。他嘲笑这憧憬是“泡影”。

然而，我们只要想想圣经的教谕：“没有憧憬，人民便趋于灭亡。”

我希望，我希望今晚，在这个大会堂，在我们这个可爱的国家，没有人在迈向明天时心里没有憧憬。我希望没有人在养育子女时心里没有憧憬。我希望没有人在开始自己的事业或在地里种植庄稼时心里没有憧憬。因为没有憧憬，人民便趋于灭亡。

为什么现在美国许多地方我们有那么多的孩子都有如此多的麻烦，原因之一便是他们看到的机会是如此渺茫，如此缺乏责任，缺少爱和关怀的社会。以致他们甚至无法想象我们召唤他们去过那种新的生活。

因此我要重申：没有憧憬，美国将趋于灭亡。

那么，我们和未来的新契约中包含怎样的憧憬呢？

一个有着数百万新的就业机会，有着十多个新兴产业，自信地迈向21世纪的美国。

在这样一个美国，我们可以向企业家和商人宣告：我们将提供比以前更多的激励和机会让你们提高工人的技能，在全球经济中为美国创造更多的就业机会和更多的财富。但是你们必须做好你们的本分，你们必须尽自己的责任。美国的公司必须再次像美国公司那样运作，输出我们的产品而不是就业机会。

这就是新契约的应有之意。

在一个这样的美国，高校的大门将再次为速记员和炼钢工人的子女们敞开。我们将宣布：每个人都可贷款进入高校。但是你们必须尽你们的本分，你们必须偿还，用你们未来的薪金，或者更好一些，回到你们的家乡服务于你们的社区。

只要想想，想想这样一幅图景：千千万万精神充沛的青年男女服务于他们的国家——维护治安，教育儿童，看护病人，照顾老人和残疾人，或帮助年轻人使他们远离毒品和帮派。它必然给我们所有人一种感觉，一种充满无限可能和希望的感觉。

这就是新契约的应有之意。

在一个这样的美国，医疗保健是基本权利而非特权。我们要告诉我们的人民：“你们的政府终于有勇气挑战医疗保健行业的奸商，提供每个家庭能够支付得起的医疗服务。”但是你们必须尽你们的本分。做好预防工作，做好搞好产前保健，做好儿童免疫。珍惜生命，节约金钱，避免家庭悲剧的发生。

这就是新契约的应有之意。

在一个这样的美国，中产阶级的收入而非他们的税负将持续增长。在一个这样的美国，少数最富的人，那些年收入超过20万美元的人将被要求承担公平的税负。在一个这样的美国，富人不会被收重税，中产阶级也不会被税收所累，责任是居首要位置的。

这就是新契约的应有之意。

在一个这样的美国，我们要结束福利制度。我们要对那些依靠福利的人说：你们将享有，你们也应该享有机会，完备的训练和教育，完善的儿童抚育和医疗保障以充分发掘你们的潜能。但是那之后，只要可能你们就必须工作，因为社会福利只是辅助的手段，而不是生活方式。

这就是新契约的应有之意。

在一个这样的美国，它拥有世界上最强大的防卫力量，必要时它能够并且愿意使用武力。

在一个这样的美国，它站在维持和保护我们公共环境，增加全球植被的最前线。

在一个这样的美国，它支持自由和民主的事业，从东欧到南非，在我们自己所在的半球，在海地，在古巴。

冷战的结束，允许我们在保持世界最强大的防卫力量的同时削减国防开支，但是我们必须把削减下的每一个美元都用于在国内创造就业机会。我深知世界需要一个强大的美国，但是我们都认识到力量源自国内。

然而，这个新的契约不仅涉及你们和你们家庭的机会和责任，更涉及我们共同的社会。

今晚，你们每一个人都深知我们有太多的分歧。是时候让美国“痊愈”了。

因此，我必须告诉每一个美国人，透过蒙蔽我们的成见，看到背后的真相。我们彼此需要——我们所有的人——我们彼此需要。我们不会放弃任何一个人。长期以来政客们总是说多数人都做得不错，真正对美国有害的只是剩下的那些人——他们。他们，是少数族裔；他们，是自由主义者；他们，是穷人；他们，是无家可归的人；他们，是残疾人；他们，是同性恋者。

我们已经快要被“他们”置于死地。他们，他们，他们！但是，这里是美国，这里没有“他们”，只有“我们”！上帝庇佑之下，一个不可分割的国家，自由正义属于所有的人。

这就是我们的《效忠誓言》，这就是新契约的应有之意。

为何我知道我们团结起来做出改变？因为我已在阿肯色州看到过这种迹象，我们同心协力并取得了进展。不，没有什么阿肯色奇迹，只有许多奇迹般的阿肯色人。因为他们，我们的学校更好，我们的工资更高，我们的工厂更忙，我们的水源更清，而且我们的预算平衡。我们正在稳步向前。

我希望能对现任总统治理下的美国说同样的话。他领导了世界上最富有的国家，却让其走了下坡路。我们接管的是美国最穷的州，但是我们正在前进。

说到底，我的美国同胞们，这个新的契约只是要求我们再次成为真正的美国人，新时代的传统的美国人——机会、责任、社会。

只要我们团结起来，将会推动美国前进。回顾这个国家的全部历史，我们一次又一次地看到，只要我们万众一心，我们前进的步伐就无可阻挡。

我们能够抓住这个时刻，让作为美国人再次成为令人激动、精神焕发、无上光荣的事情。我们能够重建我们的信念，我们能够重建举国一致的认识。

正如圣经所说：“我们所能成就的，非我们的眼睛所曾见过，非我们的耳朵所曾听闻，非我们的头脑所能想象。”

然而，我不能单打独斗，没有哪一位总统可以，我们必须同心协力。这并不轻松，也不会很快完成。我们并非一夜之间陷入困境，我们也不可能一夜之间摆脱困境。凭着承诺、创造、多样性和无穷的动力我们能够完成。

我们能够做到。我们能够做到。

我们能够做到。我们能够做到。我们能够做到。

我们能够做到。我们能够做到。我们能够做到。

我要求这个会场的每一个人，这个国家的每一个人伸出手来，和我们一起开始新的伟大的冒险，勇敢地描绘我们辉煌的未来。

在我年少时，我曾聆听约翰·肯尼迪呼唤公民权利义务的演讲。在那之后，作为乔治城大学的学生，我又聆听了卡罗尔·奎格利教授对此所做的阐释。他告诉我们，美国是历史上最伟大的国家，因为我们的人民坚信两个信念：一是，明天会比今天更好；二是，我们每个人在道德上都有责任让它成为现实。

那样的一种未来，在我们的女儿切尔西降生之时走进了我的生命。当我站在产房之中，我被一个想法所折服：上帝给了我一个我父亲不能感受到的祝福——把自己的孩子抱在怀里。

此刻，在美国的某个地方一个孩子正在降生。定下了我们的目标：给那个孩子一个幸福的家园，一个健康的家庭，一个充满希望的未来。让它成为我们的事业：给那个孩子一个机会，实现上帝赋予她的全部潜能。

定下我们的目标：看着孩子长大，让她健壮地成长，让她在家庭和朋友的支持下迎接生活的挑战，而从不单枪匹马。让她树立一个信念，在美国没有谁被遗弃，没有谁落在后面。

定下我们的目标：只要那个孩子有能力，她就会回馈她的孩子、她的社会和她的国家。定下我们的目标：给那个孩子一个日益团结而不是趋于分裂的国家，一个充满无限希望无穷梦想的国家，一个再次振奋人民激励世界的国家。让我们定下建立承诺和新约的目标。

我的美国同胞们，今晚我在这里结束我的演讲，一切将从这里开始。我始终相信一个地方——它就是希望。

上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美国。

第三节  精彩语录

Now that we have changed the world, it's time to change America.

既然我们已经改变了世界，是时候让我们改变美国了。

I have news for the forces of greed and the defenders of the status quo: Your time has come and gone. It's time for a change in America.

我要告诉那些贪婪的和捍卫现状的人们：你们的时代已经成为过去，现在是改变美国的时代！

That's why I'll fight to create high-paying jobs so that parents can afford to raise their children today.

这就是为什么，我要争取创造高薪就业的机会，这样就可以让家长有能力去抚养他们的孩子。

That's why I'm so committed to make sure every American gets the health care that saved my mother's life and that women's health care gets the same attention as men's.

这就是为什么，我会确保每一位美国人都会获得医保，那样就可以保住我母亲的性命，也能够让女性的健康与男性同样受到关注。

That's why I'll fight to make sure women in this country receive respect and dignity, whether they work in the home, out of the home, or both.

这就是为什么，我要确保美国的每位女性都要受到尊重和拥有尊严，不管她们是操持家务、外出工作，还是身兼二任。

I call this approach a New Covenant, a solemn agreement between the people and their government based not simply on what each of us can take but what all of us must give to our Nation.

我把这种新的方法叫做“新的契约”，一个人民和政府之间庄严的协议。它并不简单地立足于我们能从国家索取什么，更多地立足于我们必须向国家奉献什么。

第二章  复兴的新时代

第一节  背景介绍

1992年7月9日，刚刚在民主党内获胜的克林顿选择了参议员艾伯特·戈尔作为他的竞选伙伴。这项选择最初受到了许多批评，多数人认为这个选择很不明智。但是后来回想起来，也有人认为克林顿能在1992年的选举中获胜也包含了戈尔的因素，正是因为两人年轻的特质给了选民一个清新的印象。

每四年举行一次的美国总统大选在1992年的11月4日凌晨揭晓，时年46岁的比尔·克林顿荣任美国第42任总统，击败了68岁的乔治·布什。这是民主党人在共和党连续执政12年后，在大选中几经奋战取得的胜利，也是第二次世界大战后出生的美国新一代政治家，第一次取代老一辈人主导美国政坛的历史性事件。

克林顿在当选美国总统后郑重地向世人宣告，这是一个伟大的开端，他将实现变革的诺言，重振美国雄风。克林顿能赢得1992年总统大选的胜利，主要是因为他的竞选策略更专注于国内议题，特别是当时美国的经济处于低谷。他的竞选总部曾经张贴出一句非常著名的标语：“笨蛋，问题是经济！”最终克林顿以43%的公选票，370张选举人票，于1993年1月20日宣誓就职，正式入主白宫。

当天上午十时三十分，克林顿夫妇乘坐专车由国宾馆驶向白宫，然后与美国前总统布什一同乘坐豪华轿车抵达国会大厦。12点的时候，克林顿在国会大厦宣誓就职。随后，克林顿总统发表了约15分钟的就职讲话，定下了他今后四年任期的施政基调：“变革与复兴”。

第二节  克林顿1993年第一次就职演说

January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens :

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.

This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.

When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.

On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression and fascism.

Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.

Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.

When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.

Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.

Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.

This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.

We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.

Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.

From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.

Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.

Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.

And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift; a new season of American renewal has begun. To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity. It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.

Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come; the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.

It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country. To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.

This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.

Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.

To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic; the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race; they affect us all.

Today, as an old order passes, the new world is freer but less stable. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.

While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.

When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act; with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.

But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause.

The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands.

To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service; to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done; enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.

In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.

An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.

And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.

Thank you, and God bless you all.

1993年1月20日

同胞们：

今天，我们在这里热烈庆祝美国复兴这件令人惊奇与兴奋的事。

虽然现在仍是寒月隆冬，但在对世界发出的誓言和展示的姿态中，我们已经让春暖花开悄然降临到了每个人的心里。春天重新降临到这个世界上最古老的民主国家，它为重塑美国的中兴带来了一派欣欣向荣的新气象和令人鼓舞的勇气。

当美利坚合众国的缔造者向全世界宣告这个国家的独立和我们的远大目标时，他们已然知道美利坚合众国必须在不断地变革中才能得到长足的生存和发展。然而，我们并不是仅仅为了变革而变革，我们要变革是为了保持美国的理想、生活、自由和对幸福的追求！虽然我们伴随着时代的进行曲抬头挺进，但我们仍然需要与时俱进。每一个时代的美国人都必须清楚地了解自己作为一个美国公民的使命所在。

在这里请允许我代表国家，向我的前任布什总统致敬，他尽忠职守地为这个国家奉献了半个世纪。同时，我还要感谢千百万人民，他们在艰难困苦中坚定信念，牺牲奉献，最终战胜了大萧条和法西斯主义。

今天，在冷战阴影下成长的一代人已经肩负起新的责任，虽然这个世界沐浴在自由的阳光下，但仍面临着新仇与旧恨的威胁。

尽管我们在无与伦比的物质繁华中成长，尽管我们仍然继承了世界上最为强大的经济大国，但实际上我们的社会企业破产，收入停滞不前，不平等现象不断增加以及阶层隔阂削弱了国家的经济。

在乔治·华盛顿第一次宣誓我刚才所宣誓过的誓词时，消息是通过马背和舰船缓慢地穿过陆地漂洋过海的。而此刻这个盛会现场的景象和声音正在向全球亿万观众不间断地直播。

现代社会通讯和商业开始全球化，投资具有流动性，技术的发展令人惊讶，同时让生活更美好也成为了大家的愿望。我们在全球性的公平竞争中营造我们自己的生活。

各种根深蒂固而且强大的势力正在动摇和重造我们的世界，能否让变革成为我们的朋友而非敌人，成为了我们这个时代最为紧迫的问题。

尽管这个新世界已经让千百万具有竞争力的美国人通过努力奋斗过上了富足的生活，但当大部分的人每天都在努力工作却只能勉强维持生计，当还有人得不到工作，当医疗卫生的支出正在让许多的家庭支离破碎，当大大小小的企业正在面临破产威胁的时候，当犯罪案件频发给遵纪守法的人们带来极大恐慌而无法正常享受生活的时候，当还有数以百万计的贫苦儿童甚至还过着我们无法想象的生活的时候，我们还没有让变革成为我们的朋友。

我们知道我们必须面对残酷的现实和采取有力的措施，但是我们还没有付诸实际行动，而是听天由命随波逐流。恰恰是这种听之任之的不作为正在腐蚀我们的根基，削弱我们的经济，动摇我们的信心。

尽管我们面临的挑战令人畏惧，但是我们的力量也同样不容忽视。美国人民从来就不甘于现状，我们一直都在不断探索进取，乐观向上。我们肩膀上的使命体现着美利坚的先驱们赋予的美好愿望和坚强意志。

从我们的革命开始，到南北战争到大萧条再到民权运动，我们的人民一次又一次的从危机中，万众一心、众志成城地书写着历史的丰碑。

托马斯·杰弗逊坚信要保持我们国家的根基，必须与时俱进义无返顾地进行变革。现在亲爱的同胞们，我们改革的时刻到来了，让我们一起紧密地拥抱它吧。

我们的民主制度不仅是全世界所向往的楷模，同时更是我们自我复兴的强劲动力，美国完全有能力解救自己。

今天，我们要在这里宣告僵持和随波逐流时代的结束，一个振兴美国的全新时代已经到来。为了振兴美国，除了披荆斩棘勇往向前我们别无选择。我们必须排除万难做一些前人从未做过的创举。我们必须为国民投入更多，对他们的未来和工作加大投资，同时还要削减我们巨额的债务。我们还要建立一个公平竞争的社会，这不是一件容易的事情，这需要我们做出牺牲，但一定会实现，我们不是为了牺牲而牺牲，而是为了实现我们的目标才选择牺牲，我们要像一个家庭对待自己的孩子一样对待我们的国家。

我们的先辈们从建国伊始就一直从子孙万代的长远利益出发考虑国家的发展规划。我们需要考虑更多。每一个注视过在梦想中熟睡的孩子眼睛的人都明白子孙后代意味着什么。孩子就意味着未来的世界，一个我们坚持自己的理想，从子孙后代手里借来的世界，一个让我们对子孙后代肩负神圣感的世界。我们必须倾尽我们所有让这个国家至善完美，那就是赋予所有国民更多机会以及责任！

现在到了打破只管索取而不付出这一坏习惯的时候了，不管是我们的政府还是任何一方。让我们承担起更多的责任，不仅仅是为了我们的家庭，而是为了我们的社会和国家。要重振美国，我们就必须重建我们的民主制度。

这个美丽的首都就像每一个文明初生的首都一样，往往是一个充满阴谋与算计的地方。权贵们为了高官厚禄而费尽心思地盘算着谁进谁出，谁上谁下，却忘记了那些为了我们今天的生活付出了艰辛汗水和磨难的先辈们。

美国人本该生活得更好，就在这座城市，就在今天，还有很多的人向往着那些更令人憧憬的美好生活。在这里我要跟所有的人说，同胞们，让我们下定决心改革我们的政治，让人民的呼声不再被权利和特权所压倒，让我们抛开个人利益，这样我们才能看到美国的痛苦，才能看到希望。让我们下定决心，把政府变成富兰克林·罗斯福称之为一个“大胆而持久实验”的地方，一个着眼于未来，而不是留恋过去的地方。让我们把这个美丽的首都归还给到她本来的主人手中。

要想重振美国，我们必须勇敢地面对来自国内外的种种挑战！国内和国外的挑战已经没有了明显的界线，全球经济，世界环境，艾滋病危机，还有全球军备竞赛，这些问题无时无刻不在影响着我们。

时至今日，随着旧秩序的打破，新的世界更加自由，但却更加不稳定。我们清楚地认识到美国必须继续一如既往地领导世界向前开进。

在美国人重建美国的时候，我们面对挑战不会退缩，也不会坐失良机。我们将和朋友、盟友一起确定变革的方向，以免被变革吞没。

在美国的重要利益受到挑战，或者国际社会的道德秩序受到公然挑衅的时候，我们不会袖手旁观，我们将会采取和平的外交手段及一切可能的方法，必要时也会诉诸武力解决问题。就在现在勇敢的美军士兵正在波斯湾，在索马里以及其他任何需要他们为国效力的地方实现着美国的决心。

然而，我们最强大的力量就是我们的观念，在许多国家这种观念还是一种新生事物。纵观世界我们看到这些思想为世人所接受，我们也因而深感欣慰。我们凭借我们的希望，我们的热心，我们的双手，帮助其他国家的人民在每一块大陆上建立了民主和自由，他们的成就也是美国的成就。

美国人民一直在召唤着我们做出今天所提出的变革，你们异口同声地提高了自己的呼声，你们已经投出了具有历史意义的一票，是你们让国会换了面貌，是你们改变了美国的总统制度和政治进程。是的，亲爱的同胞们，你们促使了春暖花开的日子早日到来。现在，到了我们响应时代要求付诸实际行动的时候了。

为了达成这个目标，我会充分发挥我的职能，我也将请求国会支持我。但是任何一位总统，任何一届国会，任何一届政府都无法承担这一重任。亲爱的同胞们，你们也需要在重振美国的行动中发挥自己的作用。我号召美国的年轻一代加入到报效国家的行列中来，通过帮助贫困交加和需要帮助的儿童，陪伴那些需要帮助的人，把我们这个四分五裂的社会重新凝聚起来，这是一项浩瀚的工程，足以让成千上万有理想的年轻人投身其中。

在振兴美国的行动中，我们明白了一个简单而又强有力的真理：“我们不仅需要彼此，还需要为别人着想。”今天，我们来这里不仅仅是为了庆祝美国，而是把自己奉献给最重要的美国观念。

这是一种在美国革命中诞生，经历了两个世纪的洗礼而重获新生的思想。一种炼就于知识与智慧之间，影响着我们一生的幸与不幸，存在于我们周围的信念。这种信念使我们的民族在无数的分歧中受到鼓舞，并且因为团结一致而变得崇高。同时这种信念夹杂着美国漫长而英勇的旅程勇往直前。

所以，亲爱的同胞们，在21世纪来临之际，让我们满怀希望，充满精力，坚定信念，遵守纪律，把我们的事业进行到底。《圣经》说：“不要厌于行善，只要我们坚持，在事宜的时节定有所获。”

在这个欢乐的庆祝巅峰，我们听到了山谷中传来的召唤，我们听到了号声。我们已经换岗各就各位，现在，我们每个人都必须以自己的方式在上帝的帮助下响应这一号召。

谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑你们！

第三节  精彩语录

On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression and fascism.

在这里请允许我代表国家，向我的前任布什总统致敬，他尽忠职守的为这个国家奉献了半个世纪。同时，我还要感谢千百万人民，他们在艰难困苦中坚定信念，牺牲奉献，最终战胜了大萧条和法西斯主义。

We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.

我们知道我们必须面对残酷的现实和采取有力的措施。但是我们还没有付诸实际行动，而是听天由命随波逐流，恰恰正是这种听之任之的不作为正在腐蚀我们的根基，削弱我们的经济，动摇我们的信心。

Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.

我们的民主制度不仅是全世界所向往的楷模，同时更是我们自我复兴的强劲动力，美国完全有能力解救自己。

And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

所以，亲爱的同胞们，在21世纪来临之际，让我们满怀希望，充满精力，坚定信念，遵守纪律，把我们的事业进行到底。《圣经》说：“不要厌于行善，只要我们坚持，在事宜的时节定有所获。”

第三章  创造新希望

第一节  背景介绍

1993年，克林顿在上任美国总统后便想按照自由派理想来改造社会，他颁布新条例开始增税，又相继开展政府的各种计划，试图改造美国医疗健康保险制度，又曾一度想让同性恋在军队中公开化，结果引起了强烈的反对。

克林顿颁布奢侈税的原意是要向富人增税，结果却与预想的相反，不但伤害了中产阶级销售员的收入，还导致了皮草、游艇等高价商品的销售量下跌。最严重的就是改革医疗健保制度的尝试，改革这个制度的初衷就是为了能让全民享受到健康保险和医疗服务，虽然立意崇高，但却是一个非常难以达到的目标。

然而，从世界上其他国家和地区改革医疗健保制度的结果可以看出，它的可行性的确有很多争议的地方。例如，加拿大采用全民健保制度强调价格控制，结果导致国内医疗界几乎没有再研发出新的药品。在加拿大无法取得先进的医疗科技，有能力负担病症开支的加拿大人必须要去美国才能寻求到更好的医疗服务。

克林顿当时委派了自己的妻子希拉里负责领导一个委员会确保健保改革的进行，当时掌握国会参众两院和白宫的民主党，在理论上有机会通过自己的意愿来通过这条法案。然而希拉里领导的委员会并没有征求外部的意见，包括民主党内人士。这条闭门造车般研究出来的改革法案牵扯到众多阶级的利益关系，最后委员会做出的决定连民主党派的议员都不赞成。不但整个计划法案失败，其所带来的影响还导致了民主党在1994年选举中遭受惨败，使得国会参众两院的控制权落入他手，共和党纽特·金里奇成为了众议院长。

此后，克林顿聘请了共和党谋士戴维·葛根作为顾问，决定回到中间路线，同时还聘用了共和党选举策师迪克·莫里斯。莫里斯为克林顿政府制定了一个“三角策略”，让白宫处于国会、民主党和共和党之间，与两个党派保持相等的距离。事实证明，这个策略的确有效。1996年总统大选来临，克林顿的名声逐渐在中间派恢复起来，经济也开始恢复增长，美国国民对克林顿政府的信任与支持，使克林顿在谋取连任的道路上一直处于优势。

在共和党方面，堪萨斯州老牌参议员鲍勃·多尔获得了提名。然后他与克林顿年龄上的差距导致自己处于劣势，而且他并不能提出一个让选民觉得有吸引力的话题。多尔匆忙之间提出了一个“17%齐头税率”的整治方案，结果令选民觉得这条仓促之中做出的议题缺少认真的论证，因而持怀疑的态度。多尔眼看到形式对自己并不乐观，决定破釜沉舟做最后的努力，辞去了参议员和参议院多数党领袖的职位。这个决定短时间内鼓舞了共和党的士气，然而最终却没有取得胜利。在1996年11月5日的总统选举中，克林顿以370:168的选举人票数赢得连任，并在1997年1月20日宣誓连任。

克林顿能够连任总统原因在于他给美国带来了重大的变化，因此大部分美国国民对克林顿政府表示满意。有将近25%的人认为克林顿任内最大的政绩就是使美国的经济达到了空前的繁荣，这是克林顿政府的一大亮点，还有13%的人认可他的外交政策，10%的人认可他在降低国内债务以及降低犯罪率所做的努力。在他的任期内美国的失业率降到了30年来最低，国民收入增加，实现了20世纪60年代以来的最低通货膨胀，给社会带来了2200万个就业机会，美国的国际竞争力也有所上升。此外，在1993年到2000年之间，全美暴力犯罪率下降了27%。这一切的努力奠定了克林顿本人的历史地位。

第二节  克林顿1997年第二次就职演说

January 20, 1997

My fellow citizens:

At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.

The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.

And what a century it has been. America became the world's mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.

Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.

Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference.

At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.

When last we gathered,our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today.We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.

In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.

And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We—the American people, we are the solution. Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.

As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century—humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity,—not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives.

Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.

Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.

The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future, will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?

The divide of race has been America's constant curse. And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices. Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different. These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past. They plague us still. They fuel the fanaticism of terror. And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.

We shall overcome them. And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.

Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.

As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines. Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists; today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren. Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life. Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.

The world is no longer divided into two hostile camps. Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries. Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over. And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.

My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding "Yes."

This is the heart of our task. With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey. The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.

In this new land, education will be every citizen's most prized possession. Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy. And the doors of higher education will be open to all. The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child. Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together. And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.

Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore. Everyone who can work, will work, with today's permanent under class part of tomorrow's growing middle class. New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.

We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction. Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas. And the world's greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.

Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations, a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values. A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time. A nation that fortifies the world's most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.

And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests, regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.

Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens. Prosperity and power, yes, they are important, and we must maintain them. But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart. In the end, all the world's wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.

Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation. Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart. Martin Luther King's dream was the American Dream. His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed. Our history has been built on such dreams and labors. And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.

Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.

And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare. The demands of our time are great and they are different. Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart. Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history. Yes, let us build our bridge. A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.

May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children; with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; with America's bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.

From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead, and always, always bless our America.

