伟大的思想(第一辑)论君权
Author: 弗朗西斯•培根
Date: 2010-01-20
Publisher: 中国对外翻译出版社

目　录

中文目录

Contens

企鹅口袋书系列·伟大的思想

论　君　权

（英汉双语）

［英］弗朗西斯·培根　著　樊阳程　译

中国出版集团

中国对外翻译出版公司

中文目录

论复仇

论双亲与子女

论婚姻和独身

论妒忌

论爱

论高位

论善与本性之善

论游历

论君权

论狡猾

论利己的学问

论新事物

论消费

论养生

论猜疑

论言谈

论财富

论