1997年1月20日

同胞们：

藉此20世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际，让我们拭目以待下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。所幸的是时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘，一个新的千年，而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新的、光辉的边缘，一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。在“希望之乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下，让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。

美国的希望源于18世纪一种无畏的信念：人生来皆平等。在19世纪，我们的国家横跨大陆，拯救了联邦，废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。然后，一种在辛劳和胜利之中扩展开来的信念奔上了世界的舞台，使本世纪成为美国的世纪。

这是怎样的一个世纪啊。美国成为了世界上最强大的工业大国，它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来，并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出了援助之手。

在这一进程中，美国产生了庞大的中产阶级和养老保障制度；建立了无与伦比的学习中心，并对全民开放公立学校；实现了核裂变，对太空进行探测；发明了计算机和微芯片；通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权运动及扩大妇女的公民权利、就业机会和人身尊严，而深掘了正义之泉。

现在是第三次，一个新世纪正朝我们走来，这又是一个选择的时候。我们进入19世纪时有一个选择，使我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸。我们进入20世纪时有一个选择，使工业革命能保护我们自由企业的价值观、保护自然环境和人类尊严，这些选择使一切迥然不同。

在21世纪的曙光来临之际，一个自由的民族必须做出选择，去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。去释放全民无尽的潜能，并且最终建立一个更完美的联邦国家。

上次我们在此相聚时，我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确，我们那时曾宣誓，要确立新的道路，复兴我们的国家。

在这四年中，我们感到悲剧带来的触动，挑战带来的兴奋，因成就而凝聚在一起。美国作为世界不可缺少的国家巍然挺立，我们再一次拥有强大的经济力量，再一次建立起更加稳定的家庭和繁荣的社区，提供更好的教育机会以及更清洁的环境。曾经似乎注定要恶化的问题现在也屈服于我们的努力，我们的街道更加安全，越来越多的同胞从依赖福利救济走向就业岗位。

我们再一次地解决了当前关于政府角色问题的巨大争论。今天我们可以宣称：政府不是问题所在，也不是问题的解决所在，我们——美国人民——才是问题的解决者。我们的先驱们也深深地了解这一点，他们给予我们可以持续几个世纪的强有力的民主精神以及灵活多变的能力。足以让我们在每一个新的日子里迎接我们共同的挑战并开拓我们共同的梦想。

时代在变，因此我们的政府也应该做出改变。在新的世纪里我们需要一个新的政府——它要足够的谦逊，不仅仅是为我们解决所有的问题，更要足够强大去为我们提供解决问题的手段，这是个较小的政府，并以它自己的方式生存，投入少收获多。在这个世界上，哪里能够支持美国人的价值观和利益，哪里就能够给美国人民力量，使他们每天的生活日新月异。政府应该做的更多而不是更少。我们新政府重大的任务不是给所有的美国人一个保证，而是一个机会，一个能实现更加美好生活的真正的机会。

除此之外，同胞们，未来就在我们的手中。我们的先驱告诫我们，保持自由与团结需要有责任感的人。在新的世纪里，我们需要一个新的责任意识。我们有很多事要做，这些工作仅仅靠政府是不能完成的。比如，教孩子读书，雇佣那些没有福利的人们，走出封闭的家园，帮助人们远离毒品与犯罪，从我们的生活中抽出时间去帮助他人。

我们每个人都应该以自己的方式去履行责任，不单单是为了我们自己和家人，而是为了我们的社会和国家。我们最重要的责任是在新世纪里，要持有一种新的团体精神。为了每一个人的成功，作为一个整体的美国我们必须成功。

过去的挑战仍是我们未来的挑战，我们会不会成为一个拥有共同命运的国家？我们是携手并进，还是分崩离析呢？

种族分裂一直是美国的祸根。而且每一次新的移民浪潮都会给旧有偏见新的冲击。偏见与蔑视总是披着宗教或者政治的外衣，其实它们没什么两样。过去这些势力差点毁掉我们的国家，现在仍然折磨着我们。它们煽动恐怖行为，并且在世界各地分裂国家，使数百万人民遭受苦难。

我们应该战胜分裂主义，我们应该以一个民族宽宏大量的精神让大家感受到我们彼此是一家人。

在21世纪，种族、宗教和政治的多样性是上帝给予的恩赐。那些一起生活、学习、工作，并且彼此之间建立新的纽带的人将会获得回报。

随着新时代的来临，我们已经注意到了这个时代的显著特征。十年前，互联网是物理学家专有的研究领域，现在却已经成为数百万学龄儿童常用的百科全书。科学家正在破解人类生命的蓝图，找到治愈目前我们最为害怕疾病的方法。

这个世界不再分为两大敌对的阵营。相反，我们正与过去的敌时国家建立关系。随着商业与文化联系的日益加强，使我们有机会提升全世界的物质与精神水平。这也是历史上首次人民生活在民主的世界里，而不是独裁专政之中。

同胞们，在我们回首这个不同寻常的世纪时，也许我们会问，我们所希望的不仅是踏着先人的脚步，更应该超越20世纪美国所有的成就，还有避免发生玷污先辈英明的流血事件吗？对于这个问题，在座的每一个美国人和所有的美国人此时此刻都会异口同声地回答：“是的。”

这就是我们的核心任务，伴随着政府新的政见，新的责任感，新的团体精神，我们将会使美国的征程走得一帆风顺。我们过去在新大陆追寻到的希望，将在这块充满新希望的土地上再次获得。

在这个新的土地上，每个人都会受到教育。我们学校的教育水平是全世界最高的，在每个孩子的眼中都能点燃智慧的火花。高等学校的大门将会对所有人敞开，这个信息时代的知识和力量不仅仅普及到一部分人那里，更要普及到每一个教室，每一座图书馆，甚至每一个孩子身上。父母亲不仅有时间工作，而且还有时间陪孩子一起读书、玩耍。并且人们茶余饭后谈论的事情就是能有个更好的住房，更好的工作和上大学的机会。

街道上会再次回荡起孩子们的笑声，因为不会再有人对他们开枪或者卖给他们毒品。每一个有能力工作的人都会去工作，一部分低收入的人群将成为中产阶级。新研制的药品不仅可以满足那些有需要的人，也会适用于长期被忽视的孩子和辛苦工作的人们。

我们坚决支持自由与和平，抵制恐怖和破坏行为。我们的孩子将会远离核武器、化学武器和生物武器的威胁。海港、航空港、农场以及工厂将会随着商贸、创新方法和新思想而兴旺起来。世界上最伟大的民主国家将引领整个世界的民主政治潮流。

我们充满新希望的国土将会是一个敢于承担责任、平衡预算、永远不会失去价值平衡的国家。在这个国家里，我们的祖父母领取退休养老金和医疗保障，并且他们的子孙们也知道我们的政府为维持他们年老时的利益而进行的必要改革。在这个国家里，我们要加强发展世界上最具有生产力的经济，同时也要保护水、空气和土地等伟大的自然资源。

在这个充满希望的国土上，我们将对我们的政治进行变革，使人们的呼声高于狭隘利益的喧嚣，重新赢取美国人民的信任。

同胞们，让我们建设这样的美国，一个永远前进，以充分发挥全民潜力的国家。我们必须保持繁荣强大。但是我们不能忘记：我们已取得的伟大成就，以及我们将取得的伟大的成就是在人民的心中。最终，全世界的财富和万马千军都无法与人类的精神力量和精神文明相匹敌。

34年前有一个人，他的一生为我们今天所歌颂，他就在那边，在广场的另一端对我们演讲，他的话打动了国民的良知。像是一个古代的预言家，他诉说着他的梦想：有一天美国终会站起来，在法律面前和人们的心中所有公民都将得到平等对待。马丁·路德·金的梦是美国之梦。他所追寻的正是我们所要追求的，不断地去努力实现我们生活的信条。我们的历史就建立在这样的梦想和努力之上。有了我们的梦想和努力，我们一定会重塑21世纪美国的希望。

同胞们，我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时间了。因为我们大家都在生命的同一旅途上，我们的旅途会有终点。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。

而且，同胞们，我们要变得更强，因为有更多的挑战在等着我们。我们这个时代的需要很奇妙而且富有多样性。让我们充满信仰，鼓起勇气，以感激幸福的心耐心地面对这些挑战。让我们重塑今天的希望，去谱写历史的新篇章。是的，让我们架起桥梁，一座足以让每个美国人走向充满希望之地的桥梁。

我们还看不到我们的后代们的面孔，也永远不会知道他们的名字，但是当他们谈论到我们的时候，希望他们会说我们把祖国领进了新的世纪，把有活力的美国梦留给了所有的子孙。

让我们从此地之峰，从世纪之巅前进。愿上帝给我们强有力的双手，做好未来的工作，并且永远永远保佑我们的美国。

第三节  精彩语录

The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.

美国的希望源于18世纪一种无畏的信念：人生来皆平等。在19世纪，我们的国家横跨大陆，拯救了联邦，废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。

At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.

在21世纪的曙光来临之际，一个自由的民族必须做出选择，去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。去释放全民无尽的潜能，并且最终建立一个更完美的联邦国家。

Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.

在21世纪，种族、宗教和政治的多样性是上帝给予的恩赐。那些一起生活、学习、工作，并且彼此之间建立新的纽带的人将会获得回报。

This is the heart of our task. With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey. The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.

这就是我们的核心任务，伴随着政府新的政见，新的责任感，新的团体精神，我们将会使美国的征程走得一帆风顺。我们过去在新大陆追寻到的希望，将在这块充满新希望的土地上再次获得。

Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.

同胞们，我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时间了。因为我们大家都在生命的同一旅途上，我们的旅途会有终点。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。

第四章  大道之行，天下为公

第一节  背景介绍

1998年6月25日，美国总统威廉·克林顿和夫人希拉里·克林顿乘总统专机抵达中国著名古都陕西省省会西安市，对这里进行九天的正式访问，克林顿总统此次访华是他入主白宫五年之后第一次访问中国，也是1989年2月布什访华以来，美国在任总统的首次访华。

克林顿选择西安作为他访问中国的首站，可见这座古城在他心中具有一定的地位。这位美国总统从小就喜欢中国文化，一直都觉得它很神秘，所以想要走进中国。

历史上曾有数位美国总统访问中国，期间都有大量的陪同人员。而这次克林顿总统访华是历史上人数最多的一次，达到了1200多人。不但有总统专用的“空军一号”，还有三架客机和多架C-141运输机。代表团成员有47人，随团采访的有375人，其中有200人可以随机前往。

克林顿在来中国之前就已经把首选目标向世界公布——“在西安看中国光辉的过去，在北京看中国鲜明的现在，在上海和香港看中国承诺的未来。”“中西文化存在差异是众所周知的。但两者的共同之处均是试图寻找一种令民众生活得更完美的办法。通过中美双方对彼此文化的了解，在发现相互差异之处的同时，双方在真理方面的看法将越来越近。”

克林顿乘坐的专机在晚上七点三十七分降落在西安的咸阳机场。晚上八点半，克林顿夫妇在热烈的掌声和豪迈雄壮的鼓乐声中踏着红地毯走向南门广场中心。在西安市市长冯煦初夫妇以及礼仪官的邀请之下，克林顿登上了礼宾台，主宾先后致欢迎词、答谢词。冯市长说：“有朋自远方来，不亦乐乎！热情好客的西安人民用赠钥匙的方式，表达自己对美国人民的友谊和打开城门对外开放的意愿。”克林顿总统微笑地接受了西安古城的城门钥匙，并发表了简短的演讲。

6月26日下午，克林顿一行人参观了被誉为“世界第八大奇迹”的秦始皇兵马俑和陕西历史博物馆, 并观赏了珍贵的大唐壁画。参观秦兵马俑坑是克林顿多年的愿望。而在当天上午，克林顿夫妇一行还对兵马俑附近的下和村进行了访问。下和村原本是一个贫穷的村庄，1974年因为发现了秦始皇兵马俑而成为远近闻名的富裕村。村里60%以上的收入与开发兵马俑及其旅游相关，从而成为了陕西省著名的小康村。上午十时，克林顿总统及其夫人来到了这个仅有1300多人的村庄，与当地的600位百姓进行了40分钟的谈话。村里的农民、小学教师、企业家和大学生也参加了这次座谈，他们围绕“我和中国的变化”这个主题把自己的经历介绍给克林顿夫妇，并做了回答。

克林顿此番来中国访问，希望可以更深入的了解中国四十多年来的变化，他觉得变化的确很大，因为全国民众的生活水平和质量有了明显的提高，尤其是下和村的生活水平发生了惊人的变化。村民们掌握了先进的耕作技术，还创办了12家企业，产值是过去生产总量的几十倍。克林顿热情地赞扬了下和村，并寄予厚望，希望他们除了重视生产外，还要重视教育，更要重视自己的文化和自然遗产，并将这种精神继续发扬下去。

克林顿总统在下和村的演讲给村民们留下了深刻的印象，同时也成为了克林顿访问中国的一次难忘之行。西安是一个古老又神奇的地方，这里印刻着无数的辉煌与奇迹，而它又是一个年轻富有激情的城市，编织着美丽的梦想。这里还是意大利探险家马可·波罗笔下著名的古丝绸之路的起点。西安就像一部活史书，一幕幕一页页记录着中华民族的沧桑巨变，也因克林顿总统的到来变得异常光彩。

第二节  克林顿1998年在西安的演讲

June 25, 1998

Mayor Feng,Governor Cheng,Secretary Li,Ni Men Hao.

Thank you for the key to your city and for this magnificent welcome. Here in this ancient capital, China seems very young to me tonight, blessed with both a proud history and the promise of tomorrow. Xi'an was perhaps the most open and culturally advanced city in the entire world. From this place, trade routes extended through Asia to Europe and Africa. And to this place, great thinkers came, spreading philosophy and new ideas that have contributed to the greatness of china.

I look forward to seeing the Terracotta Warriors, the old city walls, the Muslim quarter. I look forward to learning more about China's great contributions to the store of human knowledge from medicine and printing, to mathematics and astronomy. Discoveries on which so much of the whole world progress is based.And I want to see more of the new nation you are building on a scale even the emperors could not have foreseen.

China that gave us printing now boasts fax machines, computers and cell phones. Xi'an is home to film makers, internet explorers and business people of every description. Here in this city, famous for calligraphy, a new chapter in china's story is being written.

We Americans admire your accomplishments, your economy, your hard work, creativity and vision, your efforts against hunger and poverty, your work with us on peace and stability in Korea and South Asia. A new day is dawning for the Chinese people, for China's greatness lies as always with its people.

Our own history has convinced Americans that the greatness of any country is measured in its people, in their shared reverence for family and community, for work and learning, and in their individual thoughts, beliefs, and creativity.

In this global information age where both economic growth and individual opportunity are based on ideas, a commitment to providing all human beings the opportunity to develop their full potential，is vital to the strength and success of the new China as well.

As I travel across China, I hope to learn as much as I can about the Chinese people, your history, and your dreams for the future. And I hope to help the Chinese people understand more of American's history, the lessons the American people have drawn from it, and the dreams we hold for the 21st Century.

I believe both Chinese and Americans aspire to many of the same things: to provide for our families, to teach our children, to build our communities, to protect our earth, to shape our own futures and pass brighter possibilities on to our children.

There may be those here and back in America who wonder whether closer ties and deeper friendship between America and China are good. Clearly the answer is yes. We have a powerful ability to help each other grow. We can learn much from each other. And as two great nations we have a special responsibility to the future of the world. The steps we take over the next week can lead to far greater strides for our people in the years ahead.

Here in this city of your magnificent history we must always remember that we too are ancestors. Someday our children and their children will ask if we did all we could to build just societies and a more peaceful world. Let our monument be their judgment that we did that. Let our progress include all people with all their differences moving toward a common destiny. Let us give new meaning to the words written in the ancient Book of Rights what you call the Liji:" when the great way is followed, all under heaven will be equal." Xie, xie. Thank you very much.

1998年6月25日

冯市长、程省长、李书记，你们好。

谢谢你们赠予的城市之匙和这个盛大的欢迎仪式。在这座古老的城市，中国今晚显得分外年轻，它天赐般的拥有让人骄傲的历史和美好的未来。西安曾经是世界文化史上极为开放和发达的城市。从这个地方贸易之路延伸到了亚洲，通向了欧洲和非洲。这里汇集了很多伟大的思想家，他们传播哲学以及新思想，这些观念让中国变得强大起来。

我期待着看到兵马俑、古城墙和穆斯林广场。我期盼了解更多关于中国对保存人类知识宝库所做的伟大贡献，从医药和印刷术到数学和天文学——全世界很多进步都是建立在这些发现之上的。另外我还想看一看你们正在进行大规模经济建设的新国家，这些景象是过去的帝王所不能预见的。

曾向世界贡献了印刷术的中国，现在拥有了传真机、计算机和移动电话，并引以为豪。西安是电影制作人的家园，网络开发人员和各路商人云集于此。在这个以书法而闻名的城市，正在抒写中国新的篇章。

我们美国人民钦佩你们伟大的成就、迅速发展的经济、勤劳的工作、巨大的创造力和远见。我们也钦佩你们为消除贫困和饥饿所做出的努力以及为朝鲜和南亚的和平和稳定与我们的合作。中国人民正在迎接崭新的一天。中国的伟大蕴藏于人民。

我们自己的历史也使美国人民确信，任何一个国家的伟大要由她的人民来衡量——由他们享有的对家庭和团体、对工作和知识的尊重，对独创性的思维、信仰和创造力的尊重来决定。

在这个全球信息化的时代，经济的成长和个人机遇都建立在原创性的观念之上，承诺向全人类提供发展潜能的机遇对新中国的力量和成功也是至关重要的。

在我遍访中国之时，我希望尽我所能了解中国人民，了解你们的历史，了解你们对未来的梦想。并且我希望能帮助中国人民更多地理了解美国的历史，了解美国人民从历史中得到的教训和我们对21世纪的梦想。

我相信中美两国人民渴望着同样的事情：供养家庭，教育后代，建造社区，保护地球，塑造未来，并把一个更灿烂的机会留给后代。

在美国国内和这里或许都有这样的人，他们质疑美中之间更紧密的联系和更深厚的友谊是否适宜。显而易见，答案是肯定的。我们有很强的能力来彼此提携，我们可以取长补短，我们能够互相学习许多东西。作为两个伟大的国家，我们对未来有着特殊的使命。我们下周要采取的举措会让我们的人民在将来迈出更大的步伐。

在这个有着非凡历史意义的城市，我们必须时刻记住，我们也是先辈。有一天我们的子孙将问到我们是否已经尽力建设公平的社会和一个更和平的世界。让我们的纪念碑来为他们作出判断，我们的确做到了。让我们所有人求同存异，并肩前进，为我们共同的命运而奋斗。中国称之为《礼记》的古代礼仪书上这样说：“大道之行，天下为公。”，让我们为这句话赋予新的时代意义。谢谢，非常感谢大家。

第三节  精彩语录

Xi'an was perhaps the most open and culturally advanced city in the entire world. From this place, trade routes extended through Asia to Europe and Africa. And to this place, great thinkers came, spreading philosophy and new ideas that have contributed to the greatness of china.

西安曾经是世界文化史上极为开放和发达的城市。从这个地方贸易之路延伸到了亚洲，通向了欧洲和非洲。这里汇集了很多伟大的思想家，他们传播哲学以及新思想，这些观念让中国变得强大起来。

I believe both Chinese and Americans aspire to many of the same things: to provide for our families, to teach our children, to build our communities, to protect our earth, to shape our own futures and pass brighter possibilities on to our children.

我相信中美两国人民渴望着同样的事情：供养家庭，教育后代，建造社区，保护地球，塑造未来，并把一个更灿烂的机会留给后代。

Let us give new meaning to the words written in the ancient Book of Rights what you call the Liji:" when the great way is followed, all under heaven will be equal."

中国称之为《礼记》的古代礼仪书上这样说：“大道之行，天下为公。”，让我们为这句话赋予新的时代意义。

第五章  游走北大，展望未来

第一节  背景介绍

1998年6月29日，北京大学刚刚结束了百年校庆，与此同时了也迎来了另一位重要人物的来访，那就是克林顿总统。

克林顿的演讲是在北大办公楼的礼堂里进行的。虽然克林顿这么多年经历了很多公众演讲，但是在接受北大校长陈佳洱介绍他时，还是对手中的稿子念念有词，不敢掉以轻心。在开始的30分钟里，克林顿从容地念着专业撰稿人写的演讲稿，显得很轻松。然而在后面的半个小时里，克林顿就变得严肃起来，因为现场他挑选的七名学生所提问的问题都让他深深地体会到，中国的年轻人并不对美国总统的演讲照单全收。

演讲当中，第一个提问克林顿的学生语气比较严肃并且话题直接，他问道：“中国人民自从改革开放以来，对美国的文化、历史、文学有了更好的了解，甚至欣赏美国的著名电影，如《泰坦尼克号》。但美国人民对中国的认识却少得可怜。你打算怎样加强两国人民真正的了解与相互的尊重呢？”

克林顿不得不说这是个好观点。他承认这是一个没有轻松答案的问题。不过克林顿也补充说道，他带了一大群记者来访问中国，就是希望此行能向美国介绍并客观地反映中国的景象。克林顿有感美国有很多学生在北大念法律专业，希望两国人民交往越多越好。

不过，紧接着另一个尖锐的问题又提出来了。第二位学生的问题牵涉到了很敏感的政治问题，谈及到了美国一直对台湾出售武器，又与日本修订美日防卫条约，这一系列的军事行动范围把台湾也包括进去。这位同学勇敢地指出：“如果中国也把导弹指向夏威夷，以及与其他国家签订安全条约，针对着美国的部分领土，美国政府和人民会同意吗？”

此时，全场响起了一阵掌声，克林顿第一次露出了严肃的神情。他客观地回答了这个问题：“美国的政策不是要阻碍中国与台湾的重归统一。”虽然一直在解释美国长时期以来一直奉行“一个中国”的政策，可还是费了一番口舌。克林顿还呼吁绝对不要以为美国是在破坏自己的中国政策，同时还告诉在场的所有听众，他们将会看到两国在安全问题方面以后会有更多的合作。克林顿说：“我们不可以用过去的冲突做镜子来看今天的协议。”

也许克林顿认为自己已经说明白了，但是令他感到尴尬的一个问题又接踵而至，接下来的学生问道：“中国人民所期望的是两国能建立平等的友谊关系，而总统您带着微笑来到中国说是交往，是不是您的微笑背后又另有所图呢？”

对于这个直率的问题，克林顿的脸上顿时闪现出一丝惊讶，他完全没有想到在场的学生会问这样的问题。为了强调美国对中国人民的感情，克林顿重申：“在21世纪美国与中国建立平等、互相尊敬的伙伴关系总比耗费很多时间和金钱来阻碍中国发展好。你问我是不是想要阻碍中国发展。很显然答案是否定的。”克林顿郑重地声明，“对于美国人民最有利的就是与你们建立良好的关系。”

在连续地被问及三个尖锐的问题后，克林顿才得以稍微放松，回答了一个相对温和的问题，表达了他对两国年轻人的期望。随后又有学生对克林顿总统提出关于民主、自由方面的问题。由此可见，克林顿在北大的演讲吸引了众多北大学子的思考。然而，不管问题多么的严肃尖锐，克林顿总是能凭借自己的沉着、冷静，幽默而又不失风度地回答他们的问题。

回答了学生们的问题，克林顿的演讲也接近尾声，他用一句话做了结束语：“你们提的问题远比我的演讲词更重要。我从没有在讲话时学到什么，而只有在聆听时才会学到东西。”

这样尖锐并且严肃的问题换做其他人可能会有些吃不消，但是克林顿却能巧妙地作答，并能博得大家的掌声。因为克林顿在美国时就以其风度翩翩的个人魅力所闻名，他的演讲技巧高超，同时又谈吐风趣，注重在和风细雨中说服别人。通过这次演讲北大的学子们深深地领略到了克林顿总统的亲和力，也为能近距离与克林顿总统交流而感到兴奋。除此之外，克林顿演讲时所散发出的独特气质，让人们看到了他性格上的闪光点，也体现出克林顿对在场所有观众的充分尊重。

克林顿此番来北大不但进行了一场演讲，同时还举行了一个赠书仪式。这个赠书仪式是在图书馆前的露台草坪举行的。在如此酷热的天气下，学生们不惧热毒的太阳，在露天倾听克林顿总统的演讲并且参加赠书仪式，这份热情深深地感动了克林顿。赠书仪式结束后，总统携夫人以及女儿走向演讲台前，频频向台下的学生挥手，并与美国留学生相互问候，人们拿起手中的相机为总统一家人拍照。热烈的场面一直持续了十几分钟，之后克林顿才返回图书馆贵宾室和北大的领导告别。克林顿在此次演讲中，不但给观众留下了美好的印象，就连保卫人员也对克林顿称赞有加，因为克林顿总统对这些工作人员也展现出良好的修养和对他们的尊敬，这也是克林顿独特的人格魅力之一。

第二节  克林顿1998年在北京大学的演讲

June 29, 1998

Thank you. Thank you, President Chen, Chairmen Ren, Vice President Chi, Vice Minister Wei. We are delighted to be here today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with which Beijing University has a relationship.

We have six members of the United States Congress; the Secretary of State; Secretary of Commerce; the Secretary of Agriculture; the Chairman of our Council of Economic Advisors; Senator Sasser, our Ambassador; the National Security Advisor and my Chief of Staff, among others. I say that to illustrate the importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.

I would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students, the faculty, the administrators, on celebrating the centennial year of your university. Gongxi, Beida.

As I'm sure all of you know, this campus was once home to Yenching University which was founded by American missionaries. Many of its wonderful buildings were designed by an American architect. Thousands of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach. We feel a special kinship with you.

I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important respect from another important occasion 79 years ago. In June of 1919, the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very grounds. At the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared. They were all out leading the May 4th Movement for China's political and cultural renewal. When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the auditorium today, someone would be sitting here. And I thank you for being here, very much.

Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than 20,000 students. Your graduates are spread throughout China and around the world. You have built the largest university library in all of Asia. Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study, including half of your math and science majors.

And in this anniversary year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged on to your web site. At the dawn of a new century, this university is leading China into the future.

I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between China and the United States.

The American people deeply admire China for its thousands of years of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to science and technology. We remember well our strong partnership in World War II. Now we see China at a moment in history when your glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the even greater promise of your future.

Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut off from the world. Now, China is a member of more than 1,000 international organizations enterprises that affect everything from air travel to agricultural development. You have opened your nation to trade and investment on a large scale. Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the United States, with hundreds of thousands more learning in Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.

Your social and economic transformation has been even more remarkable, moving from a closed command economic system to a driving, increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and outside China, to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a job, attend a better school.

As a result you have lifted literally hundreds of millions of people from poverty. Per capita income has more than doubled in the last decade. Most Chinese people are leading lives they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.

Of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your environment.

Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a state enterprise. Now you must compete in a job market. Once a Chinese worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing. Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity of the rest of the world. For those who lack the right training and skills and support, this new world can be daunting.

In the short-term, good, hardworking people some, at least will find themselves unemployed. And, as all of you can see, there have been enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.

In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your economy while improving the environment.

Everything I know about the intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the Chinese people and everything I have heard these last few days in my discussions with President Jiang, Prime Minister Zhu and others give me confidence that you will succeed.

As you build a new China, America wants to build a new relationship with you. We want China to be successful, secure and open, working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world. I know there are those in China and the United States who question whether closer relations between our countries is a good thing. But everything all of us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off working together than apart.

The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts. At the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear. The distance between our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking. Where once an American clipper ship took months to cross from China to the United States. Today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors.

From laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all closer together. Ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater understanding among peoples of different histories and different cultures.

But we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move inside them—the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and severe economic dislocation. No nation can isolate itself from these problems, and no nation can solve them alone.

We, especially the younger generations of China and the United States, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.

In the 21st century—your century—China and the United States will face the challenge of security in Asia. On the Korean Peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future freer of nuclear weapons.

On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world is moving away from nuclear danger, India and Pakistan risk sparking a new arms race. We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and Pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve their differences.

In the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. In the wrong hands or the wrong places, these weapons can threaten the peace of nations large and small. Increasingly, China and the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation. That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the world’s most dangerous weapons.

In the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the international tide of crime and drugs. Around the world, organized crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust in government. America knows all about the devastation and despair that drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods. With borders on more than a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all kinds.

Last year, President Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against these predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by counterfeiting. Just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an office in Beijing, and soon Chinese counter-narcotics experts will be working out of Washington.

In the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense. China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe—the cost is not only environmental, it is also serious in terms of the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on economic growth.

Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as national. For example, in the near future, if present energy use patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, the gases which are the principal cause of global warming. If the nations of the world do not reduce the gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and social fabric of nations.

We must work together. We Americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment. We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.

Building on the work that our Vice President, Al Gore, has done previously with the Chinese government, President Jiang and I are working together on ways to bring American clean energy technology to help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at the same time.

But I will say this again—this is not on my remarks—your generation must do more about this. This is a huge challenge for you, for the American people and for the future of the world. And it must be addressed at the university level, because political leaders will never be willing to adopt environmental measures if they believe it will lead to large-scale unemployment or more poverty. The evidence is clear that does not have to happen. You will actually have more rapid economic growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and technology if we do this in the proper way. But you and the university, communities in China, the United States and throughout the world will have to lead the way.

In the 21st century your generation must also lead the challenge of an international financial system that has no respect for national borders. When stock markets fall in Hong Kong or Jakarta, the effects are no longer local; they are global. The vibrant growth of your own economy is tied closely, therefore, to the restoration of stability and growth in the Asia Pacific region.

China has steadfastly shouldered its responsibilities to the region and the world in this latest financial crisis—helping to prevent another cycle of dangerous devaluations. We must continue to work together to counter this threat to the global financial system and to the growth and prosperity which should be embracing all of this region.

In the 21st century, your generation will have a remarkable opportunity to bring together the talents of our scientists, doctors, engineers into a shared quest for progress. Already the breakthroughs we have achieved in our areas of joint cooperation—in challenges from dealing with spina bifida to dealing with extreme weather conditions and earthquakes—have proved what we can do together to change the lives of millions of people in China and the United States and around the world. Expanding our cooperation in science and technology can be one of our greatest gifts to the future.

In each of these vital areas that I have mentioned, we can clearly accomplish so much more by walking together rather than standing apart. That is why we should work to see that the productive relationship we now enjoy blossoms into a fuller partnership in the new century.

If that is to happen, it is very important that we understand each other better, that we understand both our common interest and our shared aspirations and our honest differences. I believe the kind of open, direct exchange that President Jiang and I had on Saturday at our press conference—which I know many of you watched on television—can both clarify and narrow our differences, and, more important, by allowing people to understand and debate and discuss these things can give a greater sense of confidence to our people that we can make a better future.

From the windows of the White House, where I live in Washington, D.C., the monument to our first President, George Washington, dominates the skyline. It is a very tall obelisk. But very near this large monument there is a small stone which contains these words: The United States neither established titles of nobility and royalty, nor created a hereditary system. State affairs are put to the vote of public opinion.

This created a new political situation, unprecedented from ancient times to the present. How wonderful it is. Those words were not written by an American. They were written by Xu Jiyu, governor of Fujian Province, inscribed as a gift from the government of China to our nation in 1853.

I am very grateful for that gift from China. It goes to the heart of who we are as a people—the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the freedom to debate, to dissent, to associate, to worship without interference from the state. These are the ideals that were at the core of our founding over 220 years ago. These are the ideas that led us across our continent and onto the world stage. These are the ideals that Americans cherish today.

As I said in my press conference with President Jiang, we have an ongoing quest ourselves to live up to those ideals. The people who framed our Constitution understood that we would never achieve perfection. They said that the mission of America would always be "to form a more perfect union"—in other words, that we would never be perfect, but we had to keep trying to do better.

The darkest moments in our history have come when we abandoned the effort to do better, when we denied freedom to our people because of their race or their religion, because there were new immigrants or because they held unpopular opinions. The best moments in our history have come when we protected the freedom of people who held unpopular opinion, or extended rights enjoyed by the many to the few who had previously been denied them, making, therefore, the promises of our Declaration of Independence and Constitution more than faded words on old parchment.

Today we do not seek to impose our vision on others, but we are convinced that certain rights are universal—not American rights or European rights or rights for developed nations, but the birthrights of people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights—the right to be treated with dignity; the right to express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.

In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that "all eyes are opening to the rights of man." I believe that in this time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.

Over the past two decades, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed dictatorial systems in the Former Soviet Union, throughout Central Europe; ending a vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America; giving more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard-won independence. And from the Philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth and productivity.

Economic security also can be an essential element of freedom. It is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. In China, you have made extraordinary strides in nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be a source of strength to your people.

Incomes are up, poverty is down; people do have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel—the ability to make a better life. But true freedom includes more than economic freedom. In America, we believe it is a concept which is indivisible.

Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many manifestations in China. I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy growing in the villages of your heartland. I have visited a village that chose its own leaders in free elections.

I have also seen the cell phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas, information and images from all over the world. I've heard people speak their minds and I have joined people in prayer in the faith of my own choosing. In all these ways I felt a steady breeze of freedom.

The question is, where do we go from here? How do we work together to be on the right side of history together? More than 50 years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at this university, said these words: "Now some people say to me you must sacrifice your individual freedom so that the nation may be free. But I reply, the struggle for individual freedom is the struggle for the nation's freedom. The struggle for your own character is the struggle for the nation's character."

We Americans believe Hu Shi was right. We believe and our experience demonstrates that freedom strengthens stability and helps nations to change.

One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, "Our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults." Now, if that is true, there are many days in the United States when the President has more friends than anyone else in America. But it is so.

In the world we live in, this global information age, constant improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and to national strength. Therefore, the freest possible flow of information, ideas, and opinions, and a greater respect for divergent political and religious convictions will actually breed strength and stability going forward.

It is, therefore, profoundly in your interest, and the world's, that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their potential. That is the message of our time and the mandate of the new century and the new millennium.

I hope China will more fully embrace this mandate. For all the grandeur of your history, I believe your greatest days are still ahead. Against great odds in the 20th century China has not only survived, it is moving forward dramatically.

Other ancient cultures failed because they failed to change. China has constantly proven the capacity to change and grow. Now, you must re-imagine China again for a new century, and your generation must be at the heart of China's regeneration.

The new century is upon us. All our sights are turned toward the future. Now your country has known more millennia than the United States has known centuries. Today, however, China is as young as any nation on Earth. This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of the tomorrows to come. It can be a time when the world again looks to China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works. It can be a time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.

The United States wants to work with you to make that time a reality.

Thank you very much.

1998年6月29日

谢谢。陈校长、任书记、迟副校长、韦副部长，谢谢你们。今天，我很高兴率领一个庞大的美国代表团来到这里，代表团中包括第一夫人和我们的女儿，她是斯坦福大学的学生，斯坦福大学是和北大具有交流关系的学校之一。

此外，我们的代表团中还包括六位美国国会议员、国务卿、商务部长、农业部长、经济顾问理事会理事长、我国驻华大使参议员尚慕杰、国家安全顾问和我的办公厅主任等。我提到这些人是为了说明美国极为重视对华关系。

在北大百年校庆之际，我首先要向北大全体师生员工、管理人员祝贺。恭喜了，北大！

众所周知，这所学校的原身是美国传教士建立的燕京大学。学校许多美丽的建筑物是由美国建筑师设计的。成千上万的美国学生和教授来到北大求学和教学。因此，我们对你们有一种特殊的亲近感。

我很庆幸今天和79年前的一个重要的日子大不相同。1919年6月，就在这里，燕京大学首任校长司徒雷登准备发表第一个毕业典礼致辞。他准时出场，但是没有一个学生到来。学生们为了振兴中国的政治文化，全部走上街头领导“五四”运动去了。我读到这个故事后，希望今天当我走进这个礼堂时，会有人坐在这里。非常感谢大家前来听我演讲。

一百年以来，北大已经发展到两万多名学生。贵校的毕业生遍及中国和全世界。贵校建成了亚洲最大的大学图书馆。去年贵校有20%的毕业生去国外留学深造，其中包括一半的数理专业学生。

在北大百年校庆之际，中国、亚洲和全世界有一百多万人访问贵校的网址。在新世纪黎明之际，北大正在率领中国奔向未来。

你们是中国下一代的领导者。我今天要跟你们讲的是，建立中美两国牢固的伙伴关系，对于你们的未来至关重要。

在几千年的历史长河中，中国为人类文化、宗教、哲学、艺术和科技做出了贡献，美国人民深深地钦佩你们。我们铭记着第二次世界大战期间两国的牢固伙伴关系。现在我们看到，中国处于历史性时刻，能和你们光辉灿烂的过去相提并论的，只有贵国目前气势磅礴的改革和更加美好的未来。

仅仅在30年前，中国还与世界隔绝。现在，中国参加了从航空旅行到农业开发等领域的一千多个国际组织。贵国为大规模贸易和投资敞开了大门。今天有四万多名年轻的中国学生在美国留学，还有数十万中国学生在亚洲、非洲、欧洲和拉美国家留学。

贵国在社会和经济领域的变革更为显著，从一个封闭的指令性经济体制向一个日显生机、日趋注重市场性的经济转变，产生了连续20年史无前例的增长，赋予人民更大的自由，到国内外旅游，进行村委会选举，拥有住房，选择职业以及上更好学校。

因此，贵国帮助千百万的民众摆脱了贫困。在过去的十年中，人均收入翻了一番以上。大多数中国人民过上了20年前还难以想象的美好生活。

当然，这些变化也打乱了固有的生活和工作格局，给贵国的环境造成了巨大压力。

以前，每个城市居民到国有企业就业都有保障。现在，你们必须到就业市场上去竞争。以前，每个中国工人只需满足北京中央计划人员的要求，现在，全球性经济意味着人人必须跟上世界其他地区的质量和创造力。对于缺乏应有的训练、熟练的技能和社会帮扶的人们来说，这个新世界的确令人生畏。

在短期内，一些诚实勤劳的人们成为失业者。正如你们所见，过去20年的开发模式和能源使用模式，造成了空气污染、滥伐森林、酸雨和缺水，在环境、经济和医疗保健方面付出了巨大代价。

面对这些挑战，必须制定出培训和社会保障的新体系，推出保护环境的新政策和新技术，以便在促进经济增长的同时改进环境。

我对中国人民的智慧、独创性和开发精神的了解，以及过去几天我与江主席、朱总理及其他人会谈中的所见所闻，给了我信心，相信你们一定能成功。

在你们建设新中国的同时，美国希望同你们建立新关系。我们要看到一个成就非凡、安全开放的中国，和我们携手为一个和平繁荣的世界而努力。我知道无论在中国还是在美国，都有人怀疑两国之间的紧密关系是否是好事。但是世界在变化，我们面临着种种挑战，我们了解的这一切告诉我们，我们两国携手合作比分道扬镳要有利得多。

已故的邓小平告诫我们要实事求是。新世纪来临之际，事实显而易见。我们两国间的距离在缩短，实际上是所有国家间的距离在缩短。以前，美国的快速帆船开到中国需要几个月。今天，高科技使我们天涯若比邻。

从笔记本电脑到激光技术、从微芯片到兆字节储存器，信息革命正在照亮人类的知识领域，将我们更紧密地联结起来。人们只要敲一下电脑键盘，观念、信息和资金就能跨越全球，为人们创造财富、预防和征服疾病、加深具有不同历史和文化背景人民之间的了解，从而给人们带来了极大的机遇。

但我们也知道，更大的开放和更快的变革也意味着别国产生的问题会很快蔓延到本国境内，如大规模毁灭性武器的扩散、有组织的犯罪和贩卖毒品的威胁、环境的恶化和严重的经济混乱等问题。没有哪个国家能避免这些问题，没有那个国家能独自解决这些问题。

我们，特别是中美两国的年轻一代必须以迎接这些共同的挑战为共同的事业，共创一个光辉灿烂的新世纪。

21世纪是你们的世纪。中美两国将面临亚洲安全的挑战。我们两国曾在朝鲜半岛为敌，现在我们携手合作，为一个永久和平和无核武器的未来而努力。

世界各国正在摆脱核威胁，而在印度次大陆，印度和巴基斯坦却甘冒挑起新一轮军备竞赛的风险。我们正在谋求一个共同的策略，以使印巴两国停止进一步的核试验，并为解决分歧进行对话。

在21世纪，你们年轻一代必须承担制止更加致命的核武器、化学武器和生物武器扩散的重任。如果这种武器落入坏人之手或流入不适当的场所，无论大小国家其安全都会受到威胁。中美两国日益认识到制止这类武器扩散的重要性，因此我们已开始齐心协力，控制世界上最危险的武器。

在21世纪，你们年轻一代一定要扭转犯罪和毒品的国际逆流。全世界有组织的犯罪分子每年从人民手中抢走的财产达数十亿美元，破坏了人们对政府的信任。美国人民深知毒品给学校师生和社区居民带来的毁灭和绝望。中国的边境和十几个国家相邻，已成了各种走私分子的通道。

去年，我和江主席请求中美双方的高级执法官员加强合作，打击这些犯罪分子，防止洗钱，防止在残酷条件下偷运外国人，防止伪币破坏货币的信用。就在本月，我们的缉毒署在北京开设了办事处。不久，中国的缉毒专家也将在华盛顿开展工作。

在21世纪，你们年轻一代的使命是必须保证今天的发展进步不以明天为代价。中国过去二十年来的快速增长以遭受毒害为代价，即贵国人民的饮用水和呼吸的空气都已遭受污染。这种代价不仅仅体现在环境方面，对人民的健康也造成了严重的危害，而且还会阻碍经济的发展。

环境问题正在变得日趋全球化和全国化。例如，在不久的将来，如果目前的能源使用模式不改变，中国将超过美国成为世界最大的温室气体的排放国。温室气体是全球性升温的主要原因。如果世界各国不减少排放造成全球性升温的气体，下世纪的某个时候就会出现气候急剧变化的严重威胁，这将改变我们的生活和工作方式。某些岛国将会被大水淹没，某些国家的经济社会结构将会遭到破坏。

我们必须大力合作。经验告诉我们，美国可以在促使经济成长的同时保护环境。为了我们自己也为了世界，我们必须做到这一点。

我国副总统戈尔已同中国政府合作开展了不少工作。在此基础上，我和江主席正在一起探讨方法，在中国推出美国的清洁能源技术，在促进中国经济发展的同时提高中国的大气质量。

但我还要重申，这话不在我的讲稿上，在这一点上你们这一代还要有更多的作为。这对你们、对美国人民和世界的未来都是一个巨大的挑战。这个问题必须在大学里提出，因为如果政治领导人认为采取环保措施会导致大规模的失业或严重的贫困，他们将不愿意这样做。事实证明环保不会造成失业和贫困。如果我们的方法得当，人们将取得更快的经济增长，拥有薪水更高的工作，促进教育和科技向更高水平发展。但是，你们这些大学生和你们的大学，中美两国以及全世界的人民都必须带这个头。

在21世纪，你们必须承担不分国界的国际金融系统的重任。当香港和雅加达的股票市场下跌时，其影响再也不是局部的，而是全球性的。因此，贵国充满生机的经济成长同整个亚太地区恢复稳定和经济发展紧密相连。

在最近一次的金融危机中，中国坚定不移地承担了对本地区和全世界的责任，帮助避免了又一个危险的货币贬值周期。我们必须继续携手合作，应对全球金融系统面临的威胁以及对整个亚太地区的发展和繁荣所造成的威胁。

在21世纪，你们这一代将有极大的机会，将科学家、医生、工程师的各种才能结合起来，用于追求共同的发展。我们早就在一些合作的领域中取得了突破，包括从医治脊柱对裂到预报恶劣天气和地震等。这些突破证明，只要我们合作就能改变中美乃至全世界数以百万计人的生活。扩大我们在科技领域的合作是我们给未来奉献的厚礼之一。

在我以上列举的每一个关键领域，显然，只要我们相互合作而不是互不往来，我们就能取得更大的成就。因此，我们应该努力，确保目前双方之间的建设性关系在下个世纪结出圆满的协作果实。

要做到这一点，我们就必须更好地相互了解，了解各自的共同利益、共有的期望和真诚的分歧。我相信大家在电视上看到我和江主席星期六在联合记者招待会上公开直接的交流，这有助于澄清和缩小我们的分歧。更为重要的是，允许人们理解、辩论和探讨这些问题，使他们对我们建设美好的未来更加充满信心。

从我居住的华盛顿特区白宫的窗口向外眺望，我们第一任总统乔治·华盛顿的纪念碑俯视全城。那是一座高耸的方形尖塔。在这个庞大的纪念碑旁，有一块很小的石碑，上面刻着的碑文是：“美国决不设置贵族和皇室头衔，也不建立世袭制度。国家事务由舆论公决。”

美国建立了一个从古至今史无前例的崭新政治体系。这是最奇妙的事物。这些话并不是美国人写的，而是出自福建省巡抚徐继玉之手，并于1853年由中国政府刻成碑文，作为礼物送给美国。

我很感激中国送的这份礼物，它道出了我们全体美国人民的心声。即人人有生命和自由的权利、追求幸福的权利，有不受国家干涉，言论和持不同政见的自由，结社的自由和宗教信仰的自由。这些就是220年前美国立国的核心理想。这些理想指引我们跨越美洲大陆，走向世界舞台。这些仍然是美国人民今天珍视的理想。

正如我和江主席在举行的记者招待会上所说，我们美国人民正在不断寻求实现这些理想。美国宪法的制定者知道，我们不可能做到尽善尽美。他们说，美国的使命始终是要“建设一个更为完美的联邦”。换言之，我们永远不可能尽善尽美，但我们必须不断改进。

每当我们放弃不断改进的努力，每当我们由于种族或宗教原因，由于是新移民，或者由于有人持不受欢迎的意见，而剥夺我们人民的自由，我们的历史就出现最黑暗的时刻。每当我们保护持不受欢迎的意见者的自由，或者将大多数人享受的权利给予以前被剥夺权利的人们，从而实践《独立宣言》和《宪法》的诺言，而不是使其成为一纸空文，我们的历史就出现最光明的时刻。

今天，我们没有谋求将自己的见解强加于人，但我们深信某种权利具有普遍性，它们不是美国的权利或者欧洲的权利或者是发达国家的权利，而是所有的人们与生俱来的权利。这些权利现在载于《联合国人权宣言》。这些就是待人以尊严、各抒己见、选举领袖、自由结社、自由选择信教或不信教的权利。

《独立宣言》的作者、我国第三任总统托马斯·杰克逊在他一生的最后一封信中写道：“人们正在睁开眼睛关注人权。”在杰克逊写了这句话的172年之后，我相信现在人们终于睁开眼睛关注世界各地男女应享受的人权。

过去20年以来，一个高涨的自由浪潮解放了成千上百万的生灵，扫除了前苏联和中欧那种失败的独裁统治，结束了拉美国家军事政变和内战的恶性循环，使更多的非洲人民有机会享受来之不易的独立。从菲律宾到南朝鲜，从泰国到蒙古，自由之浪已冲到亚洲的海岸，给发展和生产力注入了动力。

经济保障也应该是自由的要素，这在《联合国经济社会文化权益公约》中获得承认。在中国你们为培育这种自由已迈出了大步，保证不遭受匮乏，并成为贵国人民的力量源泉。

中国人的收入提高了，贫困现象减轻了。人们有了更多的选择就业的机会和外出旅游的机会，有了创造更好生活的机会。但真正的自由不仅仅是经济的自由。我们美国人民认为这是一个不可分割的概念。

在过去的四天中，我在中国看到了自由的许多表现形式。我在贵国内地的一个村庄看到民主的萌芽正在迸发。我访问了一个自由选举村委领导的村庄。

我也看到了手机、录像机和带来全世界观念、信息和图像的传真机。我听到人们抒发自己的想法，我还同当地的人们一起为我选择的宗教信仰祈祷。在所有这些方面，我感觉到自由的微风在吹拂。

但人们不禁要问，我们的发展方向是什么？我们怎样相互合作走上历史正确的一面？贵校伟大的政治思想家之一胡适教授在五十多年前说过：“有些人对我说，为了国家的自由你必须牺牲自己的个人自由。但我回答，为了个人自由而奋斗就是为了国家的自由而奋斗。为了个性而奋斗就是为了国民性而奋斗。”

我们美国人认为胡适是对的。我们相信并且我们的经验表明，自由加强稳定，自由有助于国家的变革。

我国的一位开国先贤本杰明·富兰克林曾经说过：“我们的批评者是我们的朋友，因为他们指出我们的缺点。”如果这句话是正确的，那么在美国，很多时候总统的朋友比其他任何人都多。而且确实如此。

在我们生活的世界，全球性的信息时代，不断的改进和变革是增加经济机会和国力的必要条件。因此，让信息、观念和看法最自由地流通，更多地尊重不同的政治和宗教信仰，实际上将增加实力，推动稳定。

因此，为了贵国和世界的根本利益，中国的年轻人必须享有心灵上的自由，以便充分地开发自己的潜力。这是我们时代的信念，也是新世纪和新千年的要求。

我希望中国能更充分地赞同这个要求。尽管贵国历史上有过辉煌的功绩，我认为贵国最伟大的时光仍在前方。中国不仅历经20世纪的种种艰难险阻生存了下来，而且正在迅速向前迈进。

其他的古老文化消亡了，因为他们没有进行变革。中国始终显示出变革和成长的能力。你们必须重新想象新世纪的中国，你们这一代必然处于中国复兴的中心。

我们即将进入新世纪，我们将所有的目光瞄向未来。贵国以千年计算历史，美国以百年计算历史，贵国的历史更加悠久。然而，今天的中国和任何一个国家一样年轻。新世纪将是新中国的黎明，贵国为其在历史上的伟大成就而自豪，为你们进行的事业而自豪，为明天的到来而更加自豪。在新世纪中，世界可能再次转向中国寻求其文化的活力、思想的新颖、人类尊严的升华，这在中国的成就中已显而易见。在新世纪中，最古老的国家可以帮助建设一个新的世界。

美国希望与贵国合作，使那个时刻成为现实。

感谢大家。

第三节  精彩语录

I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between China and the United States.

你们是中国下一代的领导者。我今天要跟你们讲的是，建立中美两国牢固的伙伴关系，对于你们的未来至关重要。

We, especially the younger generations of China and the United States, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.

我们，特别是中美两国的年轻一代必须以迎接这些共同的挑战为共同的事业，共创一个光辉灿烂的新世纪。

In the 21st century—your century—China and the United States will face the challenge of security in Asia. On the Korean Peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future freer of nuclear weapons.

21世纪是你们的世纪。中美两国将面临亚洲安全的挑战。我们两国曾在朝鲜半岛为敌，现在我们携手合作，为一个永久和平和无核武器的未来而努力。

We must work together. We Americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment. We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.

我们必须大力合作。经验告诉我们，美国人可以在促使经济成长的同时保护环境。为了我们自己也为了世界，我们必须做到这一点。

第六章  二十一世纪的教育革命

第一节  背景介绍

2001年1月27日晚，在美国首府华盛顿，克林顿总统对国会参议员和众议院以及社会广大群众做了一次演讲，这是他任职美国总统以来第八次，也是最后一次年度国情咨文演讲，在这次演讲中，教育问题成为了核心内容。这次演讲可以说是1997年国情咨文演讲中十点教育改革的继续和改进，从这点可以看出教育在美国占了相当程度的比重，同时也反映了美国当前教育改革的重点。克林顿总统谈到：“我们需要一场21世纪的教育革命。”

教育改革一直以来都是克林顿政府最关注的问题，他已经把教育同经济联系起来，认为大力发展教育是经济繁荣的前提条件。1997年2月，他提出的十点行动计划就包括教育必须从孩子抓起的“头脑启动计划”。对教育标准提出国家级的教育标准，制定出测试学生阅读和数学成绩的国家级考试，父母有为孩子选择学校的权利，优秀的学校配置优秀的教师，将信息技术引进学校，通过网络连接每个教室和图书馆，提出扩大终身学习的范围，老年人也要学习接受新事物。

早在20世纪70年代末，美国的经济经受了滞涨危机，一方面失业率急剧上升，导致社会不稳定因素的增多，其次就是政府赤字的增加，直接影响到了美国的国际竞争力，同时也使美国的世界霸权地位受到了威胁。针对现状，克林顿政府把目光再次转向教育，把教育作为拯救整个危机的“希望”。起初在里根和布什两位共和党总统的口头带领下并没有什么作为，尤其是高等教育方面更是没有给予关注。但是科学技术的发展日新月异，从而要求每个行业的人员都要受到良好的教育，因此要求普及教育，进行高等教育改革势在必行。

克林顿总统顺应了时代发展的需要，提出直接贷款、国民服务、调试计划等改革方案，开展了一系列的高等教育政策，鼓励更多的人接受再教育，以此推动美国经济。

第二节  克林顿2000年国情咨文演说

Thursday, January 27, 2000

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, honored guests, my fellow Americans:

We are fortunate to be alive at this moment in history. Never before has our nation enjoyed, at once, so much prosperity and social progress with so little internal crisis and so few external threats. Never before have we had such a blessed opportunity—and, therefore, such a profound obligation—to build the more perfect union of our founders' dreams.

We begin the new century with over 20 million new jobs; the fastest economic growth in more than 30 years; the lowest unemployment rates in 30 years; the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the lowest African American and Hispanic unemployment rates on record; the first back-to-back budget surpluses in 42 years. And next month, America will achieve the longest period of economic growth in our entire history.

We have built a new economy.

And our economic revolution has been matched by a revival of the American spirit: crime down by 20 percent, to its lowest level in 25 years; teen births down seven years in a row; adoptions up by 30 percent; welfare rolls cut in half to their lowest levels in 30 years.

My fellow Americans, the state of our union is the strongest it has ever been.

As always, the real credit belongs to the American people. My gratitude also goes to those of you in this chamber who have worked with us to put progress over partisanship. Eight years ago, it was not so clear to most Americans there would be much to celebrate in the year 2000. Then our nation was gripped by economic distress, social decline, political gridlock. The title of a best-selling book asked: "America: What Went Wrong?"

In the best traditions of our nation, Americans determined to set things right. We restored the vital center, replacing outmoded ideologies with a new vision anchored in basic, enduring values: opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a community of all Americans. We reinvented government, transforming it into a catalyst for new ideas that stress both opportunity and responsibility, and give our people the tools they need to solve their own problems.

With the smallest federal work force in 40 years, we turned record deficits into record surpluses, and doubled our investment in education. We cut crime, with 100,000 community police and the Brady law, which has kept guns out of the hands of half a million criminals.

We ended welfare as we knew it—requiring work while protecting health care and nutrition for children, and investing more in child care, transportation, and housing to help their parents go to work. We've helped parents to succeed at home and at work, with family leave, which 20 millions Americans have now used to care for a newborn child or a sick loved one. We've engaged 150,000 young Americans in citizen service through AmeriCorps, while helping them earn money for college.

In 1992, we just had a road map; today, we have results.

But even more important, America again has the confidence to dream big dreams. But we must not let this confidence drift into complacency. For we, all of us, will be judged by the dreams and deeds we pass on to our children. And on that score, we will be held to a high standard, indeed, because our chance to do good is so great.

My fellow Americans, we have crossed the bridge we built to the 21st century. Now, we must shape a 21st century American revolution—of opportunity, responsibility and community. We must be now, as we were in the beginning, a new nation.

At the dawn of the last century, Theodore Roosevelt said, "the one characteristic more essential than any other is foresight…it should be the growing nation with a future that takes the long look ahead." So, tonight, let us take our long look ahead and set great goals for our nation.

To 21st century America, let us pledge these things: Every child will begin school ready to learn and graduate ready to succeed. Every family will be able to succeed at home and at work, and no child will be raised in poverty. We will meet the challenge of the aging of America. We will assure quality, affordable health care, at last, for all Americans.

We will make America the safest big country on Earth. We will pay off our national debt for the first time since 1835. We will bring prosperity to every American community. We will reverse the course of climate change and leave a safer, cleaner planet. America will lead the world toward shared peace and prosperity, and the far frontiers of science and technology. And we will become at last what our founders pledged us to be so long ago—one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.

These are great goals, worthy of a great nation. We will not reach them all this year. Not even in this decade. But we will reach them. Let us remember that the first American Revolution was not won with a single shot; the continent was not settled in a single year. The lesson of our history—and the lesson of the last seven years—is that great goals are reached step by step, always building on our progress, always gaining ground.

Of course, you can't gain ground if you're standing still. And for too long this Congress has been standing still on some of our most pressing national priorities. So let's begin tonight with them.

Again, I ask you to pass a real patients' bill of rights. I ask you to pass common-sense gun safety legislation. I ask you to pass campaign finance reform. I ask you to vote up or down on judicial nominations and other important appointees. And, again I ask you—I implore you—to raise the minimum wage.

Now, two years ago—let me try to balance the seesaw here—two years ago, as we reached across party lines to reach our first balanced budget, I asked that we meet our responsibility to the next generation by maintaining our fiscal discipline. Because we refused to stray from that path, we are doing something that would have seemed unimaginable seven years ago. We are actually paying down the national debt.

Now, if we stay on this path, we can pay down the debt entirely in 13 just years now and make America debt-free for the first time since Andrew Jackson was President in 1835.

In 1993, we began to put our fiscal house in order with the Deficit Reduction Act, which you'll all remember won passages in both Houses by just a single vote. Your former colleague, my first Secretary of the Treasury, led that effort and sparked our long boom. He's here with us tonight. Lloyd Bentsen, you have served America well, and we thank you.

Beyond paying off the debt, we must ensure that the benefits of debt reduction go to preserving two of the most important guarantees we make to every American—Social Security and Medicare. Tonight, I ask you to work with me to make a bipartisan down payment on Social Security reform by crediting the interest savings from debt reduction to the Social Security Trust Fund so that it will be strong and sound for the next 50 years.

But this is just the start of our journey. We must also take the right steps toward reaching our great goals. First and foremost, we need a 21st century revolution in education, guided by our faith that every single child can learn. Because education is more important than ever, more than ever the key to our children's future, we must make sure all our children have that key. That means quality pre-school and after-school, the best trained teachers in the classroom, and college opportunities for all our children.

For seven years now, we've worked hard to improve our schools, with opportunity and responsibility—investing more, but demanding more in turn. Reading, math, college entrance scores are up. Some of the most impressive gains are in schools in very poor neighborhoods.

But all successful schools have followed the same proven formula: higher standards, more accountability, and extra help so children who need it can get it to reach those standards. I have sent Congress a reform plan based on that formula. It holds states and school districts accountable for progress, and rewards them for results. Each year, our national government invests more than $15 billion in our schools. It is time to support what works and stop supporting what doesn't.

Now, as we demand more from our schools, we should also invest more in our schools. Let's double our investment to help states and districts turn around their worst-performing schools, or shut them down. Let's double our investments in after-school and summer school programs, which boost achievement and keep people off the streets and out of trouble. If we do this, we can give every single child in every failing school in America—everyone—the chance to meet high standards.

Since 1993, we've nearly doubled our investment in Head Start and improved its quality. Tonight, I ask you for another $1 billion for Head Start, the largest increase in the history of the program.

We know that children learn best in smaller classes with good teachers. For two years in a row, Congress has supported my plan to hire 100,000 new qualified teachers to lower class size in the early grades. I thank you for that, and I ask you to make it three in a row. And to make sure all teachers know the subjects they teach, tonight I propose a new teacher quality initiative—to recruit more talented people into the classroom, reward good teachers for staying there, and give all teachers the training they need.

We know charter schools provide real public school choice. When I became President, there was just one independent public charter school in all America. Today, thanks to you, there are 1,700. I ask you now to help us meet our goal of 3,000 charter schools by next year.

We know we must connect all our classrooms to the Internet, and we're getting there. In 1994, only 3 percent of our classrooms were connected. Today, with the help of the Vice President's E-rate program, more than half of them are. And 90 percent of our schools have at least one Internet connection.

But we cannot finish the job when a third of all our schools are in serious disrepair. Many of them have walls and wires so old, they're too old for the Internet. So tonight, I propose to help 5,000 schools a year make immediate and urgent repairs; and again, to help build or modernize 6,000 more, to get students out of trailers and into high-tech classrooms.

I ask all of you to help me double our bipartisan Gear-Up program, which provides mentors for disadvantaged young people. If we double it, we can provide mentors for 1.4 million of them. Let's also offer these kids from disadvantaged backgrounds the same chance to take the same college test-prep courses wealthier students use to boost their test scores.

To make the American Dream achievable for all, we must make college affordable for all. For seven years, on a bipartisan basis, we have taken action toward that goal: larger Pell grants, more affordable student loans, education IRAs, and our HOPE scholarships, which have already benefitted 5 million young people.

Now, 67 percent of high school graduates are going on to college. That's up 10 percent since 1993. Yet millions of families still strain to pay college tuition. They need help. So I propose a landmark $30-billion college opportunity tax cut—a middle class tax deduction for up to $10,000 in college tuition costs. The previous actions of this Congress have already made two years of college affordable for all. It's time to make four years of college affordable for all. If we take all these steps, we'll move a long way toward making sure every child starts school ready to learn and graduates ready to succeed.

We need a 21st century revolution to reward work and strengthen families, by giving every parent the tools to succeed at work and at the most important work of all—raising children. That means making sure every family has health care and the support to care for aging parents, the tools to bring their children up right, and that no child grows up in poverty.

From my first days as President, we've worked to give families better access to better health care. In 1997, we passed the Children's Health Insurance Program—CHIP—so that workers who don't have coverage through their employers at least can get it for their children. So far, we've enrolled 2 million children; we're well on our way to our goal of 5 million.

But there are still more than 40 million of our fellow Americans without health insurance—more than there were in 1993. Tonight I propose that we follow Vice President Gore's suggestion to make low income parents eligible for the insurance that covers their children. Together with our children's initiative—think of this—together with our children's initiative, this action would enable us to cover nearly a quarter of all the uninsured people in America.

Again, I want to ask you to let people between the ages of 55 and 65—the fastest growing group of uninsured—buy into Medicare. And this year I propose to give them a tax credit to make that choice an affordable one. I hope you will support that, as well.

When the baby boomers retire, Medicare will be faced with caring for twice as many of our citizens; yet, it is far from ready to do so. My generation must not ask our children's generation to shoulder our burden. We simply must act now to strengthen and modernize Medicare.

My budget includes a comprehensive plan to reform Medicare, to make it more efficient and competitive. And it dedicates nearly $400 billion of our budget surplus to keep Medicare solvent past 2025. And, at long last, it also provides funds to give every senior a voluntary choice of affordable coverage for prescription drugs.

Lifesaving drugs are an indispensable part of modern medicine. No one creating a Medicare program today would even think of excluding coverage for prescription drugs. Yet more than three in five of our seniors now lack dependable drug coverage which can lengthen and enrich their lives. Millions of older Americans who need prescription drugs the most pay the highest prices for them. In good conscience, we cannot let another year pass without extending to all our seniors this lifeline of affordable prescription drugs.

Record numbers of Americans are providing for aging or ailing loved ones at home. It's a loving, but a difficult and often very expensive choice. Last year, I proposed a $1,000 tax credit for long-term care. Frankly, it wasn't enough. This year, let's triple it, to $3,000. But this year, let's pass it.

We also have to make needed investments to expand access to mental health care. I want to take a moment to thank the person who led our first White House Conference on Mental Health last year, and who for seven years has led all our efforts to break down the barriers to decent treatment of people with mental illness. Thank you, Tipper Gore.

Taken together, these proposals would mark the largest investment in health care in the 35 years since Medicare was created—the largest investment in 35 years. That would be a big step toward assuring quality health care for all Americans, young and old. And I ask you to embrace them and pass them.

We must also make investments that reward work and support families. Nothing does that better than the Earned Income Tax Credit—the EITC. The "E" in the EITC is about earning, working, taking responsibility and being rewarded for it. In my very first address to you, I asked Congress to greatly expand this credit; and you did. As a result, in 1998 alone, the EITC helped more than 4.3 million Americans work their way out of poverty toward the middle class. That's double the number in 1993.

Tonight, I propose another major expansion of the EITC: to reduce the marriage penalty, to make sure it rewards marriage as it rewards work—and also, to expand the tax credit for families that have more than two children. It punishes people with more than two children today. Our proposal would allow families with three or more children to get up to $1,100 more in tax relief. These are working families; their children should not be in poverty.

We also can't reward work and family unless men and women get equal pay for equal work. Today, the female unemployment rate is the lowest it has been in 46 years. Yet, women still only earn about 75 cents for every dollar men earn. We must do better, by providing the resources to enforce present equal pay laws; training more women for high-paying, high-tech jobs; and passing the Paycheck Fairness Act.

Many working parents spend up to a quarter—a quarter—of their income on child care. Last year, we helped parents provide child care for about 2 million children. My child care initiative, before you now, along with funds already secured in welfare reform, would make child care better, safer and more affordable for another 400,000 children. I ask you to pass that. They need it out there.

For hard-pressed middle-income families, we should also expand the child care tax credit. And I believe strongly we should take the next big step and make that tax credit refundable for low-income families. For people making under $30,000 a year, that could mean up to $2,400 for child care costs. You know, we all say we're pro-work and pro-family. Passing this proposal would prove it.

Tens of millions of Americans live from paycheck to paycheck. As hard as they work, they still don't have the opportunity to save. Too few can make use of IRAs and 401-K plans. We should do more to help all working families save and accumulate wealth. That's the idea behind the Individual Development Accounts, the IDAs. I ask you to take that idea to a new level, with new Retirement Savings Accounts that enable every low- and moderate-income family in America to save for retirement, a first home, a medical emergency, or a college education. I propose to match their contributions, however small, dollar for dollar, every year they save. And I propose to give a major new tax credit to any small business that will provide a meaningful pension to its workers. Those people ought to have retirement as well as the rest of us.

Nearly one in three American children grows up without a father. These children are five times more likely to live in poverty than children with both parents at home. Clearly, demanding and supporting responsible fatherhood is critical to lifting all children out of poverty. We've doubled child support collections since 1992. And I'm proposing to you tough new measures to hold still more fathers responsible.

But we should recognize that a lot of fathers want to do right by their children, but need help to do it. Carlos Rosas of St. Paul, Minnesota, wanted to do right by his son, and he got the help to do it. Now he's got a good job and he supports his little boy. My budget will help 40,000 more fathers make the same choices Carlos Rosas did. I thank him for being here tonight. Stand up, Carlos. Thank you.

If there is any single issue on which we should be able to reach across party lines, it is in our common commitment to reward work and strengthen families, similar to what we did last year. We came together to help people with disabilities keep their health insurance when they go to work. And I thank you for that. Thanks to overwhelming bipartisan support from this Congress, we have improved foster care. We've helped those young people who leave it when they turn 18, and we have dramatically increased the number of foster care children going into adoptive homes. I thank all of you for all of that.

Of course, I am forever grateful to the person who has led our efforts from the beginning, and who's worked so tirelessly for children and families for 30 years now: my wife, Hillary. And I thank her.

If we take the steps I've just discussed, we can go a long, long way toward empowering parents to succeed at home and at work, and ensuring that no child is raised in poverty. We can make these vital investments in health care, education, support for working families, and still offer tax cuts to help pay for college, for retirement, to care for aging parents, to reduce the marriage penalty. We can do these things without forsaking the path of fiscal discipline that got us to this point here tonight.

Indeed, we must make these investments and these tax cuts in the context of a balanced budget that strengthens and extends the life of Social Security and Medicare and pays down the national debt.

Crime in America has dropped for the past seven years—that's the longest decline on record—thanks to a national consensus we helped to forge on community police, sensible gun safety laws, and effective prevention. But nobody—nobody here, nobody in America—believes we're safe enough. So again, I ask you to set a higher goal. Let's make this country the safest big country in the world.

Last fall, Congress supported my plan to hire, in addition to the 100,000 community police we've already funded, 50,000 more, concentrated in high-crime neighborhoods. I ask your continued support for that.

Soon after the Columbine tragedy, Congress considered common-sense gun legislation, to require Brady background checks at the gun shows, child safety locks for new handguns, and a ban on the importation of large-capacity ammunition clips. With courage and a tie-breaking vote by the Vice President—the Senate faced down the gun lobby, stood up for the American people, and passed this legislation. But the House failed to follow suit.

Now, we have all seen what happens when guns fall into the wrong hands. Daniel Mauser was only 15 years old when he was gunned down at Columbine. He was an amazing kid , a straight-A student, a good skier. Like all parents who lose their children, his father Tom has borne unimaginable grief. Somehow he has found the strength to honor his son by transforming his grief into action. Earlier this month, he took a leave of absence from his job to fight for tougher gun safety laws. I pray that his courage and wisdom will at long last move this Congress to make common-sense gun legislation the very next order of business.Tom Mauser, stand up. We thank you for being here tonight. Tom. Thank you, Tom.

We must strengthen our gun laws and enforce those already on the books better. Federal gun crime prosecutions are up 16 percent since I took office. But we must do more. I propose to hire more federal and local gun prosecutors and more ATF agents to crack down on illegal gun traffickers and bad-apple dealers. And we must give them the enforcement tools that they need, tools to trace every gun and every bullet used in every gun crime in the United States. I ask you to help us do that.

Every state in this country already requires hunters and automobile drivers to have a license. I think they ought to do the same thing for handgun purchases. Now, specifically, I propose a plan to ensure that all new handgun buyers must first have a photo license from their state showing they passed the Brady background check and a gun safety course, before they get the gun. I hope you'll help me pass that in this Congress.

Listen to this—listen to this. The accidental gun rate—the accidental gun death rate of children under 15 in the United States is nine times higher than in the other 25 industrialized countries combined. Now, technologies now exist that could lead to guns that can only be fired by the adults who own them. I ask Congress to fund research into smart gun technology, to save these children's lives. (Applause.) I ask responsible leaders in the gun industry to work with us on smart guns, and other steps to keep guns out of the wrong hands, to keep our children safe.

You know, every parent I know worries about the impact of violence in the media on their children. I want to begin by thanking the entertainment industry for accepting my challenge to put voluntary ratings on TV programs and video and Internet games. But, frankly, the ratings are too numerous, diverse and confusing to be really useful to parents. So tonight, I ask the industry to accept the First Lady's challenge to develop a single voluntary rating system for all children's entertainment that is easier for parents to understand and enforce. The steps I outline will take us well on our way to making America the safest big country in the world.

Now, to keep our historic economic expansion going—the subject of a lot of discussion in this community and others—I believe we need a 21st century revolution to open new markets, start new businesses, hire new workers right here in America—in our inner cities, poor rural areas, and Native American reservations.

Our nation's prosperity hasn't yet reached these places. Over the last six months, I've traveled to a lot of them, joined by many of you, and many far-sighted business people, to shine a spotlight on the enormous potential in communities from Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta, from Watts to the Pine Ridge Reservation. Everywhere I go, I meet talented people eager for opportunity, and able to work. Tonight I ask you, let's put them to work.For business, it's the smart thing to do. For America, it's the right thing to do. And let me ask you something—if we don't do this now, when in the wide world will we ever get around to it?

So I ask Congress to give businesses the same incentives to invest in America's new markets they now have to invest in markets overseas. Tonight, I propose a large New Markets tax credit and other incentives to spur $22 billion in private-sector capital to create new businesses and new investments in our inner cities and rural areas.

Because empowerment zones have been creating these opportunities for five years now, I also ask you to increase incentives to invest in them and to create more of them.

And let me say to all of you again what I have tried to say at every turn—this is not a Democratic or a Republican issue. Giving people a chance to live their dreams is an American issue.

Mr. Speaker, it was a powerful moment last November when you joined Reverend Jesse Jackson and me in your home state of Illinois, and committed to working toward our common goal, by combining the best ideas from both sides of the aisle. I want to thank you again, and to tell you, Mr. Speaker, I look forward to working with you. This is a worthy, joint endeavor. Thank you.

I also ask you to make special efforts to address the areas of our nation with the highest rates of poverty—our Native American reservations and the Mississippi Delta. My budget includes $110-million initiative to promote economic development in the Delta, and a billion dollars to increase economic opportunity, health care, education and law enforcement for our Native American communities. In this new century—we should begin this new century by honoring our historic responsibility to empower the first Americans. And I want to thank tonight the leaders and the members from both parties who've expressed to me an interest in working with us on these efforts. They are profoundly important.

There's another part of our American community in trouble tonight—our family farmers. When I signed the Farm Bill in 1996, I said there was great danger it would work well in good times, but not in bad. Well, droughts, floods, and historically low prices have made these times very bad for the farmers. We must work together to strengthen the farm safety net, invest in land conservation, and create some new markets for them by expanding our programs for bio-based fuels and products. Please, they need help—let's do it together.

Opportunity for all requires something else today—having access to a computer and knowing how to use it. That means we must close the digital divide between those who've got the tools and those who don't.

Connecting classrooms and libraries to the Internet is crucial, but it's just a start. My budget ensures that all new teachers are trained to teach 21st century skills, and it creates technology centers in 1,000 communities to serve adults. This spring, I'll invite high-tech leaders to join me on another New Markets tour, to close the digital divide and open opportunity for our people.

I want to thank the high-tech companies that already are doing so much in this area. I hope the new tax incentives I have proposed will get all the rest of them to join us. This is a national crusade. We have got to do this, and do it quickly.

Now, again I say to you, these are steps, but step by step, we can go a long way toward our goal of bringing opportunity to every community.

To realize the full possibilities of this economy, we must reach beyond our own borders, to shape the revolution that is tearing down barriers and building new networks among nations and individuals, and economies and cultures: globalization. It's the central reality of our time.

Of course, change this profound is both liberating and threatening to people. But there's no turning back. And our open, creative society stands to benefit more than any other—if we understand, and act on, the realities of interdependence. We have to be at the center of every vital global network, as a good neighbor and a good partner. We have to recognize that we cannot build our future without helping others to build theirs.

The first thing we have got to do is to forge a new consensus on trade. Now, those of us who believe passionately in the power of open trade, we have to ensure that it lifts both our living standards and our values, never tolerating abusive child labor or a race to the bottom in the environment and worker protection. But others must recognize that open markets and rule-based trade are the best engines we know of for raising living standards, reducing global poverty and environmental destruction, and assuring the free flow of ideas.

I believe as strongly tonight as I did the first day I got here, the only direction forward for America on trade—the only direction for America on trade is to keep going forward. I ask you to help me forge that consensus.

We have to make developing economies our partners in prosperity. That's why I would like to ask you again to finalize our groundbreaking African and Caribbean Basin trade initiatives.

But globalization is about more than economics. Our purpose must be to bring together the world around freedom and democracy and peace, and to oppose those who would tear it apart. Here are the fundamental challenges I believe America must meet to shape the 21st century world.

First, we must continue to encourage our former adversaries, Russia and China, to emerge as stable, prosperous, democratic nations. Both are being held back today from reaching their full potential: Russia by the legacy of communism, an economy in turmoil, a cruel and self-defeating war in Chechnya; China by the illusion that it can buy stability at the expense of freedom.

But think how much has changed in the past decade: 5,000 former Soviet nuclear weapons taken out of commission; Russian soldiers actually serving with ours in the Balkans; Russian people electing their leaders for the first time in a thousand years; and in China, an economy more open to the world than ever before.

Of course, no one, not a single person in this chamber tonight, can know for sure what direction these great nations will take. But we do know for sure that we can choose what we do. And we should do everything in our power to increase the chance that they will choose wisely, to be constructive members of our global community.

That's why we should support those Russians who are struggling for a democratic, prosperous future; continue to reduce both our nuclear arsenals; and help Russia to safeguard weapons and materials that remain.

And that's why I believe Congress should support the agreement we negotiated to bring China into the WTO, by passing Permanent Normal Trade Relations with China as soon as possible this year.

I think you ought to do it for two reasons. First of all, our markets are already open to China; this agreement will open China's markets to us. And, second, it will plainly advance the cause of peace in Asia and promote the cause of change in China. No, we don't know where it's going. All we can do is decide what we're going to do. But when all is said and done, we need to know we did everything we possibly could to maximize the chance that China will choose the right future.

A second challenge we've got is to protect our own security from conflicts that pose the risk of wider war and threaten our common humanity. We can't prevent every conflict or stop every outrage. But where our interests are at stake and we can make a difference, we should be, and we must be, peacemakers.

We should be proud of our role in bringing the Middle East closer to a lasting peace; building peace in Northern Ireland; working for peace in East Timor and Africa; promoting reconciliation between Greece and Turkey and in Cyprus; working to defuse these crises between India and Pakistan; in defending human rights and religious freedom. And we should be proud of the men and women of our Armed Forces and those of our allies who stopped the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, enabling a million people to return to their homes.

When Slobodan Milosevic unleashed his terror on Kosovo, Captain John Cherrey was one of the brave airmen who turned the tide. And when another American plane was shot down over Serbia, he flew into the teeth of enemy air defenses to bring his fellow pilot home. Thanks to our Armed Forces' skill and bravery, we prevailed in Kosovo without losing a single American in combat. I want to introduce Captain Cherrey to you. We honor Captain Cherrey, and we promise you, Captain, we'll finish the job you began. Stand up so we can see you.

A third challenge we have is to keep this inexorable march of technology from giving terrorists and potentially hostile nations the means to undermine our defenses. Keep in mind, the same technological advances that have shrunk cell phones to fit in the palms of our hands can also make weapons of terror easier to conceal and easier to use.

We must meet this threat by making effective agreements to restrain nuclear and missile programs in North Korea; curbing the flow of lethal technology to Iran; preventing Iraq from threatening its neighbors; increasing our preparedness against chemical and biological attack; protecting our vital computer systems from hackers and criminals; and developing a system to defend against new missile threats—while working to preserve our ABM missile treaty with Russia. We must do all these things.

I predict to you, when most of us are long gone, but some time in the next 10 to 20 years, the major security threat this country will face will come from the enemies of the nation state: the narco-traffickers and the terrorists and the organized criminals, who will be organized together, working together, with increasing access to ever-more sophisticated chemical and biological weapons.

And I want to thank the Pentagon and others for doing what they're doing right now to try to help protect us and plan for that, so that our defenses will be strong. I ask for your support to ensure they can succeed.

I also want to ask you for a constructive bipartisan dialogue this year to work to build a consensus which I hope will eventually lead to the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.

I hope we can also have a constructive effort to meet the challenge that is presented to our planet by the huge gulf between rich and poor. We cannot accept a world in which part of humanity lives on the cutting edge of a new economy, and the rest live on the bare edge of survival. I think we have to do our part to change that—with expanded trade, expanded aid, and the expansion of freedom.

This is interesting—from Nigeria to Indonesia, more people got the right to choose their leaders in 1999 than in 1989, when the Berlin Wall fell. We've got to stand by these democracies—including, and especially tonight, Colombia, which is fighting narco-traffickers, for its own people's lives and our children's lives. I have proposed a strong two-year package to help Colombia win this fight. I want to thank the leaders in both parties in both Houses for listening to me and the President of Colombia about it. We have got to pass this. I want to ask your help. A lot is riding on it. And it's so important for the long-term stability of our country, and for what happens in Latin America.

I also want you to know I'm going to send you new legislation to go after what these drug barons value the most—their money. And I hope you'll pass that as well.

In a world where over a billion people live on less than a dollar a day, we also have got to do our part in the global endeavor to reduce the debts of the poorest countries, so they can invest in education, health care and economic growth. That's what the Pope and other religious leaders have urged us to do. And last year, Congress made a down payment on America's share. I ask you to continue that. I thank you for what you did, and ask you to stay the course.

I also want to say that America must help more nations to break the bonds of disease. Last year in Africa, 10 times as many people died from AIDS as were killed in wars—10 times. The budget I give you invests $150 million more in the fight against this and other infectious killers. And today, I propose a tax credit to speed the development of vaccines for diseases like malaria, TB and AIDS. I ask the private sector and our partners around the world to join us in embracing this cause. We can save millions of lives together, and we ought to do it.

I also want to mention our final challenge, which, as always, is the most important. I ask you to pass a national security budget that keeps our military the best-trained and best-equipped in the world, with heightened readiness and 21st century weapons; which raises salaries for our servicemen and women; which protects our veterans; which fully funds the diplomacy that keeps our soldiers out of war; which makes good on our commitment to pay our U.N. dues and arrears. I ask you to pass this budget.

I also want to say something, if I might, very personal tonight. The American people watching us at home, with the help of all the commentators, can tell from who stands and who sits, and who claps and who doesn't, that there's still modest differences of opinion in this room. But I want to thank you for something, every one of you. I want to thank you for the extraordinary support you have given—Republicans and Democrats alike—to our men and women in uniform. I thank you for that.

I also want to thank, especially, two people. First, I want to thank our Secretary of Defense, Bill Cohen, for symbolizing our bipartisan commitment to national security. Thank you, sir. Even more, I want to thank his wife, Janet, who, more than any other American citizen, has tirelessly traveled this world to show the support we all feel for our troops. Thank you, Janet Cohen. I appreciate that. Thank you.

These are the challenges we have to meet so that we can lead the world toward peace and freedom in an era of globalization.

I want to tell you that I am very grateful for many things as President. But one of the things I'm grateful for is the opportunity that the Vice President and I have had to finally put to rest the bogus idea that you cannot grow the economy and protect the environment at the same time.

As our economy has grown, we've rid more than 500 neighborhoods of toxic waste, ensured cleaner air and water for millions of people. In the past three months alone, we've helped preserve 40 million acres of roadless lands in the national forests, created three new national monuments.

But as our communities grow, our commitment to conservation must continue to grow. Tonight, I propose creating a permanent conservation fund, to restore wildlife, protect coastlines, save natural treasures, from the California redwoods to the Florida Everglades.

This Lands Legacy endowment would represent by far the most enduring investment in land preservation ever proposed in this House. I hope we can get together with all the people with different ideas and do this. This is a gift we should give to our children and our grandchildren for all time, across party lines. We can make an agreement to do this.

Last year, the Vice President launched a new effort to make communities more liberal—livable—liberal, I know. Wait a minute, I've got a punchline now. That's this year's agenda; last year was livable, right? That's what Senator Lott is going to say in the commentary afterwards. To make our communities more livable. This is big business. This is a big issue. What does that mean? You ask anybody that lives in an unlivable community, and they'll tell you. They want their kids to grow up next to parks, not parking lots; the parents don't have to spend all their time stalled in traffic when they could be home with their children.

Tonight, I ask you to support new funding for the following things, to make American communities for liberal—livable. I've done pretty well with this speech, but I can't say that.

One, I want you to help us to do three things. We need more funding for advanced transit systems. We need more funding for saving open spaces in places of heavy development. And we need more funding—this ought to have bipartisan appeal—we need more funding for helping major cities around the Great Lakes protect their waterways and enhance their quality of life. We need these things and I want you to help us.

The greatest environmental challenge of the new century is global warming. The scientists tell us the 1990s were the hottest decade of the entire millennium. If we fail to reduce the emission of greenhouse gases, deadly heat waves and droughts will become more frequent, coastal areas will flood, and economies will be disrupted. That is going to happen, unless we act.

Many people in the United States—some people in this chamber—and lots of folks around the world still believe you cannot cut greenhouse gas emissions without slowing economic growth. In the Industrial Age that may well have been true. But in this digital economy, it is not true anymore. New technologies make it possible to cut harmful emissions and provide even more growth.

For example, just last week, automakers unveiled cars that get 70 to 80 miles a gallon—the fruits of a unique research partnership between government and industry. And before you know it, efficient production of bio-fuels will give us the equivalent of hundreds of miles from a gallon of gasoline.

To speed innovation in these kind of technologies, I think we should give a major tax incentive to business for the production of clean energy, and to families for buying energy-saving homes and appliances and the next generation of super-efficient cars when they hit the showroom floor. I also ask the auto industry to use the available technologies to make all new cars more fuel-efficient right away.

And I ask this Congress to do something else. Please help us make more of our clean energy technology available to the developing world. That will create cleaner growth abroad and a lot more new jobs here in the United States of America.

In the new century, innovations in science and technology will be the key not only to the health of the environment, but to miraculous improvements in the quality of our lives and advances in the economy. Later this year, researchers will complete the first draft of the entire human genome, the very blueprint of life. It is important for all our fellow Americans to recognize that federal tax dollars have funded much of this research, and that this and other wise investments in science are leading to a revolution in our ability to detect, treat, and prevent disease.

For example, researchers have identified genes that cause Parkinson's, diabetes, and certain kinds of cancer—they are designed precision therapies that will block the harmful effect of these genes for good. Researchers already are using this new technique to target and destroy cells that cause breast cancer. Soon, we may be able to use it to prevent the onset of Alzheimer's. Scientists are also working on an artificial retina to help many blind people to see—and listen to this—microchips that would actually directly stimulate damaged spinal cords in a way that could allow people now paralyzed to stand up and walk.

These kinds of innovations are also propelling our remarkable prosperity. Information technology only includes 8 percent of our employment, but now it counts for a third of our economic growth—along with jobs that pay, by the way, about 80 percent above the private sector average. Again, we ought to keep in mind, government-funded research brought supercomputers, the Internet, and communications satellites into being. Soon researchers will bring us devices that can translate foreign languages as fast as you can talk; materials 10 times stronger than steel at a fraction of the weight; and—this is unbelievable to me—molecular computers the size of a tear drop with the power of today's fastest supercomputers.

To accelerate the march of discovery across all these disciplines in science and technology, I ask you to support my recommendation of an unprecedented $3 billion in the 21st Century Research Fund, the largest increase in civilian research in a generation. We owe it to our future.

Now, these new breakthroughs have to be used in ways that reflect our values. First and foremost, we have to safeguard our citizens' privacy. Last year, we proposed to protect every citizen's medical record. This year, we will finalize those rules. We've also taken the first steps to protect the privacy of bank and credit card records and other financial statements. Soon I will send legislation to you to finish that job. We must also act to prevent any genetic discrimination whatever by employers or insurers. I hope you will support that.

These steps will allow us to lead toward the far frontiers of science and technology. They will enhance our health, the environment, the economy in ways we can't even imagine today. But we all know that at a time when science, technology and the forces of globalization are bringing so many changes into all our lives, it's more important than ever that we strengthen the bonds that root us in our local communities and in our national community.

No tie binds different people together like citizen service. There's a new spirit of service in America—a movement we've tried to support with AmeriCorps, expanded Peace Corps, unprecedented new partnerships with businesses, foundations, community groups. Partnerships, for example, like the one that enlisted 12,000 companies which have now moved 650,000 of our fellow citizens from welfare to work. Partnerships to battle drug abuse, AIDS, teach young people to read, save America's treasures, strengthen the arts, fight teen pregnancy, prevent violence among young people, promote racial healing. The American people are working together.

But we should do more to help Americans help each other. First, we should help faith-based organizations to do more to fight poverty and drug abuse, and help people get back on the right track, with initiatives like Second Chance Homes that do so much to help unwed teen mothers. Second, we should support Americans who tithe and contribute to charities, but don't earn enough to claim a tax deduction for it. Tonight, I propose new tax incentives that would allow low-and middle-income citizens who don't itemize to get that deduction. It's nothing but fair, and it will get more people to give.

We should do more to help new immigrants to fully participate in our community. That's why I recommend spending more to teach them civics and English. And since everybody in our community counts, we've got to make sure everyone is counted in this year's census.

Within 10 years—just 10 years—there will be no majority race in our largest state of California. In a little more than 50 years, there will be no majority race in America. In a more interconnected world, this diversity can be our greatest strength. Just look around this chamber. Look around. We have members in this Congress from virtually every racial, ethnic, and religious background. And I think you would agree that America is stronger because of it.

You also have to agree that all those differences you just clapped for all too often spark hatred and division even here at home. Just in the last couple of years, we've seen a man dragged to death in Texas just because he was black. We saw a young man murdered in Wyoming just because he was gay. Last year, we saw the shootings of African Americans, Asian Americans, and Jewish children just because of who they were. This is not the American way, and we must draw the line.

I ask you to draw that line by passing without delay the Hate Crimes Prevention Act and the Employment Non-Discrimination Act. And I ask you to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act.

Finally tonight, I propose the largest-ever investment in our civil rights laws for enforcement, because no American should be subjected to discrimination in finding a home, getting a job, going to school, or securing a loan. Protections in law should be protections in fact.

Last February, because I thought this was so important, I created the White House Office of One America to promote racial reconciliation. That's what one of my personal heroes, Hank Aaron, has done all his life. From his days as our all-time home run king to his recent acts of healing, he has always brought people together. We should follow his example, and we're honored to have him with us tonight. Stand up, Hank Aaron.

I just want to say one more thing about this, and I want every one of you to think about this the next time you get mad at one of your colleagues on the other side of the aisle. This fall, at the White House, Hillary had one of her millennium dinners, and we had this very distinguished scientist there, who is an expert in this whole work in the human genome. And he said that we are all, regardless of race, genetically 99.9 percent the same.

Now, you may find that uncomfortable when you look around here. But it is worth remembering. We can laugh about this, but you think about it. Modern science has confirmed what ancient faiths has always taught: the most important fact of life is our common humanity. Therefore, we should do more than just tolerate our diversity—we should honor it and celebrate it.

My fellow Americans, every time I prepare for the State of the Union, I approach it with hope and expectation and excitement for our nation. But tonight is very special, because we stand on the mountain top of a new millennium. Behind us we can look back and see the great expanse of American achievement; and before us we can see even greater, grander frontiers of possibility. We should, all of us, be filled with gratitude and humility for our present progress and prosperity. We should be filled with awe and joy at what lies over the horizon. And we should be filled with absolute determination to make the most of it.

You know, when the framers finished crafting our Constitution in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin stood in Independence Hall and he reflected on the carving of the sun that was on the back of a chair he saw. The sun was low on the horizon. So he said this—he said, "I've often wondered whether that sun was rising or setting. Today," Franklin said, "I have the happiness to know it's a rising sun." Today, because each succeeding generation of Americans has kept the fire of freedom burning brightly, lighting those frontiers of possibility, we all still bask in the glow and the warmth of Mr. Franklin's rising sun.

After 224 years, the American revolution continues. We remain a new nation. And as long as our dreams outweigh our memories, America will be forever young. That is our destiny. And this is our moment.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.

2000年1月27日，星期四

议长先生、副总统先生、国会议员、各位贵宾、美国同胞们：

我们幸运地生活在这样一个历史时刻。我们国家从未享有如此之大的繁荣和社会进步，同时面临如此之少的国内危机和国外威胁。我们从未有过这么幸运的机会，因此也从未有过这样重大的责任去建设我们的开国元勋们所梦想的更加完美的合众国。

我们正以骄人的成绩迎接新世纪，我们创造了2000万个以上的新就业机会，三十多年来最快的经济增长速度，30年来最低的失业率，20年来最低的贫困率，有史以来非洲裔美国人和西班牙裔美国人最低的失业率，42年来第一次连续性预算盈余。到下个月，美国将创下有史以来经济增长持续时间最久的记录。

我们建设了一个新经济。

与我们的经济革命一致的是美国精神也在恢复。犯罪率下降了20%，降至25年来的最低水平；青少年的生育率连续七年呈下降趋势；收养率上升了30%；接受福利救济的人数减少了一半，是30年来的最低水平。

美国同胞们，纵观历史我们的合众国从未如此强大。

像以往一样，真正的功劳属于美国人民。我还要感谢与我们共同努力，把进步置于党派斗争之上的在座的国会议员们。八年前，大多数美国人还不这么确信，在2000年会有很多值得庆祝的成就。当时，我们的国家处于经济困境、社会衰退和政治停滞之中。有一本畅销书的书名是《美国：出了什么问题？》

凭借我们国家最优良的传统，美国人决心拨乱反正。我们重新采取中间路线，用一种植根于基本而持久的价值观的新思想取代过时的意识形态。这种价值观就是人人拥有机会，人人承担责任，所有美国人组成一个大家庭。我们彻底改造了政府，使它成为新思想的催化剂，重视机会与责任，使人民拥有解决自己的问题所需要的新思想的工具。

我们凭借40年来最少的联邦工作人员队伍，把空前的赤字变成了创纪录的盈余，并把教育方面的投资增加了一倍。借助10万名社区警察和禁止50万罪犯拥有枪支的布雷迪法，我们减少了犯罪。

我们知道我们结束了福利救济——在保证儿童的医疗和营养的同时要求父母参加工作，并增加儿童照管、交通和住房方面的经费以帮助他们的父母参加工作。通过家人生病休假法，父母们在我们的帮助下既能家庭美满又能事业成功。迄今为止，已有2000万美国人利用这种休假来照料新生儿或者生病的亲人。我们吸收15万美国年轻人加入美国国民服务队为居民服务，同时帮助他们挣钱上大学。

1992年，我们只有一幅路线图；今天，我们已经取得了成果。

然而更重要的是，美国又有了拥有美好梦想的信心。但我们千万不能让这种信心变成自满情绪，因为我们传给子孙后代的梦想和行为将成为评价我们的标准。在这一点上，评价我们的标准将很高，的确很高，因为我们取得成功的机会是如此之大。

美国同胞们，我们已经跨越我们建造的通向21世纪的桥梁。现在，我们必须塑造21世纪的美国革命——关于机会、责任和大家庭的革命。我们必须成为一个崭新的国家，就像开国之初一样。

20世纪初，西奥多·罗斯福曾说：“最重要的特点是远见卓识……美国应该成为日益强大的国家，拥有目光长远的未来。”那么今晚，让我们放眼未来，为我们国家确定宏伟的目标。

对于21世纪的美国，让我们做出如下承诺：每一个孩子在入学时有望学到知识，在毕业时有望取得成就。每一个家庭都能家庭事业双丰收，没有一个儿童会在贫困中长大成人。我们将迎接美国老龄化的挑战。我们将最终保证向所有美国人提供优质的、负担得起的医疗。

我们将使美国成为地球上最安全的大国。我们将自1835年以来第一次清偿国债。我们将给美国每个社区带来繁荣。我们将扭转气候变化的趋势，留给后人一个更加安全、更加洁净的星球。美国将领导世界走向共同和平与繁荣，走向科学技术的前沿。我们将最终实现我们的开国元勋们很久以前的承诺——上帝庇护之下的一个不可分割、人人享有自由与正义的国家。

这些都是宏伟的目标，值得一个伟大的国家去争取。我们今年不可能实现所有这些目标，甚至这个十年也不可能，但我们终将实现这些目标。我们要记住，美国独立战争不是一枪就打赢的，北美洲不是一年就完成开拓的。历史以及过去七年给我们的启示是，宏伟的目标是一步一步实现的，在进展的基础上不断积累，不断进步。

当然，如果我们举步不前，我们就不可能取得进步。在我国最紧迫的一些优先考虑的问题上，本届国会犹豫的时间太久了。因此，我们今晚就从它们谈起。

我再次请求你们通过真正的病人权益法。我请求你们通过注重实际的枪支安全法。我请求你们通过竞选筹款改革法。我请求你们通过或否决被提名的司法官员或其他重要官员。另外，我再次请求你们，我恳求你们提高最低工资。

两年前，让我试着平衡一下跷跷板——两年前，当我们为实现第一个平衡预算而跨越党派界限时，我曾提出通过保持财政纪律来履行我们对下一代的责任。因为我们不愿背离这条道路，我们正做着在七年前看来难以想象的事情。我们实际上正逐渐支付国债。

现在，如果我们继续沿着这条道路走下去，我们将在13之年内完全清偿债务，使美国自1835年安德鲁·杰克逊担任总统以来第一次摆脱债务的困扰。

1993年，我们开始凭借赤字减少法整顿财政状况。你们大家都会记得，该法案是以一票之差在两院得到通过的。你们的前同事，我的第一任财政部长，领导了那次行动并促成了我们长期的经济繁荣。他今晚来到了我们中间，劳埃德·本特森你为美国做出了重要贡献，我们感谢你。

除了清偿债务，我们必须确保削减债务的好处用于履行我们向每位美国人做出的最重要的承诺——社会保险与老年保健医疗制度。今晚，我请你们与我合作，两党采取一致行动把第一笔款项用于社会保险改革，把通过削减债务节省下来的钱用于社会保险信托基金，使该基金在今后50年强劲健康地发展。

但这只是我们行程的开始，我们还必须采取正确的措施来实现我们的伟大目标。首先和最重要的是，我们需要在21世纪对教育进行改革，以每个儿童都能识文断字为指导思想。因为教育比以往任何时候都重要，是我国儿童通向未来的钥匙，我们必须确保所有儿童都拥有这把钥匙。这意味着优质的学前教育和课外教育，教室里受过最好培训的教师，以及所有儿童上大学的机会。

七年来，我们一直致力于利用机会和责任来改善我们的学校，投资更多但要求得到的回报也更多。学生的阅读和数学能力以及大学入学成绩都提高了，某些最引人注目的收益是在非常贫困街区的学校里获得的。

但所有成功的学校都遵循着同一经过实践证明的准则：提高标准、实施更明确的责任以及提供额外帮助，这样需要这种帮助的儿童就能得到帮助来达到那些标准。我向国会递交了一项以这个准则为基础的改革计划。这项计划使各州和各校区为取得进展而做出努力，并且由于这种进展而得到回报。每年我国政府在学校投资150多亿美元。是到了支持行得通的制度和停止支持行不通的制度的时候了。

现在，由于我们对学校提出了更多的要求，我们也应该增加对学校的投资。让我们把投资增加一倍，以便帮助各州和各校区改革最差劲的学校或者干脆关闭它们。让我们把对课外计划和夏季学校计划的投资增加一倍，以便提高成绩，使人们不再在街头闲逛，并使他们摆脱麻烦。如果我们做到这一点，我们就能够使美国每所失败学校的每位儿童——每一个人有机会达到高标准。

自从1993年以来，我们几乎把我们对“起步领先计划”的投资增加了一倍，并且提高了它的质量。今晚，我要求你们对该计划再投资10亿美元，这是该计划历史上资金增加幅度最大的一次。

我们知道那些规模较小、教师优异的班级里的学生的成绩最好。连续两年来，国会一直支持我的计划，雇用10万名新的合格教师来缩小每个年级的班级规模。为此我感谢你们，请你们连续第三年支持我的这项计划。为了确保所有教师了解他们教授的课程，今晚我建议制订一项新的教学质量计划，以便让更多有天分的教师进入教室授业解惑，奖励那些留在教室安心工作的优异教师，并且使所有教师得到他们所需要的培训。

我们知道特许学校提供真正的公立学校的选择。在我就任总统之初，全美国只有一所独立的公立特许学校。今天，感谢你们，全国现在共有1700所特许学校。我现在请你们帮助我们实现我们这样的一个目标，即到明年时特许学校达到3000所。

我们知道我们必须把我们所有的教室与因特网连接起来，我们快要达到这个目标了。1994年，只有3%的教室连上了因特网。如今，在副总统的“提高上网率计划”的帮助下，一半以上的教室连上了因特网。在我们所有的学校中，有90%至少有一台计算机连接了因特网。

但当我们的学校中有三分之一处于严重的年久失修时，我们就无法完成这项任务。许多学校的墙壁和线路如此老化，以至于无法连接因特网。因此今晚，我建议每年帮助5000所学校立即进行修葺；再帮助6000所学校实现现代化，使学生们走出活动式教室，进入高科技教室中。

我要求你们所有的人帮助我把两党共同制订的“提高计划”扩大一倍。该计划旨在为贫困的年轻人提供导师。如果我们把该计划扩大一倍，我们就能向140万贫困的年轻人提供导师。让我们还向来自贫困家庭的儿童提供同样的机会，像较富裕的学生那样为提高分数而上大学考试预备课程。

为了让所有人实现美国梦，我们必须让所有人都上得起大学。七年来，在两党支持的基础上，我们为实现这个目标而采取了行动：提高佩尔助学金，增加学生贷款，制订教育个人退休账户计划以及设立“希望”奖学金。这些举措已经使500万年轻人受益。

如今，高中毕业生中有67%正准备上大学。自从1993年以来这个数字增加了10%。不过，数以百万计的家庭仍然负担不起大学费用，他们需要帮助。因此，我建议采取具有里程碑意义的举措，为大学减税300亿美元——中产阶级在大学费用方面的税额扣减高达1万美元。本届国会以前采取的行动已经使所有人上得起两年制大学，是让所有人都上得起四年制大学的时候了。如果我们采取所有这些措施，我们将朝向确保每位儿童在上学之初有望学到知识，在毕业之后有望取得成就方面迈出很大的一步。

我们需要一场21世纪的革命，使每位父母拥有能在工作方面以及最重要的工作——抚育子女方面取得成就的工具，从而鼓励工作和加强家庭观念。这意味着确保每个家庭拥有保健，并且得到支持来照顾上了年纪的父母，拥有能把子女抚育成人的工具，并且确保没有儿童在贫困中长大。

从我就任总统之初，我们就致力于使家庭能更好地得到医疗保健。1997年，我们通过了儿童健康保险计划，这样那些不能通过其雇主拥有保险的工人们至少能够为他们的子女得到保险。迄今为止，我们登记了200万儿童，我们正向500万儿童这一目标顺利迈进。

但仍有4000多万美国同胞没有医疗保险，人数超过1993年。今晚我倡议我们听从副总统戈尔的建议，使低收入父母有资格获得能够把他们的子女包括在内的保险。与我们的儿童计划一道——想想这一点——与我们的儿童计划一道，这个行动将使我们能够把美国所有没有上保险的人中近四分之一包括进来。

再次，我希望你们让年龄在55岁至65岁之间的人——数量增长最快的未上保险群体，加入老年保健医疗制度。今年我建议使他们享有课税扣除，以便使他们有钱加入这个制度。我希望你们也支持这项议案。

当生育高峰期出生的人退休时，老年保健医疗制度要照顾的公民比我们现在的公民多一倍。不过，这个制度远远没有准备好这么做。我们这一代人不该让我们的子女来挑起我们的负担。我们必须现在就采取行动来加强老年保健医疗制度并使其现代化。

我的预算包括一项改革老年保健医疗制度，使其更加有效和更具竞争力的综合计划。这项计划把近4000亿美元的预算结余用于使老年保健医疗制度安然度过2025年。最后，这项计划还提供资金，以便使每位年长者为凭处方供应的药品自愿选择负担得起的保险。

救生药物是现代药品中必不可少的一部分。今天没有一个人会在制订老年保健医疗制度时把凭处方供应的药品排除在外。不过，现在我国五位年长者之中，就有三位以上缺少能够延长和丰富其生命的独立药物保险。数以百万计年纪较大的美国人需要凭处方供应的药品。对他们来说，这是价格最高的费用。凭良心说，我们不能让又一年在没有让所有年长者都获得负担得起的凭处方供应的药品的情况下过去。

赡养家中上了年纪或者疾病缠身的亲人的美国人的数量达到创纪录的水平。这是一个充满爱心，但却是十分困难并且常常是昂贵的选择。去年，我提出旨在让长期保健享受1000美元的课税扣除的议案。坦白地说，这并不够。今年，让我们把课税扣除增加两倍，达到3000美元。今年，让我们通过这项议案。

我们还必须进行必要的投资来使更多的人得到精神医疗保健。我想花一点时间来感谢那位，去年领导第一届白宫精神保健会议召开，并且七年来领导大家打破精神疾病患者接受良好治疗障碍的人。谢谢你，蒂珀·戈尔。

这些议案加在一起将标志着自从老年保健医疗制度35年前创立以来对医疗保健最大的投资——35年来最大的投资。这将是朝向确保所有美国人——年轻人和年长者得到优质医疗保健方向迈出的一大步。我请你们接受它们并且通过它们。

我们还必须进行投资，以鼓励工作和支持家庭。在这个方面做得最好的莫过于赚得收益税额减免（EITC）计划。“Ｅ”代表收入、工作、责任以及为此得到的回报。在我第一次向你们发表演说时，我要求国会大大扩大税额减免幅度，你们照办了。结果，单是在1998年，赚得收益税额减免计划就帮助430多万美国人设法摆脱贫困，向中产阶级发展。这个数字比1993年增加了一倍。

今晚，我建议扩大赚得收益税额减免计划的另一个方面：减少结婚罚款，以确保此举能够鼓励结婚，就像鼓励工作一样，并且还扩大那些拥有两个以上子女家庭的税额减免。而目前的制度是惩罚那些拥有两个以上子女的人。我们的议案将让那些拥有三个或者更多子女的家庭享受的税款减免高达1100美元。这些是工作家庭，他们的子女不应该生活在贫困之中。

如果男女不能同工同酬，我们也不能做到鼓励工作和支持家庭。今天，女性失业率达到46年来的最低水平。不过，男人每挣1美元，妇女只能挣75美分。我们必须做得更好，提供人力、物力和财力来执行目前的平等薪金法；培训更多的妇女，让她们获得高收入、高科技的就业机会；以及通过薪金公平法案。

许多工作父母把他们的收入中的四分之一用于儿童保健。去年，我们帮助父母向大约200万儿童提供了儿童保健。我的儿童保健计划现在提交到你们面前，与福利改革已经得到的资金一道，将使儿童保健更好、更安全以及使另外40万儿童更加容易享受保健。我请你们通过这项计划。他们需要你们通过该计划。

为了帮助那些处于困境的中产阶级家庭，我们还应该扩大托儿费减免税收的范围。我坚信我们应该采取下一个重要步骤，让低收入家庭从这一减免税收中获得一定数额的退款。对于年收入低于3万美元的人来说，这意味着最高可获得2400美元的托儿费。我们大家都说，我们都是支持工作，支持家庭的，通过这项提案将加以证明。

数千万美国人靠工资生活。尽管他们努力工作，但他们仍然没有获得积蓄的机会。利用个人退休账户计划和401-K计划的人太少。我们应该做出更大努力来帮助所有工作家庭来积蓄和积累财富。这就是提出个人发展账户计划背后的想法。我要求你们将这一想法提升到一个新的高度，建立新的退休储蓄账户，以使美国每一个低收入和较低收入的家庭能够为养老、住房紧急医疗和大学教育而积蓄。我提议他们的积蓄应该与其贡献相一致，不论这种贡献有多大，他们每年的贡献都能与积蓄相持平。我提议对小型企业实行大幅度减免税收，以使它们能够为其工人提供有价值的养老金。这些人也跟我们大家一样都要退休。

近十分之一的美国儿童是在没有父亲的情况下长大成人的。这些儿童生活在贫穷状态下的可能性是生活在双亲家庭中儿童的五倍。显而易见的是，一个对孩子提出要求并予以抚养的、负责任的父亲对于让所有儿童摆脱贫困是至关重要的。自1992年以来，我们已经将孩子的抚养费提高了一倍。我提议你们应该采取新的严厉措施，以使更多的父亲负起责任来。

但是，我们应该认识到许多父亲希望为他们的孩子做一些事情，但他们这样做却需要帮助。明尼苏达州圣保罗的卡洛斯·罗萨斯希望为他的儿子做点事，他这样做因此得到了帮助。他现在获得了一份好工作并抚养着他年幼的儿子。我的预算将再帮助4万名父亲做出像罗萨斯那样的选择。我对他今晚前来这里表示感谢。请起立，卡洛斯，谢谢！

如果说有一个我们能够超越党派界限而取得一致的问题，那就是我们共同致力于让工作得到回报并加强我们的家庭关系。这有点类似于我们去年所做的事情。我们曾一起努力来帮助外出工作的残疾人继续实行医疗保险。我为此对你们表示感谢。多亏本届国会两党给予压倒一切的支持，我们才得以改善孤儿院的状况。我们帮助了这些年轻人，当他们到十八岁时就会离开孤儿院。我们已经大大增加了孤儿院抚养的孤儿进入收养家庭的人数。我因此向你们致谢。

当然，我对那个从一开始就率先努力，那个为儿童和家庭至今已不懈努力了30年的人永远表示谢意。她就是我的夫人，希拉里。谢谢她！

如果我们采取我刚刚提到的这些措施，我们就能够在很大程度上使父母在家庭和工作上都取得成功，我们就能够大大确保没有一个孩子是在贫困中长大的。我们能够在医疗保健、教育、补贴工作家庭等方面进行这些重要的投资。我们仍然能够通过减免税收来帮助人们支付大学学费、退休金、赡养年迈的父母、减少婚姻压力。我们能够在不放弃财经原则的情况下这样做。这种原则使得我们今晚能够在这里讨论这一问题。

诚然，我们必须在保持预算平衡的情况下进行这些投资并减免税收。预算平衡能够加强并延长社会保障计划和医疗照顾计划的寿命，还能偿还国债。

美国的犯罪率在过去七年中一直在下降，这是记录在案的持续时间最长的一次下降。这主要是因为国民在设立社区警察、敏感的枪支安全法律和有效预防犯罪等方面取得的共识。这种共识是我们帮助建立的。但是没有人，不仅此间而且在美国也没有人相信我们已经足够安全了。因此，我再次要求你们确定一个更高的目标，让我们把这个国家建设成为世界上最安全的大国。

去年秋天，国会支持我除招聘10万名我们已经资助的社区警察之外再招聘5万名警察，主要集中在高犯罪率的居民区保护治安。我要求你们继续对此给予支持。

哥伦拜恩惨剧发生后不久，国会就开始考虑制订清楚明了的枪支管理法律，要求对枪支买卖进行布雷迪提案中提出的背景检查，新式手枪上要安装儿童防护锁，禁止进口大容量的子弹夹。参议院凭借勇气，以及副总统决定胜负的一票，抵制住了反对管理枪支的游说，捍卫了美国人民的利益，通过了这一法律。但是，众议院却未能仿效。

现在我们大家都已经看到枪支落入坏人手中将会出现什么情况。丹尼尔·莫瑟尔在哥伦拜恩被枪击倒时才15岁。他是一个讨人喜欢的孩子，一个成绩一直非常优异的学生，而且酷爱滑雪。如同所有失去孩子的家长一样，他的父亲汤姆经受的痛苦难以言表。然而，他化悲痛为行动，找到了悼念他儿子的力量。本月早些时候，他请了假为通过更加严厉的枪支安全法律而不懈努力。我衷心祝愿他的勇气和智慧最终能够促使国会把这一简单明了的枪支管理法律作为它下一个考虑的议程。汤姆·莫瑟尔，请起立。我们对你今晚能够来到这里表示感谢。汤姆，谢谢你，汤姆。

我们必须加强我们的枪支管理法律并更好地实施已经登记在册的法律。自我执政以来，联邦枪支犯罪起诉案增加了16%。但是，我们必须采取更多的措施。我提议雇用更多的联邦和地方起诉强制案件的检察官和更多的AFT特工，以打击非法贩卖枪支者和屡教不改的贩子。我们必须给予他们所需要的执法手段，去搜寻在美国每一起涉枪案件中使用的每一支枪和每一发子弹的手段。我要求你们帮助我们完成这一任务。

这个国家的每一个州早就需要狩猎者和汽车司机拥有执照，我认为他们也必须要求购买手枪者持有执照。具体地说，我提议实施一项计划，以确保所有新购买枪支的人都必须首先从他们的州申请获得贴有照片的执照，然后才能得到枪支。该执照须表明，持有人已经通过了布雷迪提案中提出的背景检查和枪支安全课程。我希望你们帮助我在国会通过这项议案。

请注意以下这一点，请注意这一点：意外枪杀率——美国15岁以下儿童意外遭到枪杀案的比率比其他25个工业化国家案例总和高出15倍。当今存在的技术可以导致制造只有持有这些枪支的成人才能发射的枪。我要求国会拨款研制这种精巧枪支的技术，以便拯救我们孩子的生命。我还要求枪支行业负责任的领导人与我们一起努力生产出精巧枪支，并采取其他措施不让枪支落入坏人之手，保证我们孩子的安全。

我所认识的每一个父母都担心媒体上出现的暴力行动可能对他们孩子产生的影响。我想先感谢娱乐行业，是他们接受了我的挑战，对电视节目、录像片和因特网游戏实行自愿定级。但是坦率地说，这种定级数量太多，形式多样，容易混淆，不能对家长起到真正有益的作用。因此，今晚我要求娱乐行业接受第一夫人的挑战，制订出家长更容易理解和实施的、单一儿童娱乐节目的自愿定级制。我阐述的这些措施将使我们大踏步地走上使美国成为世界上最安全的大国的大道。

为了能使我们具有历史意义的经济发展持续下去——这是我们的社会和其他社会大量讨论的话题，我认为我们需要通过21世纪的一场革命来开放新的市场，创建新的企业，就在美国，在城市中心的贫民区、贫穷的农村地区和印地安人保护区雇用新的工人。

我们国家的繁荣还没有覆盖这些地区。在过去六个月中，我在你们中的许多人和众多具有远见的企业界人士的陪同下去了其中的许多地方，以便让人们的注意力集中在从阿巴拉契亚到密西西比三角洲，从瓦茨到派恩岭保护区等地区巨大的潜力上。我所到之处都能见着渴望获得机会、具有工作能力和才华的人们。今晚我要求你们，让我们给他们以工作机会。对企业界而言，这样做是有益的；对美国而言，这样做是正确的。让我向你们提一个问题：如果我们现在不这样做，在这茫茫世间我们何时能有时间来这样做？

所以，我要求国会给予企业界他们现在在海外市场上投资的那种优惠措施，以便他们在美国的新市场上投资。今晚，我提议对新市场投资实行大幅度税收减免和其他优惠措施，促使私营部门提供220亿美元的资本，以在城市中心的贫民区和农村地区创建新的企业，进行新的投资。

鉴于技能培训区五年来一直在创造这些机会，我还要求你们增加对它们投资的优惠措施，以便创造更多的机会。

让我再一次跟你们说我一直想说的话：这不是一个民主党或共和党的问题，给予人民以实现梦想的机会是一个全美国的问题。

议长先生，去年11月份的时光是美好的，你与杰西·杰克逊牧师和我一起来到了你的家乡伊利诺伊州。你承诺要把国会两党最好的想法揉合在一起，争取实现我们共同的目标。我谨再次对你表示感谢并告诉你，议长先生，我期待着与你合作。这是一项值得一做的共同努力。谢谢你！

我还要求你们做出异乎寻常的努力来解决我们国家最贫困地区——印地安人保护区和密西西比三角洲面临的一些问题。我的预算中包括一项总额为11亿美元的优惠政策，用以促进密西西比三角洲的经济发展，还包括用于我们印地安人保护区增加经济机会、改善医疗保健、教育和执法的10亿美元。在这个新世纪中，我们应该以履行我们赋予最早的美国人以技能这一历史职责来开始这个新的世纪。今晚我想感谢向我表示有兴趣在这方面与我们合作的两党领导人和成员。这是非常重要的。

今晚，我们美国社会的另一个部分，我们的家庭农场也面临着困难。当我1996年签署农场法案时，我曾经说过存在这样一种巨大的风险，即在风调雨顺时该法案能够很好地发挥作用，但在天灾人祸时就难以发挥作用了。干旱、水灾、创历史最低纪录的物价使农场主的日子过得非常艰难。我们必须共同努力来加强农场安全网，增加对土地保护的投资，并通过扩大我们保护生态的燃料和产品计划来为他们开拓一些新市场。他们需要帮助，让我们一起为此而努力吧。

今天，“人人都有机会”还需要做另一件事，即接触电脑并学会如何操作。这意味着我们必须缩小那些已经掌握这种手段的人与那些没有掌握的人在电脑知识方面之间的差距。

把教室和图书馆与因特网联接起来是至关重要的。可是，我们才刚刚起步。我的预算将确保所有新教师都将接受教授21世纪新技术的培训，并且将在1000个社区内建立专为成人服务的技术中心。今年春天，我将邀请高技术带头人与我一起再一次进行开拓新市场的视察，以缩小人们在电脑知识方面的差距并为我们的人民创造更多机会。

我想感谢那些已经在这一领域做出许多贡献的高技术公司。我希望我已经提议实施的新税收优惠措施将会使它们中间的其他公司也与我们携起手来。这是一项全国性的运动。我们必须这样做，而且需要尽快做。

我想再次对你们说，这些仅仅是措施，但通过一个一个措施，我们在实现给每一个社区提供机会的目标方面就能取得长足的进展。

为了充分发挥本国经济的全部潜能，我们必须跨出我们自己的国界，去触发一场拆除国与国和人与人之间、各国经济和文化之间的壁垒并建立新的联网系统的革命，这就是全球化。这是我们时代的核心现实。

当然，彻底改变这种局面对人民来说既有利又有弊。不过，已经没有回头路可走了。我们开放的、具有创造性的社会肯定会比其他任何社会都更加受益，如果我们能够认识到互相依赖这一现实并据此采取行动的话。我们作为一个友好的邻居和良好的合作伙伴，必须位居全球每一个重要网络的中心。我们必须认识到，我们不可能在不帮助他国创造未来的情况下创造我们自己的未来。

我们必须做的第一件事是在贸易方面达成共识。现在对我们中那些坚信开放贸易力量的人来说，我们必须确保它既提高我们的生活水平，也提高我们的价值标准，绝不允许滥用童工或者为了发展而全然不顾环境和劳动保护。但是其他人必须认识到，开放市场和以规则为基础的贸易是我们知道的提高生活水平、减少全球贫困和环境危害、保证思想自由流通的最好引擎。

今天晚上我像第一天来这里时一样坚信，在贸易方面美国唯一的前进方向——在贸易方面美国唯一的方向是继续前进。我请你们帮助我取得这样的共识。

我们必须把发展中的经济体作为我们繁荣的伙伴。正是因为这个原因，我想再次请你们最终确定我们开拓性的非洲和加勒比盆地贸易计划。

但是，全球化不仅是经济。我们的目标是使全世界团结在自由、民主与和平的周围，反对分裂世界的人。下面是我认为美国在塑造21世纪的世界时必须应对的根本性挑战。

第一，我们必须继续鼓励我们以前的对手俄罗斯和中国成为稳定、繁荣、民主的国家。它们今天在充分发挥潜力方面受阻：俄罗斯因为残存的共产主义、动荡的经济、车臣残酷的自卫战争而受阻；中国因为幻想能以牺牲自由为代价得到稳定而受阻。

但是，想一想过去十年发生了多大的变化：5000件前苏联核武器退出现役，俄罗斯军人实际上与我们一起在巴尔干服务，俄罗斯人民一千年以来第一次选举了他们的领导人；在中国，经济比以往任何时候都向世界开放。

当然没有任何人，今晚在这个大厅里没有一个人确切地知道这些大国将选择什么方向。但是我们肯定的知道，我们能选择我们做什么。我们应该尽一切努力增加他们做出明智选择，即成为我们全球大家庭建设性成员的可能。

正是因为这个原因，我们支持那些为民主、繁荣的未来而斗争的俄罗斯人，继续减少我们的核武器，帮助俄罗斯保障剩余的核武器和材料的安全。

也正是因为这个原因，我相信国会应该支持我们为使中国加入世界贸易组织而谈判的协议，今年尽快批准给中国的永久性正常贸易关系地位。

我认为出于两个原因，你们应该支持这个协议。首先，我们的市场已经向中国开放，这个协议将使中国的市场向我们开放。第二，它将明显推进亚洲的和平事业和促进中国的变革事业。不，我们不知道它走向何方。我们能做的只是决定我们做什么。但是归根结蒂，我们有必要知道，我们做了我们能做的一切来最大限度地增加中国选择正确未来的可能。

我们必须应对的第二个挑战是保护我们自己的安全，不受有可能引发更大范围的战争和威胁到全人类的冲突的危害。我们不能防止所有冲突或者制止所有暴行，但是在涉及到我们的利益而我们又能起到作用的地方，我们应该也必须作为维和者。

我们应该为我们在以下几个方面发挥的作用而感到自豪，即让中东更接近于实现持久和平，在北爱尔兰建立和平，为东帝汶和非洲的和平做出努力，促进希腊与土耳其以及塞浦路斯希族与土族之间的和解，努力消除印度与巴基斯坦之间的危机，维护人权和宗教自由。我们还应该为我们武装部队的男女官兵以及我们盟国的士兵制止了科索沃的种族清洗并使数百万人返回家园而感到自豪。

正值米洛舍维奇向科索沃发起恐怖行动之际，约翰·彻里上尉是力挽狂澜、勇敢的飞行员之一。当一架美国飞机在塞尔维亚上空被击落时，他冒着敌人密集的防空炮火把他的飞行员战友营救回国。由于我们武装部队的高超技术和勇敢精神，我们在科索沃取得了胜利，而且在战场上没有牺牲一兵一卒。我希望把彻里上尉介绍给你们。我们对彻里上尉表示敬意。我向你保证，上尉先生，我们将完成你开创的工作。请站起来，让我们一睹你的风采。

我们面临的第三个挑战是在继续这种不可抗拒的技术潮流的同时，不让恐怖分子和潜在的敌国获得破坏我们防御的手段。请牢记，将移动电话缩小到手掌般大小的同一种技术也可以使恐怖武器更容易藏匿，更易于使用。

我们必须采取以下手段来应对这种威胁，达成有效协议来限制朝鲜的核武器和导弹计划，制止致命的技术流向伊朗，防止伊拉克威胁邻国，提高我们防御生物和化学武器进攻的能力，保护我们重要的电脑系统免受黑客和罪犯的攻击，研制一种防御新导弹威胁的系统，同时又努力保留我们与俄罗斯达成的《反弹道导弹条约》。我们必须采取这些行动。

我可以向你们预言，当我们中的大多数人早已不在人世的时候，有的甚至在今后10至20年间将会去世，我们国家在安全方面面临的主要威胁将来自于国家的敌人：贩毒分子、恐怖主义分子和有组织的犯罪集团。他们将纠集在一起，同流合污，并将越来越多地获得更加先进的生物和化学武器。

我想对五角大楼等部门眼下正在做的事情表示感谢，他们努力保护我们，并为此制订计划以使我们的防御变得更加牢固。我请求你们为确保他们的成功而给予支持。

我还请求你们今年进行建设性的党派对话，争取取得一种我希望最终将导致批准《全面禁止核试验条约》的共识。

我希望我们还能做出建设性的努力，以应对由贫富之间的悬殊差距给我们的星球带来的挑战。我们不能容忍一个人类的一部分处在新经济的最前沿而其他的人则在为生存而挣扎的世界。我认为我们必须尽力来改变这种状况——通过扩大贸易、增加援助和扩大自由来加以实现。

值得注意的是，从尼日利亚到印度尼西亚，1999年有权选举自己领导人的民众多于柏林墙拆除时的1989年。我们必须支持这些民主国家，尤其是今天晚上，还包括哥伦比亚。它正在为保卫本国人民的生命和我们后代的生命与毒品走私者进行斗争。我已经提出一项帮助哥伦比亚赢得这场斗争的强有力的两年计划。我想感谢两院的两党领袖们在这项计划上听取我和哥伦比亚总统的意见。我想感谢各位的帮助。许多事情都取决于这项计划，它对我们国家的长期稳定，对拉丁美洲发生的事情非常重要。

我还希望你们知道，我将向你们提交一项新的法案，来查抄这些毒品大王们最珍视的东西——他们的金钱。我希望你们也会通过这项法案。

在一个有十多亿人每天的生活费不足一美元的世界上，我们还必须在全球努力减少最穷国家的债务中尽到我们的责任，使它们能够在教育、保健和经济发展方面进行投资。这是教皇和其他宗教领袖们敦促我们采取的行动。去年，国会为美国应尽的义务拨出了款项。我请求你们继续这样做，我感谢你们所做的一切，请你们再接再厉，贯彻始终。

我还想说，美国必须帮助更多的国家摆脱疾病的枷锁。去年，非洲死于艾滋病的人数是在战争中伤亡人数的10倍。我向你们提交的预算又拿出1.5亿美元用于与这种疾病和其他致命性传染病做斗争。今天，我建议以减税来加快疟疾、肺病和艾滋病等疾病疫苗的研制。我请求私营部门和世界各地的伙伴与我们一道支持这项事业。我们可共同挽救数百万人的生命。我们应该这样做。

我还想提一提我们的最后挑战，它总是最重要的挑战。我请求你们通过一项国家安全预算。这项预算可使我们的军队通过加强战备，拥有21世纪的武器，继续成为世界上训练最有素、装备最精良的部队。它提高了我们军人的薪金，为使我们的军人免于参加战争的外交活动提供充足的经费，它履行了我们支付我们的联合国会费和欠款的承诺。我请求你们通过这项预算。

如果有可能我还想谈一件事情，是今天晚上涉及个人的事情。美国民众在家里收看我们的电视转播，在各位评论员的帮助下，他们从哪些人站立，哪些人坐在座位上，哪些人鼓掌，哪些人没有鼓掌就能知道这个大厅里仍存在不同的意见。但是，我想为某些事情感谢你们，感谢在座的各位。我想感谢你们——共和党人和民主党人——对我们的军人给予的特别支持。

我特别想感谢两个人。首先，我想感谢我们的国防部长比尔·科恩。他象征着我们两党对国家安全的承诺。谢谢你，先生。再者，我还想感谢他的妻子珍妮特。她为表示对我们部队的支持，不知疲倦地周游世界，出访的次数比任何美国人都多。谢谢你珍妮特。谢谢你。

这是我们必须应对的挑战，这样我们才能在一个全球化的时代领导全世界走向和平与自由。

我想告诉你们，作为总统许多事情使我非常满意。但是，我感到满意的事情之一是副总统和我有机会终于打消了一些人的错误想法，即不能同时既发展经济又保护环境。

随着我们经济的发展，我们已经在500多个居民区消灭了有毒废物，确保数百万人获得比较洁净的空气和水源。仅在过去三个月里，我们就帮助保护了国家森林中4000万英亩的无路土地，创建了三个新的国家天然胜地。

随着我们社区的发展，我们对自然保护的承诺也必须继续加强。今天晚上，我建议设立一项永久性自然保护基金，使野生动植物恢复生机，保护海岸线，挽救自然财富，从加利福尼亚州的红杉到佛罗里达州的大沼泽都需要保护。

这项土地遗产基金将是在本院提出的对土地保护的最最持久的投资。我希望我们能与所有持不同意见的人坐在一起协商，实现这个目标。这应是我们不分党派献给我们子孙后代的一件礼物。我们能为实现这个目标达成协议。

去年，副总统发起了使社区变得更自由、更适于居住——据我所知是自由的新努力。请稍等，这是一句妙语。这是今年的日程。去年是适于居住，对吗？这是参议员洛特将在事后的评论中所说的话。要使我们的社区变得更加适于居住，这是一件大事，这是一个大问题。这意味着什么？你们可以问一问居住在不适于居住的社区的任何人，他们会告诉你们。他们希望他们的孩子在公园旁边长大，而不是在停车场旁边长大。父母们不必把本来应在家里与孩子们共渡的时光消磨在寸步难行的道路上。

今天晚上，我请求你们支持为以下项目拨出新的经费，使美国的社区变得自由适于居住。

首先，我希望你们帮助我们做三件事。我们的先进公共交通系统需要更多的经费。我们需要更多的经费挽救重开发地区的开阔空间。我们需要更多的经费——这应对两党都有吸引力，我们需要更多的经费帮助五大湖周围的城市保护他们的水道，提高他们的生活质量。我们需要这些经费，我希望你们给予帮助。

新世纪面临的最大环境挑战是全球气候变暖。科学家们告诉我们，20世纪90年代是整个千年中最热的十年。如果我们不能减少温室气体的排放，致命的热浪和干旱将变得更加频繁，沿海地区将洪水泛滥，经济将受到破坏。除非我们采取行动，否则这种情况将会发生。

美国有许多人——这个大厅里的一些人以及世界各地的许多人仍然认为，不放慢经济增长的速度，就不能减少温室气体的排放。在工业化时代，很有可能是这种情况。但是，在这个数字经济时代，情况再也不同了。新技术使在减少有害气体排放的同时加快经济增长成为可能。

例如，就在上星期，汽车制造商们推出了每加仑汽油行驶70～80英里的汽车，这是政府与工业的独特研究合作的成果。生物燃料的有效生产将在人们不知不觉的情况下，使相当于一加仑汽油的燃料行驶数百英里的路程。

为了加快这种新技术的创新，我认为我们应该给予重要的减税刺激，鼓励企业生产洁净能源，鼓励家庭购买节能住宅和家用电器以及即将问世的下一代超级效率汽车。我还请求汽车工业利用现有的技术立即提高所有新汽车的燃料利用率。

我请求本届国会做一件其他事情。请帮助我们更多地向发展中国家提供我们的洁净能源技术。这将使国外在改善环境的情况下获得发展，在美利坚合众国这里创造更多的就业机会。

在新世纪，科学技术的创新不仅是环境健康的关键，也将是奇迹般地提高我们的生活质量和经济取得进步的关键。今年晚些时候，研究人员将完成整个人体基因图的第一份草稿，这是生命的蓝图。我们所有美国同胞都应认识到，联邦税收为这项研究的大部分工作提供了经费，这种投资以及对科学的其他明智投资将使我们发现、治疗和预防疾病的能力发生一场革命。

例如，研究人员已经发现了引起帕金森氏病、糖尿病和某些癌症的基因。现在已经研究出永久阻止这些基因的有害影响的精确疗法。研究人员已经在利用这种新方法瞄准和消灭引起乳腺癌的细胞。我们或许能在不久利用这种方法防止阿耳茨海默氏病的发生。科学家们还研究出一种人工视网膜，可帮助许多盲人重见光明——请注意——还有微芯片，实际上它将直接刺激受伤的脊髓，让现在的瘫痪者站起来行走。

这些发明创造还在推动着我们非凡的繁荣。信息技术的从业人员现在仅占我们就业人数的8%，但是，它创造的财富占我们经济增长的三分之一。顺便说一下，它为就业者提供的报酬比私营部门的平均报酬高出大约80%。我们还应牢记的是，政府资助的研究项目发明了超级计算机、互联网和通讯卫星。研究人员将在不久为我们研究出能对外语进行同声传译的机器。重量很轻，坚固性却比钢高十倍的材料即将问世。我简直不敢相信的是，只有一滴眼泪大小的分子计算机却有当今速度最快的超级计算机的功能。

为了加快科技领域所有这些学科的发展步伐，我请求你们支持我的建议，为21世纪的科研基金拨出前所未有的30亿美元经费，这是一代人的时间里民用科研经费幅度最大的增长。我们应为我们的未来投资。

现在，这些新的突破必须以反映我们价值观的方式加以利用。首先而且最重要的是，我们必须保障我们公民的隐私权。去年，我建议保护每位公民的病例。今年，我们将定下这些规则。我们还初步采取一些措施保护银行和信用卡记录以及其他财务表格的秘密。我将在不久向你们提交法案完成这项工作。我们还必须采取行动防止雇主或保险人从遗传上给予任何歧视。我希望你们会给予支持。

这些措施将允许我们向更远的科技边疆迈进。这将增进我们的健康，改善我们的环境，以我们现在不能想象的方式促进经济增长。我们都知道，当科学技术和全球化的力量给我们所有人的生活带来如此之多的变化时，我们加强植根于我们本地社区和我们全国社会的纽带比以往任何时候都更加重要。

在不同的民众当中最有凝聚力的纽带莫过于公民服务。美国出现了一种新的服务精神——这是我们设法以美国国民服务队、扩大的和平队、与工商企业的前所未有的新伙伴关系、基金会、社区组织给予支持的一场运动。例如，有1.2万家公司参加的一种伙伴关系，现在已经使我们的65万名同胞从靠福利生活走向自食其力。还有一些伙伴关系是为了与毒品滥用和艾滋病作斗争，教年轻人学习识字，挽救美国的财富，加强艺术的发展，预防青少年怀孕，防止年轻人之间发生暴力，促进种族间的和解。美国人民已经开始合作了。

但是，我们还应采取更多行动促使美国人互相帮助。首先，我们应该帮助以信仰为基础的组织做出更多努力与贫困和毒品滥用作斗争，帮助人们回到正确的轨道，实施帮助未婚少女母亲的二次机会住宅这样的计划。其次，我们应该支持那些向慈善机构捐款，而其收入又不足以申请减税的美国人。今天晚上，我建议实现新的纳税刺激，允许没有开列捐款账单的中低收入公民获得这项减税。这只是公平的做法，这会让更多的人慷慨解囊。

我们应该做出更多努力帮助新移民充分参与我们的社会。由于这个原因，我建议增加开支教他们学习公民准则和英语。由于每一个人都是我们社会的一员，我们必须确保在今年的人口普查中把每一个人都登记在册。

在十年的时间里——只是十年，我们最大的州加利福尼亚将没有多数种族。在50年多一点的时间里，美国将没有多数种族。在一个相互联系更加密切的世界里，这种多样性可能是我们的最大力量。请环顾一下这个大厅。请环顾一下。本届国会议员来自几乎所有的种族、民族和宗教背景。我认为，你们会同意的看法是，由于这个原因，美国才更加强大。

你们还得同意的是，你们刚才为之鼓掌的所有这些差异常常引起仇恨和分裂，甚至在这里也是如此。就在过去几年里，得克萨斯州的一名男子被活活拖死，就是因为他是黑人。一名男子在怀俄明州被暗杀，就是因为他是同性恋者。去年，美国黑人、亚裔美国人和犹太人遭枪杀，就是因为他们的血统。这不是美国的方式，我们必须与此划清界限。

我请求你们划清这条界线，刻不容缓地通过仇恨犯罪预防法和就业不歧视法。我请求你们重新批准防止对妇女暴力法。

最后，我建议为我们实施民权法进行数额最大的投资，因为任何美国人在购买住宅、就业、上学或获得贷款方面都不得受到歧视。法律中给予的保护应该是事实上的保护。

去年２月，我成立了白宫美国大同办公室，以促进种族和解，因为我认为这一点非常重要。这是我心目中的英雄之一汉克·阿伦终其一生所做的事情。从他作为棒球名手的时代到他最近从事的调停活动，他总是让人们走到一起。我们应该以他为榜样，我们为他今天晚上的光临感到荣幸。汉克·阿伦，请站起来。

有关这个问题，我还想再讲一件事。我希望各位下次对你们对面的一位同事发火的时候考虑这个问题。去年秋天，希拉里在白宫举办了她的一次新千年晚宴，我们邀请到一位非常杰出的科学家，他是整个人类基因研究工作的专家。他说，不管什么种族，我们的基因有99.9%是相同的。

现在，当你们在这里环顾周围的时候，你们可能感到很不自在，但是这是值得牢记的。我们可以对此一笑了之，但是你们应该想一想。现代科学证实了古代信仰始终传授的东西：最重要的生活事实是我们是同一个人类。因此，我们应该不仅仅容忍我们的多样性，我们应该尊重这种多样性，颂扬这种多样性。

同胞们，我每次准备发表国情咨文时都对我们国家充满希望和期望，并为之激动万分。但是今天晚上非常特殊，因为我们处在新千年的开始。回顾过去，我们看到美国取得的巨大成就。展望未来，我们看到前景广阔，前途无限。对于我们目前的进步与繁荣，我们都应该感到满意，同时又要戒骄戒躁。我们都应为即将来临的机会充满惊奇与喜悦。我们应该以十足的决心最充分地利用这种机会。

你们知道，当宪法的制定者们在费城制定完我们的宪法时，本杰明·弗兰克林站在独立纪念馆里，看着照在一张椅背上的阳光陷入沉思。太阳从地平线上冉冉升起。他当时说了这样一句话——他说：“我常常想知道太阳是在升起还是在下落。”弗兰克林说：“今天，我高兴地知道，它是冉冉升起的太阳。”如今，由于后来的每一代美国人都在使自由的火焰熊熊燃烧，照亮了这些有可能开拓的边疆，我们现在仍都沐浴在弗兰克林先生冉冉升起的太阳的光辉与温暖之中。

224年之后，美国革命在继续。我们仍是一个年轻的国家。只要我们的理想超出我们的记忆，美国将永远年轻。这就是我们的使命，这就是我们骄傲的时刻。

谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美国。

第三节  精彩语录

At the dawn of the last century, Theodore Roosevelt said, "the one characteristic more essential than any other is foresight……it should be the growing nation with a future that takes the long look ahead." So, tonight, let us take our long look ahead—and set great goals for our nation.

20世纪初，西奥多·罗斯福曾说：“最重要的特点是远见卓识……美国应该成为日益强大的国家，拥有目光长远的未来。”那么今晚，让我们放眼未来，为我们国家确定宏伟的目标。

We need a 21st century revolution to reward work and strengthen families, by giving every parent the tools to succeed at work and at the most important work of all—raising children. That means making sure every family has health care and the support to care for aging parents, the tools to bring their children up right, and that no child grows up in poverty.

我们需要一场21世纪的革命，使每位父母拥有能在工作方面以及最重要的工作——抚育子女方面取得成就的工具，从而鼓励工作和加强家庭观念。这意味着确保每个家庭拥有保健，并且得到支持来照顾上了年纪的父母，拥有能把子女抚育成人的工具，并且确保没有儿童在贫困中长大。

Now, to keep our historic economic expansion going—the subject of a lot of discussion in this community and others—I believe we need a 21st century revolution to open new markets, start new businesses, hire new workers right here in America—in our inner cities, poor rural areas, and Native American reservations.

为了能使我们具有历史意义的经济发展持续下去——这是我们的社会和其他社会大量讨论的话题，我认为我们需要通过21世纪的一场革命来开放新的市场，创建新的企业，就在美国，在城市中心的贫民区、贫穷的农村地区和印地安人保护区雇用新的工人。

I believe as strongly tonight as I did the first day I got here, the only direction forward for America on trade—the only direction for America on trade is to keep going forward. I ask you to help me forge that consensus.

今天晚上我像第一天来这里时一样坚信，在贸易方面美国唯一的前进方向——在贸易方面美国唯一的方向是继续前进。我请你们帮助我取得这样的共识。

第七章  温暖的关怀

第一节  背景介绍

在美国，可能每一所大学的毕业典礼都是相当精彩的。因为美国大学的毕业典礼很讲究排场，而且大多数毕业典礼还蕴含着丰富的历史文化与传统。而美国著名的大学——哈佛就是美国最古老大学里面的典范。每当毕业时节，哈佛的学子们都会以各自的宿舍为起点，排成纵队开始游行，穿过剑桥的街道再返回到哈佛园。在那里，你能看到学校的管理员、教授、一些有着重要身份的“校友”与穿着笨重长袍的嘉宾，他们带着奇特而又华丽的帽子或者头饰，悠闲地绕着新生们居住过的红砖楼招摇过市。

每一年的五月，美国的天空通常是阳光明媚一片晴朗，然而在大学里却是最为紧张和繁忙的季节，因为这是他们举行毕业典礼的时节。从五月份的第二个周末开始，美国的各所大学就开始相继举办毕业典礼。毕业典礼一般都会在周六举行，大约持续一天的时间。有的学校一年只举行一次毕业典礼，但有几千人参加，如果是这样那么毕业典礼将成为一年一度的盛会，不仅相当隆重，还会吸引一些名人前来参加。也有的学校每学期都会有成百上千的学生毕业，因而每学期都会举行毕业典礼。不过不管举行典礼的频率和规模如何，真正毕业的时刻也就是这个时候，这一刻将会给学生们留下在学校里或者是一生中最难忘的回忆。

尽管美国大学的毕业典礼都差不多，但是每所学校的毕业典礼总会有吸引人的亮点出现。不仅参加毕业典礼的学生在当天庆祝自己的大学时光即将结束，并对未来充满无限的憧憬。同时，各校都会邀请社会名流或者知名人士为他们做毕业典礼致辞，对莘莘学子们进行鼓励和鞭策。

毕业典礼上还有一个亮点就是多姿多彩的服饰。观众席上都是毕业生们的亲朋好友，男士西装革履，女士绸缎罗裙。不过最引人注目的就数参加毕业典礼的主角们了，美国大学的毕业典礼就像一场服饰表演。

美国大学的毕业典礼通常都会有一些名人来做演讲，最著名的演讲要属克林顿和比尔·盖茨两人同时参加哈佛毕业典礼的演讲了。不过在哈佛演讲的嘉宾绝对不是由校方的行政管理人员决定的，最终敲定人选的是哈佛校友会。演讲的嘉宾是谁还要看学生和校友的意愿，需要体现出哈佛学子们的价值取向与兴趣所在。

哈佛的毕业典礼通常都会定在哈佛纪念堂与怀德纳图书馆之间的无边绿茵中，而且哈佛每年都会有两场演讲，一个是毕业纪念日演讲，一个是毕业典礼演讲。毕业纪念日演讲要先进行，专属于哈佛本科学院的毕业生。

2007年6月1日，克林顿参加了哈佛1667名毕业生的毕业典礼。克林顿担任毕业纪念日演讲嘉宾，而比尔·盖茨担任的是毕业典礼演讲嘉宾。他们在哈佛的演讲如果不讲钱和政治，那么会讲些什么呢？来参加哈佛毕业典礼的两位重量级人物无论是职业还是个性都截然不同，然而两人如出一辙的演讲却博得了众多哈佛学子的热烈掌声。在如此之多的话题中，他们选择了一个共同的话题：“对全人类的博爱”。他们讲到了要借助青年人的能力与才智去为社会做出贡献，提及了人们应当跳出自我，超越个体成就的狭隘。两人的演讲精彩又朴实，无处不体现出对哈佛学子们的关怀与希望，也正是因为这种独具魅力的演造就了美国特有的校园文化。

第二节  克林顿2007年哈佛大学毕业纪念日的演讲

June 1, 2007

Thank you very much, Samantha, Stephanie, Chris, all the marshals, all the student speakers. Thanks for the gags and the jokes, and you know, when I got invited to do this, it was humbling in some ways. They asked Bill Gates to be the Commencement speaker. He's got more money than I do and he went to Harvard.

And I brought my friend Glenn Hutchins here with me, who's at his 30th reunion and he had something to do with overseeing the endowment and he explained that Gates was really, really, really rich and I was just rich.

And then I thought, well, the students asked me and that's good and besides, I don't have to wear a robe.But I couldn’t figure out why on what is supposed to be a festive and informal day, you would pick a gray-haired 60-year-old to speak.

Following the great tradition of Al Franken, Will Ferrell, Borat or Ali G or whoever he was that day. Conan O'Brien, that Family Guy person. What a tradition. So I did like Talladega Nights, however. Then I was reading all I could find out about the class and I thought well, they don't have any fun today. They already had fun. They had this class-wide Risk tournament around exam time.

And I understood when I heard the followership speech, I understood why you had that. Now you can all run for president. You played Risk. It's an eight-year Risk tournament. Then I thought well, maybe it's because you're about to name Drew Faust your next president, and I think women should run everything now. And then I figure maybe it's just because Robin Williams and Billy Crystal turned you down. But for whatever reason, we're here and I have had a really good time.

You've already heard most of what you need to hear today, I think. But I want to focus for a minute on the fact that these graduating classes since 1968 have invited a few non-comedians. First was Martin Luther King, who was killed in April before. I remember that very well because it was my senior year at Georgetown. He was killed in April, before he could come and give the speech. And Coretta came and gave the speech for him here. And you’ve had Mother Teresa and you've had Bono. What do they all have in common? They are symbols of our common humanity and a rebuke even to humorists' cynicism.

Martin Luther King basically said he lived the way he did because we were all caught in what he called an inescapable web of mutuality. Nelson Mandela, the world's greatest living example of that, I believe, comes from a tribe in South Africa, the Xhosa, who call it ubuntu. In English, I am because you are. That led Mother Teresa from Albania to spend her life with the poorest people on earth in Calcutta. It led Bono from his rock stage to worry about innocent babies dying of AIDS, and poor people with good minds who never got a chance to follow their dreams.

This is a really fascinating time to be a college senior. I was looking at all of you, wishing I could start over again and thinking I'd let you be president if you let me be 21.I'd take a chance on making it all over again if I could do it again.

But I think, just think what an exciting time it is. All this explosion of knowledge. Just in the last couple of weeks before I came here, I read that thanks to the sequencing of the human genome, the ongoing research has identified two markers which seem to be high predictors of diabetes, which, as you heard, is a very important thing to me because it's now predicted that one in three children born in the United States in this decade will develop diabetes.We run the risk that we could be raising a first generation of kids to live shorter lives than their parents. Not because we're hungry, but because we don't eat the right things and we don't exercise. But this is a big deal.

Then right after that, I saw that through our powerful telescopes we have identified a planet orbiting one of the hundred stars closest to our solar system, that appears to have the atmospheric conditions so similar to ours that life could actually be possible there.

Alas, even though it's close to us in terms of the great universe, it's still 20 million light-years away. Unreachable in the lifetime of any young person. So unless there's a budding astrophysicist in the class that wants to get married in a hurry and then commit three generations and take another couple with him, we'll have to wait for them to come to us. It's an exciting time.

It's also exciting because of all the diversity. If you look around this audience, I was thinking, I wonder how different this crowd would have looked if someone like me had been giving this speech 30 years ago. And how much more interesting it is for all of us.

It’s a frustrating time, because for all the opportunity, there’s a lot of inequality. There’s a lot of insecurity and there’s a lot of instability and unsustainability. Half the world’s people still live on less than two bucks a day. A billion on less than a dollar a day. A billion people go to bed hungry tonight. A billion people won’t get a clean glass of water today or any day in their lives. One in four of all the people who die this year will die from AIDS, TB, malaria and infections related to dirty water. Nobody in America dies of any of that except people whose AIDS medicine doesn’t work anymore, or people who decline to follow the prescribed regime.

Now remember a few months ago, everybody I knew was shaking their head when we found out that there was a plot in London to put explosive chemicals in a baby bottle to make it look like formula to evade the airport inspection. And every time I ask somebody, I said did you feel a chill go up and down your spine, they said yeah, they did. Because they can imagine being on the airplane, or in my case, I could imagine my daughter, who has to travel a lot on her job, being on the airplane. But here’s what I want to tell you about that. The inequality is fixable and the insecurity is manageable. We’re going to really have to go some in the 21st century to see political violence claim as many innocent lives as it did in the 20th century. Keep in mind you had what, 12 million people killed in World War I, somewhere between 15 and 20 million in World War II, six million in the Holocaust, six million Jews, three million others. Twenty million in the political purges in the former Soviet Union between the two world wars and one afterward. Two million in Cambodia alone. Millions in tribal wars in Africa. An untold but large number in the Chinese Cultural Revolution. I mean, we’re going to have to really get after it, if you expect your generation to claim as many innocents from political violence as was claimed in the 20th century. The difference is you think it could be you this time. Because of the interdependence of the world. So yes, it’s insecure but it’s manageable.

It’s also an unsustainable world because of climate change, resource depletion, and the fact that between now and 2050, the world’s supposed to grow from six and a half to nine billion people, with most of the growth in the countries least able to handle it, under today’s conditions, never mind those. That’s all fixable, too. So is climate change a problem? Is resource depletion a problem? Is poverty and the fact that 130 million kids never go to school and all this disease that I work on a problem? You bet it is. But I believe the most important problem is the way people think about it and each other, and themselves. The world is awash today in political, religious, almost psychological conflicts, which require us to divide up and demonize people who aren’t us. And every one of them in one way or the other is premised on a very simple idea. That our differences are more important than our common humanity. I would argue that Mother Teresa was asked here, Bono was asked here, and Martin Luther King was asked here because this class believed that they were people who thought our common humanity was more important than our differences.

So with this Harvard degree and your incredible minds and your spirits that I’ve gotten a little sense of today, this gives you virtually limitless possibilities. But you have to decide how to think about all this and what to do with your own life in terms of what you really think. I hope that you will share Martin Luther King’s dream, embrace Mandela’s spirit of reconciliation, support Bono’s concern for the poor and follow Mother Teresa’s life into some active service. Ordinary people have more power to do public good than ever before because of the rise of non-governmental organizations, because of the global media culture, because of the Internet, which gives people of modest means the power, if they all agree, to change the world. When former President Bush and I were asked to work on the tsunami, before we did the Katrina work, Americans, many of whom could not find the Maldives or Sri Lanka on a map, gave $1.2 billion to tsunami aid. Thirty percent of our households gave. Half of them gave over the Internet, which means you don’t even have to be rich to change the world if enough people agree with you. But we have to do this. Citizen service is a tradition in our country about as old as Harvard, and certainly older than the government.

Benjamin Franklin organized the first volunteer fire department in Philadelphia 40 years before the Constitution was ratified. When de Tocqueville came here in 1835, he talked among other things about how he was amazed that Americans just were always willing to step up and do something, not wait for someone else to do it. Now we have in America a 1,010,000 non-governmental groups. Not counting 355,000 religious groups, most of whom are involved in some sort of work to help other people. India has a million registered, over a half a million active. China has 280,000 registered and twice that many not registered because they don’t want to be confined. Russia has 400,000, so many that President Putin is trying to restrict them. I wish he wouldn’t do that, but it’s a high-class problem. There were no NGOs in Russia or China when I became president in 1993. All over the world we have people who know that they can do things to change, but again, I will say to all of you, there is no challenge we face, no barrier to having your grandchildren here on this beautiful site 50 years from now, more profound than the ideological and emotional divide which continues to demean our common life and undermine our ability to solve our common problems. The simple idea that our differences are more important than our common humanity.

When the human genome was sequenced, and the most interesting thing to me as a non-scientist – we finished it in my last year I was president, I really rode herd on this thing and kept throwing more money at it – the most interesting thing to me was the discovery that human beings with their three billion genomes are 99.9 percent identical genetically. So if you look around this vast crowd today, at the military caps and the baseball caps and the cowboy hats and the turbans, if you look at all the different colors of skin, all the heights, all the widths, all the everything, it’s all rooted in one-tenth of one percent of our genetic make-up. Don’t you think it’s interesting that not just people you find appalling, but all the rest of us, spend 90 percent of our lives thinking about that one-tenth of one percent? I mean, don’t we all? How much of the laugh lines in the speeches were about that? At least I didn’t go to Yale, right? That Brown gag was hilarious.

But it’s all the same deal, isn’t it? I mean, the intellectual premise is that the only thing that really matters about our lives are the distinctions we can draw. Indeed, one of the crassest elements of modern culture, all these sort of talk shows, and even a lot of political journalism that's sort of focused on this shallow judgmentalism. They try to define everybody down by the worst moment in their lives, and it all is about well, no matter whatever’s wrong with me, I’m not that. And yet, you ask Martin Luther King, Mother Teresa and Bono to come here. Nelson Mandela’s the most admired person in the world. I got tickled the other night. I wound up in a restaurant in New York with a bunch of friends of mine. And I looked over and two tables away, and there was Rush Limbaugh, who’s said a few mad things about me. So I went up and shook hands with him and said hello and met his dinner guest. And I came just that close to telling him we were 99.9 percent the same. But I didn’t want to ruin the poor man’s dessert, so I let it go.

Now we’re laughing about this but next month, I’m making my annual trek to Africa to see the work of my AIDS and development project, and to celebrate with Nelson Mandela his birthday. He’s 89. Don’t know how many more he’ll have. And when I think that I might be 99.9 percent the same as him, I can’t even fathom it. So I say that to you, do we have all these other problems? Is Darfur a tragedy? Do I wish America would adopt sensible climate change regulation? Do I hate the fact that ideologues in the government doctored scientific reports? Do I disagree with a thousand things that are going on? Absolutely. But it all flows from the idea that we can violate elemental standards of learning and knowledge and reason and even the humanity of our fellow human beings because our differences matter more. That’s what makes you worship power over purpose. Our differences matter more. One of the greatest things that's happened in the last few years is doing all this work with former President Bush. You know, I ought to be doing this. I’m healthy and not totally antiquated. He’s 82 years old, still jumping out of airplanes and still doing stuff like this. And I love the guy. I’m sorry for all the diehard Democrats in the audience. I just do. And life is all about seeing things new every day. And I'll just close with two stories, one from Asia, one from Africa. And I’m telling you all the details don’t matter as much as this.

After George Bush and I did the tsunami, we got so into this disaster work that Kofi Annan asked him to oversee the UN’s efforts in Pakistan after the earthquake, which you acknowledged today, and asked me to stay on as the tsunami coordinator for two years. So on my next to last trip to Aceh in Indonesia, the by far the hardest hit place, a quarter of a million people killed. I went to one of these refugee camps where in the sweltering heat, several thousand people were still living in tents. Highly uncomfortable. And my job was to go there and basically listen to them complain and figure out what to do about it, and how to get them out of there more quickly. So every one of these camps elected a camp leader and when I appeared, I was introduced to my young interpreter, a young Indonesian woman, and to the guy who was the camp leader, and his wife and his son. And they smiled, said hello, and then I looked down at this little boy, and I literally could not breathe. I think he’s the most beautiful child I ever saw. And I said to my young interpreter, I said, I believe that’s the most beautiful boy I ever saw in my life. She said, yes, he’s very beautiful and before the tsunami he had nine brothers and sisters. And now they’re all gone.

So the wife and the son excused themselves. And the father who had lost his nine children proceeded to take me on a two-hour tour of this camp. He had a smile on his face. He never talked about anything but what the people in that camp needed. He gave no hint of what had happened to him and the grief that he bore. We get to the end of the tour. It’s the health clinic in the camp. I look up and there is his wife, a mother who had lost nine of her 10 children, holding a little bitty baby less than a week old, the newest born baby in the camp. And she told me, I’m going to get in trouble for telling this. She told me that in Indonesian culture, when a woman has a baby, she gets to go to bed for 40 days and everyone waits on her hand and foot. She doesn’t get up, nothing happens. And then on the 40th day, the mother gets up out of bed, goes back to work doing her life and they name the baby. So this child was less than a week old. So this mother who had lost her nine children is here holding this baby. And she says to me, this is our newest born baby. And we want you to name him. Little boy. So I looked at her and I said through my interpreter, I said, do you have a name for new beginning? And she explained and the woman said something back and the interpreter said yes, luckily for you, in Indonesian the word for dawn is a boy’s name. And the mother just said to me, we will call this child Dawn and he will symbolize our new beginning. You shouldn’t have to meet people that lose nine of their 10 children, cherish the one they got left, and name a newborn baby Dawn to realize that what we have in common is more important than what divides us.

And I leave you with this thought. When Martin Luther King was invited here in 1968, the country was still awash in racism. The next decade it was awash in sexism, and after that in homophobia. And occasionally those things rear their ugly head along the way, but by and large, nobody in this class is going to carry those chains around through life. But nobody gets out for free, and everyone has temptations. The great temptation for all of you is to believe that the one-tenth of one percent of you which is different and which brought you here and which can bring you great riches or whatever else you want, is really the sum of who you are and that you deserve your good fate, and others deserve their bad one. That is the trap into which you must not fall. Warren Buffett's just about to give away 99 percent of his money because he said most of it he made because of where he was born and when he was born. It was a lucky accident. And his work was rewarded in this time and place more richly than the work of teachers and police officers and nurses and doctors and people who cared for those who deserve to be cared for. So he’s just going to give it away. And still with less than one percent left, have more than he could ever spend. Because he realizes that it wasn’t all due to the one-tenth of one percent, and that his common humanity requires him to give money to those for whom it will mean much more.

In the central highlands in Africa where I work, when people meet each other walking, nearly nobody rides, and people meet each other walking on the trails, and one person says hello, how are you, good morning, the answer is not I’m fine, how are you. The answer translated into English is this: I see you. Think of that. I see you. How many people do all of us pass every day that we never see? You know, we all haul out of here, somebody's going to come in here and fold up 20-something thousand chairs. And clean off whatever mess we leave here. And get ready for tomorrow and then after tomorrow, someone will have to fix that. Many of those people feel that no one ever sees them. I would never have seen the people in Aceh in Indonesia if a terrible misfortune had not struck. And so, I leave you with that thought. Be true to the tradition of the great people who have come here. Spend as much of your time and your heart and your spirit as you possibly can thinking about the 99.9 percent. See everyone and realize that everyone needs new beginnings. Enjoy your good fortune. Enjoy your differences, but realize that our common humanity matters much, much more. God bless you and good luck.

2007年6月1日

萨曼莎，斯蒂法妮，克里斯，所有的高级军官以及所有的学生发言者，非常感谢你们！谢谢你们演讲中带来的揶揄和笑话！你们可知道，当我受邀到这里来演讲时，我有些受宠若惊。他们邀请比尔·盖茨在毕业典礼上做主题演讲，是因为他的钱比我多而且他上过哈佛。

我偕同我的朋友格伦·哈钦斯于此，这是他第30次故地重游。他负责监督捐款事宜，而且他跟我解释说，比尔·盖茨是极其富有，而我仅仅算得上富有而已。

之后我想这样也好，学生们之前也问过我，此外我不必穿礼服。但是我不明白，为什么在这样一个喜庆而非正式的日子里，你们会邀请一位60岁白发苍苍的老人来演讲。

沿袭艾尔·弗兰肯、威尔·法瑞尔、勃瑞特、阿里·G或者任何和电视剧《搞怪一家人》中科南·奥布赖恩同时代人的优良传统，多么好的一个传统！所以我确实喜欢《塔拉迪加之夜》。然而，当我阅读着所有我能找出的关于毕业班的东西，我认为他们今天没有什么乐趣可享受。但他们已经享受了乐趣，他们在考试临近时参加了这场班级范围的冒险比赛。

听到接下来的演讲后，我能理解你们为什么享受过这种乐趣。现在你们每一个人都能竞选总统。你们参与此“冒险”，这是一场长达八年的冒险比赛。我以为或许是因为你们将要任命德鲁·福斯特为你们的下一届总统，我认为妇女现在应该竞选任何职位。然后我估计可能是仅仅因为罗宾·威廉斯和比利·克里斯拒绝了你们，但是无论出于什么原因，我们来到了这里，我确实在此度过了欢乐时光。

我认为今天你们已经听到大多数你们需要听到的东西，但是此刻我仍想要重点阐述这样一个事实，自1968年以来毕业班已经开始邀请一些非喜剧演员来参加典礼。首先是在多年以前的四月被谋杀的马丁路德·金。那年我在乔治城上大四，所以记忆犹新。在来这里演讲之前，他已经在四月遇害了，最后科雷塔来到这里代替他做了演讲。你们信奉特蕾萨（修女），你们也崇拜波诺（摇滚歌手）。他们的共性是什么呢？他们是我们普通人性的象征，他们甚至是对幽默大师犬儒主义给予谴责的代表。

总体来说，马丁路德·金是按照他选择的方式来生活的，因为我们都深陷于一个他称之为不可逃脱的相互关联的网中。纳尔逊·曼德拉就是这个世界上最好的活生生的例子，我认为他来自南非的一个部落，科萨人称之为特南斯凯。用英语来说，我是因为你们而存在。这令来自阿尔巴尼亚的特蕾萨修女和加尔各答市最贫穷的人们生活在一起；波诺离开了他的摇滚乐舞台，开始关心那些死于艾滋病的无辜婴儿，以及那些心怀梦想却从没有机会去追寻梦想的穷人。

因此，作为一个大四毕业生，你们的时光是多么美好！看着你们所有人，我多么期盼能重新开始。如果你们能让我重回21岁，我愿意让你们来当总统。如果我能重新做每一件事，我会竭尽全力而为之，使之趋于完美。

我认为仅是个人认为，这是一个多么振奋人心的年代！这是一个知识爆炸的年代！在我来这里的前两周，我了解到多亏有了人类基因组排序，正在进行的研究才得以鉴定出预示糖尿病高发的两大信号。正如你们所知道的那样，这对我们来说很重要，因为我们现在预测到在未来的十年里，美国每出生的三个孩子中就有一个会患上糖尿病。我们竟冒这样的风险抚育一代比父母寿命要短的孩子。这不是因为我们受饿，而是因为我们吃错了东西，以及我们不锻炼。这是一件相当重要的事情。

此之后我还了解到，通过强大的望远镜我们已经观测到，有颗行星绕着最接近于太阳系的一百颗星中的一颗星的轨道运行，似乎那里的大气状况和地球的大气状况很相似，那里可能存在生命现象。

对于整个宇宙而言，虽然它离我们很近，但是它仍然距离我们两千万光年之远。任何一个年轻人用一生的时间都无法到达。因此，除非这班上有一名崭露头角的天文物理学家马上结婚，并且将此事交付于下三代，并和另一对夫妇一起去那里，否则我们必须等待他们到地球来。多么激动人心的时刻啊！

同样令我们振奋的是我们民族的多样性，大家可以环顾一下周围的听众。我刚才在想，如果30年前有一个人像我今天这样在这里做演讲，这群人不知会有多么的不同！对我们所有的人来说，这种翻天覆地的变化是多么地有趣！

那是个令人泄气的年代，所有的机会都存在着不平等，存在着许多不安和不稳定性。世界上一半的人仍然过着每天不到两美金的生活。十亿人每天收入还不到一美金。十亿人每晚食不果腹，十亿人现在或在他有生之年都喝不到一瓶干净的水。而今年死亡人数中将有四分之一的人是死于艾滋病，肺结核、疟疾以及由饮用脏水引起的其他传染病。在美国是没有人死于这些疾病的，除非是有些人的艾滋病药品不再有效或他们没有遵守医嘱。

记得几个月以前，据我所知每个人听到这个消息的时候都不由得直摇头。消息是我们发现在伦敦有一个密谋事件，恐怖分子试图把易爆化学制品放进婴儿奶瓶中，使之看起来像婴儿奶粉配方，以逃避机场人员的检查。每次我问他们是否感觉到一股寒意穿透了脊背，他们说是的，他们确实有这样的感觉。因为他们能想象出乘飞机时遇到这样的情形，或者以我为例，我能想象我的女儿乘飞机时遇到这样的情形。她因为工作不得不经常乘坐飞机。在这里我想告诉你们的是：不平等的情况是可以改善的，不安全性是可以控制的。 我们必须要在21世纪努力解决20世纪那样带走许多无辜生命的政治暴力事件。我们应该记住都发生了哪些事件，在第一次世界大战中有1200万人丧生。第二次世界大战仅某一处就有1500～2000万人丧生，600万人死于大屠杀，600万名犹太人被杀，其他国籍的人有300万人丧生。前苏联在两次世界大战期间和之后的政治大清洗中有2000万人丧生。200万人死于柬埔寨独立战争中，上百万士兵死于非洲部落战争中。还有中国“文化大革命”时期，虽然没有宣布死亡人数，但是其数量绝对惊人。我的意思是，我们真的要好好想想这个问题，除非你们期望像20世纪那样，带走许多无辜生命的政治暴力事件再次在这一代人中发生。有所不同的是这次你认为无辜受伤的人可能是你。因为世界是相互依存的，所以世界确实存在着不安全因素，但是我们对此是可以控制的。

由于气候变化，资源消耗，使得世界再也无法支撑下去了。事实上2007年到2050间，世界人口将会从65亿增长到90亿，国家更多的物质增长几乎不能解决这一问题，以现在的情况来看，我们从未注意这些，但所有这些都是客观存在的问题。因此气候变化是一个问题吗？资源消耗是一个问题吗？我着手处理的贫困及1.3亿儿童无法上学和疾病问题是问题吗？当然，这是一个问题。但我认为最重要的问题是人们看待这些问题的方式，人们看待相互关系的方式以及人们看待他们自己的方式。当今世界正遭受着政治、宗教和心理冲突等问题的洗礼，这就要求我们区分和同化与我们不同的人。他们中的每一个人，在某种程度上预先达成了一个非常简单的共识。那就是我们的差异比我们的共性要重要得多。我要强调的是特蕾萨修女受邀来过这里，波诺受邀来过这里，马丁路德·金受邀来过这里。因为毕业班的学生都相信，这些人认同我们的共性比我们的差异要重要得多。

你们的精神也感染了我今天的情绪，在座的各位拥有哈佛学位，聪明的才智，这些实际上都给你们增添了无限的优势。你们必须决定如何看待这些优势并就你这一生中该做什么做切实的打算。我希望你们能分享马丁路德·金的梦想，拥护曼德拉的和解精神，支持波诺关注穷人生活，并且跟随特蕾萨修女的一生做一些积极的公益事业。与以往任何时候相比，现在的普通群众更积极地参与公益活动，这都是因为非政府组织的兴起，全球媒体文化的宣传和互联网的盛行。互联网给人们提供便利，使人们适当地行使他们的权利以改变整个世界，前提是他们都愿意行使他们的权利。当前任总统布什和我被要求处理海啸事务时，在我们处理卡特里娜海啸工作之前，美国人民已经捐助了12亿美元用于海啸救援工作，虽然许多美国人甚至不能在地图上找到马尔地夫群岛或斯里兰卡半岛。30%的美国家庭参与了捐助活动。他们当中的一半是通过互联网捐助的，这就是说，如果有足够多的人都来支持你，那么你甚至不需要太富有就可以改变这个世界了。但是我们必须要这样做，公民服务在我们国家是一种传统，这种传统和哈佛大学一样古老，当然要比我们的政府古老得多。

早在宪法生效前40年，本杰明·富兰克林就在费城组织了第一个志愿消防队。当托克维尔（法国人）1835年来这里时，他在讨论其他事情过程中流露道：让他感到惊奇的是，美国人总是愿意自己加快步伐去做事，而不是等其他人来做。现在美国有1,010,000个非政府组织。大约355,000个宗教团体，这些组织中的大部分人都从事某些工作来帮助他人。印度注册了100万个这样的组织，其中有50万个正在积极地投入工作。中国注册了280,000个这种组织，两倍之多的组织还没有注册，因为他们不想工作起来受限制。俄罗斯有400,000个这种组织，数目是如此之多，以至于普京总统曾试图要限制它们的数量。我希望他不要那样做，但这确实是一个高级的难题。在我1993年当选为总统时，俄罗斯或者是中国都没有非政府组织。全世界人们都知道他们能做一些事情去改变世界。但是我想对你们所有人再次重申，如果我们面前没有挑战，在未来的50年也没有什么东西去妨碍你们的子孙来到这个美丽的地球，这种情况比持续贬低我们共有生活的意义，以及削弱我们解决共有问题的意识和解决情感上的分歧所造成的影响要深远得多。因为在这里我们达成的简单共识是，我们的差异比我们的共性更为重要。

当我们进行人类基因组排序时，作为一个非科学家，我觉得最有意思的事情是，在我当总统的最后一年我们完成了它。我开始真的密切关注这件事，并且一直投入大量资金。我觉得最有趣的事情是，我们发现有着30亿个基因的人类，其基因99.9%是相似的。因此如果你现在看看这巨大的人海，戴着军帽的，戴着棒球帽的，戴着牛仔帽的和戴着头巾的，如果你再看看他们所有人的肤色，他们的身高，他们的胖瘦等等，所有这一切的不同，仅仅源于0.1%的基因组成。你会发现令人震惊的不仅仅是人，还有我们之中剩余的其他人，花费生命中90%的时间去思考那0.1%的差异，这难道不好笑吗？我的意思是，难道我们不都是这样的吗？在演讲中有多少逗笑的话是关于这些的？至少我没去耶鲁，不是吗？布朗袋总是很滑稽的。

那是完全一样的道理，不是吗？我是说，拥有智慧的前提是，我们一生中真正重要的是能区别对待生活中的人和事。的确，那是现代文化最原始要素之一。也是所有访谈节目，甚至许多肤浅评价的政治新闻的最原始要素之一。他们试图在人们生活中最坏的时段去抨击他们，但谈到我时就全都是好的，不管我做错了什么都不是我的错。邀请马丁路德·金，特蕾莎修女和波诺来这里也是如此。纳尔逊·曼德拉是世界上最受人们钦佩的人。不久前的一天晚上我被逗乐了，我与一群朋友正准备离开纽约的一家餐厅，这时看到距离两张桌子处坐着林博，他说过一些让我恼火的事。因此我走过去和他握手，跟他和他的客人问好，其实我过去只想告诉他，我们99.9%都是相同的。但是我不想毁了这个可怜之人的甜点，所以最后我释怀了什么也没说。

现下我们觉得这很好笑，但下个月我就要进行每年一次的非洲之行了。看看艾滋病项目进行得如何，并且与纳尔逊·曼德拉庆祝他89岁生日，不知道他还剩下多少日子。想到我可能有99.9%与他相同时，我甚至无法想象。因此我问你们，我们有诸多如此类似的其他问题吗？达尔福尔地区发生的是一场悲剧吗？我希望美国采用明智的气候变化调控制度吗？对于政府的理论家修改科学报告，我表示厌恶吗？对于正在进行的上千件事情，我持反对意见吗？当然。所有这些都源于我们能违反学习，知识、理智、甚至人性的基本标准，因为人与人之间的差异更为重要，这也促使大家崇拜权力的强度要远远高于坚持自己的理想。人与人之间的差异更为重要。近几年发生的最伟大的事就是与前任布什总统一起做这项工作。大家知道，我应该做这件事情。我身体健康，思想还跟得上时代。老布什都82岁了，仍然坐飞机飞来飞去做着同样的事情，我喜欢这个人。对于观众里的的民主党人士，我深表歉意。生活就是每天遇见新鲜的事。接下来，我想讲两个故事来结束这次演讲，故事一个发生在亚洲，一个发生在非洲。我要说所有的细节都没有这两个故事来的重要。

乔治·布什和我经历海啸事件之后，我们进行了救灾工作。地震过后科菲·安南邀请布什督导联合国在巴基斯坦的救援工作，这项工作现在得到了大家的认可，并邀请我担任了两年的海啸救助协调员。因此我的倒数第二次旅行去了印度尼西亚的亚齐市，亚齐是目前为止受灾最严重的地区，那里有25万人遇难。我去了一所难民营，那里非常热，但几千人仍生活在帐篷里，非常地不舒服。而我的工作就是去那里听他们诉苦，然后想出解决办法，怎样才能更快地使他们离开难民营。因此每个难民营都选举了一位负责人。我到达时，当地人向我介绍了一位年轻的翻译（一名年轻的印度尼西亚妇女），难民营的负责人以及他的妻子和儿子。他们笑着向我问好，我低头看着这个小男孩，非常惊讶，几乎无法呼吸，我认为他是我所见过最漂亮的小孩。我对翻译说，我觉得他是我一生中见过最漂亮的小男孩。翻译说，是的，他确实很漂亮。海啸前他有九个漂亮的兄弟姐妹，但现在全都没了。

因此那个负责人的妻子和儿子借口离开了，由这位已经失去了九个孩子的父亲继续带着我参观了两个小时。他脸上带着微笑，所谈的都是灾民们的需求，自始至终没有提及发生在他自己身上的事以及他所承受的悲痛。最后我们到了门诊部，我抬头看到他的妻子在那里，这位有十个孩子却失去九个的母亲抱着一个小婴儿，这个婴儿出生不到一周，是救灾营里的新生儿。她说，告诉你这些我会有麻烦的，因为在印度尼西亚文化中，妇女生了小孩要在床上躺40天，家人在床边侍候，她们躺着什么也不用做。到第40天时，孩子的母亲起床回去工作，家人给婴儿取名。这个孩子出生还不到一周，因此这位失去九个孩子的母亲抱着孩子来到这里，她告诉我说，他是我们这里的新生儿，是个小男孩，我们想让你给他取个名字。我看着她对翻译说，你们有标志着新开始的名字吗？翻译解释给妇女听，妇女回答后，翻译告诉我有。很幸运在印度尼西亚语中，黎明是男孩的名字。而且孩子的母亲同意给他取名黎明，标志他们新的开始。你们不必非要接触到那些失去了十个孩子中的九个，珍爱剩下的那一个的人，以及给新生儿取名黎明这样的人后，才意识到我们的共同点比分歧更为重要。

故事就说到这里，留给大家一些时间好好思考。1968年马丁路德·金被邀请到这里时，整个国家仍笼罩着种族歧视。十年后又笼罩着性别歧视，之后又是恐同性恋症。偶尔这些丑陋的东西又会重新流行起来，但总的说来，在场的没人准备一生被这些东西束缚着，但也没人能幸免，我们都面临着诱惑。你们面临的最大诱惑是要相信自己是与众不同的，相信是你的与众不同使自己来到这里，相信你的与众不同能给自己带来巨大的财富或满足你的任何需求，而且认为这千分之一的差别是你们自己的全部，决定着你们应该有一个好的命运，别人应该有差的命运。你们一定不要落入这个陷阱。沃伦·巴菲特计划捐出99%的财富，因为他说他赚的钱大多数是因为他的出生地和出生时间，是一场幸运的意外。而且在这个时代这个地方，他的工作甚至比教师﹑警官﹑护士﹑医生和那些关心所有应该受到关爱之人的人们的工作更加赚钱。巴菲特计划捐出99%的财富，而剩下不到1%的财富也足够他这辈子花的，因为他意识到他的财富不全源自于这千分之一的差别，是人性让他捐出99%的财富给那些更需要钱的人。

我曾在非洲中部的高地工作过，那里几乎没有交通工具，人们走路碰见时会说你好﹗你好吗？早上好﹗对方的回答并不是我很好，你呢？回答译成英语是：我看见你了。想想这句话，我们每天碰见多少以前从没见过的人？待会我们全部都退场了，有人会进来折叠大约两万把椅子，然后清理我们离开时留下的垃圾，为明天或后天做准备。我们不用考虑这些，因为有人会处理的。这些清洁人员大多数都认为没人留意他们。要不是发生了可怕的灾难，我也绝不可能见到印度尼西亚亚齐的人们。故事就讲到这里，留给你们一些时间好好思考吧。请用心感受伟人演讲的真谛，请花尽可能多的时间﹑感情和精力考虑那99.9%的相同之处。关注每个人，要知道每个人都需要新的开始。享受好的命运，喜爱你的与众不同，但是要认识到我们的共性更为重要。上帝保佑你们﹗祝你们好运﹗

第三节  精彩语录

It's also exciting because of all the diversity. If you look around this audience, I was thinking, I wonder how different this crowd would have looked if someone like me had been giving this speech 30 years ago. And how much more interesting it is for all of us.

同样令我们振奋的是我们民族的多样性。如果你看看周围的观众，我正在想，如果30年前有一个像我一样的人在这做演讲，这群人会有多么的不同！如果针对我们所有的人，这种翻天覆地的变化就更加有趣了！

Martin Luther King basically said he lived the way he did because we were all caught in what he called an inescapable web of mutuality. Nelson Mandela, the world's greatest living example of that, I believe, comes from a tribe in South Africa, the Xhosa, who call it ubuntu.

基本来说，马丁路德·金按他选择的方式来做，因为我们都陷在一个我们称之为不可逃脱的相互关系网中。纳尔逊·曼德拉，世界上最好的活生生的例子，我确信他来自南非的一个科萨人称之为特南斯凯部落。

I'd take a chance on making it all over again if I could do it again. But I think, just think what an exciting time it is.

如果我能重新开始做每一件事，我愿意冒险将它们都做成功。但是我在想，仅仅想一下这个振奋人心的年代！

第八章  美国的未来更美好

第一节  背景介绍

2001年，克林顿离任在即，在他执政的八年中，使美国国内的经济得到飞速发展，同时带领着美国创造了众多惊人的奇迹，令大老板们的收入达到了天文数字。此时，克林顿八年的执政生涯将画上一个完美的句号，他出色的政绩也象征着美国发达的科技，空前繁荣的经济，他开创了美国前所未有的盛世。

克林顿刚就任总统时，美国联邦预算赤字为2900亿美元，并且当时国会估算到2000年将达到4550亿美元。然而，克林顿在执政之后第一次发表国情咨文演说时宣誓要在三年内将财政预算赤足减少一半，结果他不但出色的完成了这个目标，在1998年美国的预算已经转亏为盈，并且预算盈余还可能达到2110亿美元。按照美国当时的预算发展，2012年将完全清偿国债，摆脱全球第一大债务国的包袱。

克林顿执政的八年，其政绩是有目共睹的，在他执政时期美国经济得以空前发展成为美国历史上最伟大的成就之一。财政预算转亏为盈对经济的影响可以说是全面性的。不过，也有评论家指出，克林顿所带领的美国也留下了许多诟病与隐患，贫富差距越来越大。

不过，克林顿时期的美国（1993～2001年）国内生产总值的增长非常强劲，年均涨幅将近3.5%，高于吉米·卡特和里根两人在任时的水平，仅稍逊于肯尼迪和约翰逊在20世纪60年代美国经济腾飞时的表现。克林顿在任时期，美国平均经济增长率高达4%，美国经济增长持续了近120个月，仅八年之间就创造了2200万个就业岗位，使750万人重新就业。克林顿在增加就业机会的同时，还成功地将美国的失业率降到了4%，新增加的就业机会远远多于除卡特之外任何一位二战后的美国总统。再加上克林顿在削减财政赤字方面所做的努力，使他顺理成章地荣登最佳经济表现总统宝座。克林顿仅依靠手下一个规模最小的政府机构，实现了自杜鲁门总统以来首次财政盈余的局面，是自约翰逊总统时期以后美国国内生产总值最强劲的涨幅。他在1992年参加总统竞选时对民众的许诺，在他离任时95%都已经实现，其中包括增加大学助学贷款，扩大享受美国福利待遇的民众范围，保持美国经济空前繁荣，以及修筑信息高速公路等。

克林顿执政时期的美国经济一片大好，在其任内美国不仅没有遭受到战争的困扰，反而使经济得以快速发展。在克林顿总统主政白宫时期，华尔街三大股指屡次创新高。克林顿执政时期，美国在经济、科技、文化和教育方面都处于世界领先地位，他出色的政绩在美国国民中留下了深刻的记忆，一段黄金时代造就了美国梦，也同样造就了克林顿本人辉煌的一生。在他2001年离职时，他成为了美国历史上得到最多公众肯定的总统之一，他八年的执政被誉为黄金八年。

2001年美国当地时间1月18日晚上八点，美国总统克林顿发表了他的离职演讲，感谢国民八年来对他的支持，并祝下届总统小布什好运。

第二节  克林顿2001年离职演说

January 19, 2001

My fellow citizens, tonight is my last opportunity to speak to you from the Oval Office as your president. I am profoundly grateful to you for twice giving me the honor to serve, to work for you and with you to prepare our nation for the 21st century. And I'm grateful to Vice President Gore, to my Cabinet secretaries, and to all those who have served with me for the last eight years.

This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to every new challenge. You have made our social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, our people more prosperous.

You, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal.

In all the work I have done as president, every decision I have made, every executive action I have taken, every bill I have proposed and signed, I've tried to give all Americans the tools and conditions to build the future of our dreams, in a good society, with a strong economy, a cleaner environment, and a freer, safer, more prosperous world.

I have steered my course by our enduring values. Opportunity for all. Responsibility from all. A community of all Americans. I have sought to give America a new kind of government, smaller, more modern, more effective, full of ideas and policies appropriate to this new time, always putting people first, always focusing on the future.

Working together, America has done well. Our economy is breaking records, with more than 22 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 30 years, the highest home ownership ever, the longest expansion in history.

Our families and communities are stronger. Thirty-five million Americans have used the family leave law. Eight million have moved off welfare. Crime is at a 25-year low. Over 10 million Americans receive more college aid, and more people than ever are going to college. Our schools are better —higher standards, greater accountability and larger investments have brought higher test scores, and higher graduation rates.

More than three million children have health insurance now, and more than 7 million Americans have been lifted out of poverty. Incomes are rising across the board. Our air and water are cleaner. Our food and drinking water are safer. And more of our precious land has been preserved, in the continental United States, than at any time in 100 years.

America has been a force for peace and prosperity in every corner of the globe. I'm very grateful to be able to turn over the reins of leadership to a new president, with America in such a strong position to meet the challenges of the future.

Tonight, I want to leave you with three thoughts about our future. First, America must maintain our record of fiscal responsibility. Through our last four budgets, we've turned record deficits to record surpluses, and we've been able to pay down $600 billion of our national debt, on track to be debt free by the end of the decade for the first time since 1835.

Staying on that course will bring lower interest rates, greater prosperity and the opportunity to meet our big challenges. If we choose wisely, we can pay down the debt, deal with the retirement of the baby boomers, invest more in our future and provide tax relief.

Second, because the world is more connected every day in every way, America's security and prosperity require us to continue to lead in the world. At this remarkable moment in history, more people live in freedom that ever before. Our alliances are stronger than ever. People all around the world look to America to be a force for peace and prosperity, freedom and security. The global economy is giving more of our own people, and billions around the world, the chance to work and live and raise their families with dignity.

But the forces of integration that have created these good opportunities also make us more subject to global forces of destruction, to terrorism, organized crime and narco-trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons and disease, the degradation of the global environment.

The expansion of trade hasn't fully closed the gap between those of us who live on the cutting edge of the global economy and the billions around the world who live on the knife's edge of survival. This global gap requires more than compassion. It requires action. Global poverty is a powder keg that could be ignited by our indifference.

In his first inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson warned of entangling alliances. But in our times, America cannot and must not disentangle itself from the world. If we want the world to embody our shared values, then we must assume a shared responsibility.

If the wars of the 20th century, especially the recent ones in Kosovo and Bosnia, have taught us anything, it is that we achieve our aims by defending our values and leading the forces of freedom and peace. We must embrace boldly and resolutely that duty to lead, to stand with our allies in word and deed, and to put a human face on the global economy so that expanded trade benefits all people in all nations, lifting lives and hopes all across the world.

Third, we must remember that America cannot lead in the world unless here at home we weave the threads of our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America. As we become ever more diverse, we must work harder to unite around our common values and our common humanity.

We must work harder to overcome our differences. In our hearts and in our laws, we must treat all our people with fairness and dignity, regardless of their race, religion, gender or sexual orientation and regardless of when they arrived in our country, always moving toward the more perfect union of our founders' dreams.

Hillary, Chelsea and I join all Americans in wishing our very best to the next president, George W. Bush, to his family and his administration in meeting these challenges and in leading freedom's march in this new century.

As for me, I'll leave the presidency more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived and more confident than ever that America's best days lie ahead.

My days in this office are nearly through, but my days of service, I hope, are not. In the years ahead, I will never hold a position higher or a covenant more sacred than that of president of the United States. But there is no title I will wear more proudly than that of citizen.

Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America.

2001年1月19日

同胞们，今晚是我最后一次作为你们的总统，在白宫椭圆形办公室向你们做最后一次演讲。我从心底深处感谢你们给了我两次机会和荣誉，为你们服务，为你们工作，和你们一起为我们的国家进入21世纪做准备。在这里我要感谢戈尔副总统，我的内阁部长们以及所有伴我度过过去八年的同事们。

现在是一个极具变革的年代，你们为迎接新的挑战已经做好了准备。是你们使我们的社会更加强大，我们的家庭更加健康和安全，我们的人民更加富裕。

同胞们，我们已经进入了全球信息化时代，这是美国复兴的伟大时代。

作为总统我所做的一切，每一个决定，每一个行政命令，提议和签署的每一项法令，都是在努力为美国人民提供工具和创造条件来实现美国的梦想，建设美国的未来——一个美好的社会，繁荣的经济，清洁的环境，进而实现一个更自由、更安全、更繁荣的世界。

借助我们永恒的价值，我驾驭了我的航程。机会属于每一个美国公民，(我的)责任来自全体美国人民，所有美国人民组成了一个大家庭。我一直在努力为美国创造一个新型的政府，更小，更现代化，更有效率，面对新时代的挑战充满创意和思想，永远把人民的利益放在第一位，永远面向未来。

我们在一起使美国变得更加美好。我们的经济正在破着一个又一个的纪录向前发展。我们已创造了2200万个新的工作岗位，我们的失业率是30年来最低的，老百姓的购房率达到一个空前的高度，我们经济繁荣的持续时间是历史上最长的。

我们的家庭、我们的社会变得更加强大。3500万美国人曾经享受联邦休假，800万人重新获得社会保障，犯罪率是25年来最低的，1000多万美国人享受更多的入学贷款，更多的人接受大学教育。我们的学校也在改善，更高的办学水平、更大的责任感和更多的投资使我们的学生取得更高的考试分数和毕业成绩。

目前，已有300多万美国儿童在享受医疗保险，700多万美国人已经脱离了贫困线。全国人民的收入在大幅度提高。我们的空气和水资源更加洁净，食品和饮用水更加安全。我们珍贵的土地资源也得到了近百年来前所未有的保护。

美国已经成为地球上每个角落促进和平和繁荣的积极力量。我非常高兴能于此时将领导权交给新任总统，强大的美国正面临未来的挑战。

今晚，我希望大家能从以下三点审视我们的未来。第一，美国必须保持良好的财政状况。通过过去四个财政年度的努力，我们已经把破纪录的财政赤字变为破纪录的盈余。并且我们已经偿还了6000亿美元的国债，我们正向十年内彻底偿还国家债务的目标迈进，这将是1835年以来的第一次。

只要这样做就会带来更低的利率、更大的经济繁荣，从而能够迎接将来更大的挑战。如果我们做出明智的选择，我们就能偿还债务，解决(二战后出生的)一大批人们的退休问题，对未来进行更多的投资，并减轻税收。

第二，世界各国的联系日益紧密。为了美国的安全与繁荣，我们应继续融入世界。在这个特别的历史时刻，更多的美国人民享有前所未有的自由。我们的盟国更加强大。全世界人民期望美国成为和平与繁荣、自由与安全的力量。全球经济给予美国民众以及全世界人民更多的机会去工作、生活，更体面地养活家庭。

但是这种世界融合的趋势，一方面为我们创造了良好的机会，同时使我们在全球范围内更容易遭致破坏性力量、恐怖主义、有组织的犯罪、贩毒活动，致命性武器和疾病传播的威胁。

尽管世界贸易不断扩大，但没能缩小处于全球经济繁荣中的我们同数十亿处于死亡边缘的人们之间的距离。要解决世界贫富两极分化需要的不是同情和怜悯，而是实际的行动。贫穷有可能被我们的漠不关心激化而成为火药桶。

托马斯·杰弗逊在他的就职演说中告诫我们结盟的危害，但是在我们这个时代，美国不能也不可能使自己脱离这个世界。如果我们想把我们共有的价值观赋予这个世界，我们必须共同承担起这个责任。

如果20世纪的历次战争，尤其是新近在科索沃地区和波斯尼亚爆发的战争，能够让我们得到某种教训的话，我们从中得到的启示应是：由于捍卫了我们的价值观并领导了自由和和平的力量，我们才达到了目标。我们必须坚定勇敢地拥抱这个信念和责任，在语言和行动上与我们的同盟者们站在一起，领导他们按这条道路前进。循着在全球经济中以人为本的观念，让不断发展的贸易能够使所有国家的所有人受益，在全世界范围内提高他们的生活水平和实现他们的梦想。

第三，我们必须牢记如果我们不团结一致，美国就不能领先世界。随着我们变得越来越多样化，我们必须更加努力地团结在共同价值观和共同人性的旗帜下。

我们要加倍努力地工作，克服生活中存在的种种分歧。于情于法我们都要让我们的人民受到公正的待遇，不论他是哪一个民族、信仰何种宗教、什么性别或性倾向，或者何时来到这个国家。我们时时刻刻都要为了实现先辈们建立高度团结的美利坚合众国的梦想而奋斗。

希拉里、切尔西和我同美国人民一起，向即将就任的布什总统、他的家人及美国新政府致以衷心的祝福，希望新政府能够勇敢面对挑战，并高扛自由大旗在新世纪阔步前进。

对我来说，当我离开总统宝座时，我充满更多的理想，比初进白宫时更加充满希望，并且坚信美国的好日子还在后面。

我的总统任期就要结束了，但是我希望我为美国人民服务的日子永远不会结束。在我未来的岁月里，我再也不会担任一个能比美利坚合众国总统更高的职位，签订一个比美利坚合众国总统所能签署的更为神圣的契约了。当然，没有任何一个头衔能让我比作为一个美国公民更为自豪的了。

谢谢你们！愿上帝保佑你们！愿上帝保佑美国！

第三节  精彩语录

This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to every new challenge. You have made our social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, our people more prosperous.

现在是一个极具变革的年代，你们为迎接新的挑战已经做好了准备。是你们使我们的社会更加强大，我们的家庭更加健康和安全，我们的人民更加富裕。

You, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal.

同胞们，我们已经进入了全球信息化时代，这是美国复兴的伟大时代。

America has been a force for peace and prosperity in every corner of the globe. I'm very grateful to be able to turn over the reins of leadership to a new president, with America in such a strong position to meet the challenges of the future.

美国已经成为地球上每个角落促进和平和繁荣的积极力量。 我非常高兴能于此时将领导权交给新任总统，强大的美国正面临未来的挑战。

As for me, I'll leave the presidency more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived and more confident than ever that America's best days lie ahead.

对我来说，当我离开总统宝座时，我充满更多的理想，比初进白宫时更加充满希望，并且坚信美国的好日子还在后面。

第九章  信任与支持

第一节  背景介绍

2012年9月5日晚，美国前总统比尔·克林顿出席美国民主党全国代表大会，并在大会上发表了一篇演讲。克林顿主政时美国经济繁荣，留下了良好的口碑。他试图把奥巴马获第二届任期与他自己的八年任期“挂钩”，希望奥巴马成为第二个克林顿，而不是竞选连任失败的卡特。

克林顿反驳共和党对手的批评，并正式提名奥巴马为民主党总统候选人，声称支持奥巴马竞选连任。克林顿说，他希望奥巴马是美国下一任总统，他对提名奥巴马感到自豪。奥巴马随后也突然现身会场，与克林顿同台而站，两人亲切拥抱。

在这次演讲中，克林顿力挺曾经很看不上的奥巴马。他觉得奥巴马虽然外表冷酷，不过内心还是为美国燃烧的。这次演讲使克林顿成为了奥巴马最有价值的竞选武器，因为克林顿比奥巴马竞选团队成员的口才要好上很多，并且底气十足，视野更加宽阔，同时可以说服更多的中间选民认可民主党和奥巴马的主张。

演讲当天在收视“黄金时段”，时年66岁的克林顿，在全场1.5万名民主党各州代表和支持者期待已久的欢呼声中走上了讲台。克林顿发表了将近50分钟的演讲，再次展现了他的演讲才能，成为当天会议的“压轴”人物。

“我们来这里提名一位总统，而我心中已有人选，”克林顿对着镜头露出标志性的微笑，“我希望贝拉克·奥巴马是美国下一届总统，我自豪地以民主党代表身份提名他。”台下观众回应：“再来四年！”

克林顿在举了奥巴马在首届任内的政绩，如推出经济刺激计划，发展可再生能源，保护妇女权利，增加就业岗位，改革医疗保险体系。

“现在，请听我说。没有哪位总统，无论是我还是我的任何一位前任，可以只用四年时间(一届总统任期)，全面修缮他所认定的损伤。”

共和党总统候选人米特·罗姆尼借用共和党籍前总统罗纳德·里根竞选时攻击时任民主党籍总统吉米·卡特的话说道：“美国的选民不觉得现在比四年前好。”

克林顿随即予以回击：“奥马巴上任时美国经济整体呈现自由落体式的下滑，国内生产总值缩水9%，平均每个月减少75万个工作岗位，和那时相比我们实现自己的目标了吗？没有。总统觉得满意吗？不满意。我们比他上任时好吗？答案是肯定的。”

台下爆发出雷鸣般的掌声和欢呼声。

“只是太多的人还没有感受到。”克林顿说，”如果美国人再次与总统（奥巴马）约定，经济会变得更好，大家会感受到的。”

他说：“共和党反对总统连任的理由实际非常简单：我们（共和党人）留给他（奥巴马）一个烂摊子，但他动作不够快，没有清理干净，所以请大家炒了他，换我们重新上台。”

最终代表民主党的贝拉克·奥巴马在总统选举中得到过半数选举人票，以332票对206票击败共和党的米特·罗姆尼，成功连任美国总统继续执政。

第二节  克林顿2012年提名奥巴马演讲

September 5, 2012

We’re here to nominate a President, and I’ve got one in mind.

I want to nominate a man whose own life has known its fair share of adversity and uncertainty. A man who ran for President to change the course of an already weak economy and then just six weeks before the election, saw it suffer the biggest collapse since the Great Depression. A man who stopped the slide into depression and put us on the long road to recovery, knowing all the while that no matter how many jobs were created and saved, there were still millions more waiting, trying to feed their children and keep their hopes alive.

I want to nominate a man cool on the outside but burning for America on the inside. A man who believes we can build a new American Dream economy driven by innovation and creativity, education and cooperation. A man who had the good sense to marry Michelle Obama.

I want Barack Obama to be the next President of the United States and I proudly nominate him as the standard bearer of the Democratic Party.

In Tampa, we heard a lot of talk about how the President and the Democrats don’t believe in free enterprise and individual initiative, how we want everyone to be dependent on the government, how bad we are for the economy.

The Republican narrative is that all of us who amount to anything are completely self-made. One of our greatest Democratic Chairmen, Bob Strauss, used to say that every politician wants you to believe he was born in a log cabin he built himself, but it ain't so.

We Democrats think the country works better with a strong middle class, real opportunities for poor people to work their way into it and a relentless focus on the future, with business and government working together to promote growth and broadly shared prosperity. We think “we’re all in this together” is a better philosophy than “you’re on your own.”

Who’s right? Well since 1961, the Republicans have held the White House 28 years, the Democrats 24. In those 52 years, our economy produced 66 million private sector jobs. What’s the jobs score? Republicans 24 million, Democrats 42 million!

It turns out that advancing equal opportunity and economic empowerment is both morally right and good economics, because discrimination, poverty and ignorance restrict growth, while investments in education, infrastructure and scientific and technological research increase it, creating more good jobs and new wealth for all of us.

Though I often disagree with Republicans, I never learned to hate them the way the far right that now controls their party seems to hate President Obama and the Democrats. After all, President Eisenhower sent federal troops to my home state to integrate Little Rock Central High and built the interstate highway system. And as governor, I worked with President Reagan on welfare reform and with President George H.W. Bush on national education goals. I am grateful to President George W. Bush for PEPFAR, which is saving the lives of millions of people in poor countries and to both Presidents Bush for the work we’ve done together after the South Asia tsunami, Hurricane Katrina and the Haitian earthquake.

Through my foundation, in America and around the world, I work with Democrats, Republicans and Independents who are focused on solving problems and seizing opportunities, not fighting each other.

When times are tough, constant conflict may be good politics but in the real world, cooperation works better. After all, nobody’s right all the time, and a broken clock is right twice a day. All of us are destined to live our lives between those two extremes. Unfortunately, the faction that now dominates the Republican Party doesn’t see it that way. They think government is the enemy, and compromise is weakness.

One of the main reasons America should re-elect President Obama is that he is still committed to cooperation. He appointed Republican Secretaries of Defense, the Army and Transportation. He appointed a Vice President who ran against him in 2008, and trusted him to oversee the successful end of the war in Iraq and the implementation of the recovery act. And Joe Biden did a great job with both. He appointed Cabinet members who supported Hillary in the primaries. Heck, he even appointed Hillary! I’m so proud of her and grateful to our entire national security team for all they’ve done to make us safer and stronger and to build a world with more partners and fewer enemies. I’m also grateful to the young men and women who serve our country in the military and to Michelle Obama and Jill Biden for supporting military families when their loved ones are overseas and for helping our veterans, when they come home bearing the wounds of war, or needing help with education, housing, and jobs.

President Obama’s record on national security is a tribute to his strength, and judgment, and to his preference for inclusion and partnership over partisanship. He also tried to work with Congressional Republicans on Health Care, debt reduction, and jobs, but that didn’t work out so well. Probably because, as the Senate Republican leader, in a remarkable moment of candor, said two years before the election, their number one priority was not to put America back to work, but to put President Obama out of work.

Senator, I hate to break it to you, but we’re going to keep President Obama on the job!

In Tampa, the Republican argument against the President’s re-election was pretty simple: we left him a total mess, he hasn’t cleaned it up fast enough, so fire him and put us back in.

In order to look like an acceptable alternative to President Obama, they couldn’t say much about the ideas they have offered over the last two years. You see they want to go back to the same old policies that got us into trouble in the first place: to cut taxes for high income Americans even more than President Bush did; to get rid of those pesky financial regulations designed to prevent another crash and prohibit future bailouts; to increase defense spending two trillion dollars more than the Pentagon has requested without saying what they’ll spend the money on; to make enormous cuts in the rest of the budget, especially programs that help the middle class and poor kids. As another President once said – there they go again.

I like the argument for President Obama’s re-election a lot better. He inherited a deeply damaged economy, put a floor under the crash, began the long hard road to recovery, and laid the foundation for a modern, more well-balanced economy that will produce millions of good new jobs, vibrant new businesses, and lots of new wealth for the innovators.

Are we where we want to be? No. Is the President satisfied? No. Are we better off than we were when he took office, with an economy in free fall, losing 750,000 jobs a month? The answer is YES.

I understand the challenge we face. I know many Americans are still angry and frustrated with the economy. Though employment is growing, banks are beginning to lend and even housing prices are picking up a bit, too many people don’t feel it.

I experienced the same thing in 1994 and early 1995. Our policies were working and the economy was growing but most people didn’t feel it yet. By 1996, the economy was roaring, halfway through the longest peacetime expansion in American history.

President Obama started with a much weaker economy than I did. No President-not me or any of my predecessors could have repaired all the damage in just four years. But conditions are improving and if you’ll renew the President’s contract you will feel it.

I believe that with all my heart. President Obama’s approach embodies the values, the ideas, and the direction America must take to build a 21st century version of the American Dream in a nation of shared opportunities, shared prosperity and shared responsibilities.

2012年9月5日

我们在这里提名总统候选人，我心里已经有一个人选了。

我将要提名的这个人，他已经知道了自己命运多舛。他竞选总统以解决选举前六个月以来最大的经济危机，他正在努力解决经济萧条所带来的低迷经济，阻止经济继续下滑。他也正在带领着我们踏上了经济复苏的道路。他知道不管已经创造了多少工作机会，仍然会有数以百万的人在等待工作机会，尽自己的能力来抚养他们的孩子，使自己的生活充满希望。

我将要提名的总统候选人外冷内热，他相信我们能用我们的智慧创造力教育和合作建立新的“美国梦”经济，这个男人很幸运地娶到了米歇尔。

我将提名贝拉克·奥巴马为下届总统候选人，我将提名他为美国民主党的标杆。

在坦帕我们听到不少关于奥巴马和民主党不信任自由企业和个人主义的言论，还有我们希望每一个人都依靠政府的力量，还说我们不了解我们现在的经济情况是多么糟糕。

共和党把我们所有的人描述成完全是为自己。一位民主党主席鲍勃·斯特劳斯总是说每一个政体都想要你相信他出生在自制的小木屋里，但事实不是这样的。

我们民主党认为一个国家的中产阶级强大了，这个国家才能强大。给他们提供实质的工作机会让他们能自力更生，让他们参与国家的发展，商业和政府的工作结合起来去让国家发展繁荣。“我们一直在一起”的口号比“你可以依靠自己”听起来舒服多了。

谁是对的呢？从1961年开始，共和党执政了28年，民主党执政24年，在这52年中，在经济发展基础上创造了6600万个工作机会，这些工作在两党之间是怎样分配的呢？共和党是240万，民主党是420万。

这表明促进经济机会和能力的增长在平等权力和经济上起到了平衡的作用，因为种族歧视，贫穷无知限制了经济的发展，而在教育，基础设施建设，科学研究上的投资在增长，这样就能创造更多好的工作和更多的财富。

虽然我经常不赞同共和党的政策，但是我从没有像他们现在讨厌奥巴马总统和民主党那样讨厌他们，毕竟艾森豪威尔总统曾经派遣军队去我的家乡整合小盐城并且在那里建立了高速公路网。作为州长我也曾同里根总统在福利改革政策上共同努力，也和乔治·布什总统一起工作完成国家教育目标。我对乔治·布什总统充满了感激，因为他为艾滋病紧急救援计划做出了很大的努力，这次行动挽救了贫困地区数以百万的生命。我也很感激两届布什总统和我一道在南亚海啸，卡特里娜飓风和海底地震后的努力工作。

从我的角度出发，我在美国甚至世界各地，我和民主党，共和党，还有自由党派一起努力工作是为了解决问题，抓住机会，而不是互相攻击。

在艰难的时代里，持续的纷争可能是好的政治手段，但在当今世界合作会更好。我们每一个人注定要生活在这两个极端之间。但很不幸现在掌控共和党的小部分人却不这样想，他们认为政府就是敌人，妥协就是软弱。

美国应该继续选奥巴马当选总统的一个很重要原因就是他始终致力于以“合作”为执政原则。他任命共和党的国防部长，还有军队和运输上的一些官员。他任命在2008年与他竞选的副总统，并信任他监督伊拉克战争的胜利结束和复苏法案的执行。于此同时，乔·拜登在这方面也做得很好，他任命在总统预选时支持希拉里的内阁成员，而且他居然能重用希拉里，我为她感到骄傲。我也很感激我们整个国家安全局，为把我们的国家建立得更安全更强大，多一些伙伴少一些敌人所做出的努力。我也很感谢在军队服役的年轻人，更感谢米歇尔·奥巴马和吉尔·拜登在军人们远赴他乡时他们对军人家属的鼓励支持，而且他们还从教育、居住和就业方面帮助受伤归来的老兵。

奥巴马总统在国家安全上贴的标签是他的力量、公正，还有他对于党派的包容和爱护。他也一直在为国家卫生保健，债务削减和就业机会努力，但是他没有解决得那么好。坦率的讲，也许是因为共和党参议员领导在两年前表示，他们的首要任务不是为国民创造更多工作机会，而是让奥巴马下台。

参议员，我本来不想这样说，但是我们正努力让奥巴马继续执政。

在坦帕，共和党有关奥巴马连任的论调非常简单：我们留给他一个烂摊子，但他动作不够快没有清理干净，所以请大家炒了他，换我们重新上台。

为了能更像奥巴马的竞争对手，他们不能对过去两年间他们提供的想法做过多评论。你们很清楚他们将用同样的旧政策把我们带入麻烦：为高收入美国人减税，人数多于当初布什执政时减税的人数；废除讨厌的金融条款阻止破产，但也阻止了将来的救助；增加两万亿的国防支出，这比美国国防部要求的还多，而且他们没有说把这些钱用在哪里；减少大量的支出预算，特别是在帮助中产阶级和贫困孩子的项目上。正如另外一位总统所说，在那里他们又可以做主了。

我其实更喜欢总统奥巴马连任的论调。他接手了一个严重受损的经济，开始了漫长的恢复之路，并为筹划更现代化、更平衡的经济奠定了基础。这是创造数百万良好得就业机会、充满活力的企业及为企业带来新财富的前提。

我们实现自己的目标了吗？没有！总统觉得满意吗？不满意！他执政之前，经济呈自由落体式的下滑，平均每个月减少75万各工作机会吗？答案是肯定的。

我明白我们现在面临的挑战，我也知道很多美国人都对美国现在的经济感到气愤和沮丧。虽然就业率正在增长，银行也正在发放外贷，甚至房价也上涨了一点，但是太多的人还没有感受到。

我在1994年和1995年早期经历了同样的事。我们的政策正在起效，经济也正在恢复，只是大部分人都没有感受到而已。到1996年，经济开始繁荣，也基本到了美国历史上经济最稳定的发展时期。

奥巴马现在着手的经济问题比我当年要弱很多，没有一位总统，包括我和所有前任总统能够在短短四年时间就修复所有的经济问题。但是情况正在改善，如果你们再给奥巴马四年，你们就会感受得到。

我相信这也是来自我们心底的声音。奥巴马总统的做法体现了美国的价值观思想和发展方向。奥巴马总统正在努力把美国建立成拥有21世纪美国梦的新国家。在这里全民有同样的机会，共享繁荣，一起承担责任。

第三节  精彩语录

I want to nominate a man cool on the outside but burning for America on the inside. A man who believes we can build a new American Dream economy driven by innovation and creativity, education and cooperation. A man who had the good sense to marry Michelle Obama.

我将要提名的总统候选人外冷内热，他相信我们能用我们的智慧、创造力、教育、和合作建立新的“美国梦”经济，这个男人很幸运地娶到了米歇尔。

It turns out that advancing equal opportunity and economic empowerment is both morally right and good economics, because discrimination, poverty and ignorance restrict growth, while investments in education, infrastructure and scientific and technological research increase it, creating more good jobs and new wealth for all of us.

这表明促进经济机会和能力的增长在平等权力和经济上起到了平衡的作用，因为种族歧视，贫穷无知限制了经济的发展，而在教育，基础设施建设，科学研究上的投资在增长，这样就能创造更多好的工作和更多的财富。

Senator, I hate to break it to you, but we're going to keep President Obama on the job!

参议员，我本来不想这样说，但是我们正努力让奥巴马继续执政。

I believe that with all my heart. President Obama’s approach embodies the values, the ideas, and the direction America must take to build a 21st century version of the American Dream in a nation of shared opportunities, shared prosperity and shared responsibilities.

我相信这也是来自我们心底的声音。奥巴马总统的做法体现了美国的价值观思想和发展方向。奥巴马总统正在努力把美国建立成拥有21世纪美国梦的新国家。在这里全民有同样的机会，共享繁荣，一起承担责任。

Table of Contents

奥巴马演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  美国的承诺

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2007年接受总统候选人提名时的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  无畏的希望

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2004年在民主党全国代表大会的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  谢谢你，艾奥瓦

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年在艾奥瓦州德斯莫内斯的竞选演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  更加完善的联邦

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年3月18日在费城国家宪法中心的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  我们所热爱的美国

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年6月30日在密苏里州独立城的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  美国的变革时代已经到来

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2008年11月4日在芝加哥格兰特公园的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  自由的新生

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2009年1月20日在华盛顿特区国会大厦前的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  独立日演讲

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2009年7月4日在白宫的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  民众的力量

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  奥巴马于2013年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

附  录

2010国情咨文——2010年1月27日美国众议院

2011国情咨文——2011年1月25日美国众议院

2012国情咨文——2012年1月24日美国众议院

里根演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  开创国家复兴的时代

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1981年第一次总统就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  挣脱大地的束缚

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1986年悼念“挑战者”号宇航员的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  为持久的友谊奠定基础

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1984年在复旦大学的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  美国的精神觉醒

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根在美国全国福音派联会年会上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  推倒这堵墙

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1987年在柏林墙下的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  抉择的时刻

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1964年为总统候选人助选的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  离去如此甜蜜而感伤

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1989年在白宫发表告别演说

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  以你的荣耀谱写天空的绚丽

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  里根于1984年纪念诺曼底登陆四十周年演讲

第三节  精彩语录

罗斯福演说

出版说明

前  言

第一章  赞奋斗不息

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1930年任纽约州长后的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  政府的职责和权力

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1932年在联邦俱乐部的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1933年在白宫的第一次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  银行危机

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1933年的第一次炉边谈话

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  持久进步之路

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1937年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  论国家安全

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1940年的一次炉边谈话

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  对日宣战演说

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1941年针对偷袭珍珠港发表演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  四大自由

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1941年致美国国会的第八次国情咨文演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  论欧洲战争

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1941年在白宫发表演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十章  面对灾难

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1944年在竞选晚宴上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十一章  反法西斯战争

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福向国会报告雅尔塔会议情况的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十二章  建设持久的和平

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  罗斯福于1945年在白宫的第四次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

布什演说

出版说明

前  言

第一章  自由和团结

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2001年在白宫的第一次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  人人都能当总统

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2001年在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  你们和我在一起

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于“9·11”事件当晚在白宫发表电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  悲痛化为愤怒

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于“9·11”事件后在国会发表电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  美国的价值观与中国政府的自信

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2002年在清华大学的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  最后决定的时刻

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什限萨达姆四十八小时内离开伊拉克的电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  抬起眼帘，望向天空

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2003年“哥伦比亚”号失事后的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  自由所到之处，仇恨无不让道

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2003年在“林肯”号航母上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  宣布连任

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2004年竞选获胜后的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十章  学会感恩

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2004年感恩节的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十一章  将自由带到全世界

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2005年在白宫的第二次就职演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十二章  打击恐怖主义，消除贸易壁垒

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2005年在联合国六十周年大会上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十三章  振兴美国经济

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2008年在国会大厦最后一次发表国情咨文

第三节  精彩语录

第十四章  雷曼倒了，危机来了

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什关于金融危机的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十五章  经济形势十分严峻

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什就金融危机后美国经济形势发表演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第十六章  昂首离开白宫

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  布什于2009年在白宫发表告别演说

第三节  精彩语录

肯尼迪演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  强者公正，弱者安全

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪参加总统竞选的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  我信任的美国

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1960年对大休斯顿部长协会的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  人人生来平等

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在白宫发表关于民权的电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  我是一个柏林人

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在柏林墙边的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  不以自由为代价换取和平

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1962年关于古巴导弹危机发表电视讲话

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  我们选择登月

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1962年在赖斯大学关于航天事业的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  缔造一个和平的世界

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  肯尼迪于1963年在美国大学毕业典礼上的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

克林顿演说

出版说明

前言

第一章  新的契约

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1992年获民主党提名演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第二章  复兴的新时代

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1993年第一次就职演说

第三节  精彩语录

第三章  创造新希望

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1997年第二次就职演说

第三节  精彩语录

第四章  大道之行，天下为公

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1998年在西安的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第五章  游走北大，展望未来

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿1998年在北京大学的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第六章  二十一世纪的教育革命

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2000年国情咨文演说

第三节  精彩语录

第七章  温暖的关怀

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2007年哈佛大学毕业纪念日的演讲

第三节  精彩语录

第八章  美国的未来更美好

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2001年离职演说

第三节  精彩语录

第九章  信任与支持

第一节  背景介绍

第二节  克林顿2012年提名奥巴马演讲

第三节  精彩语录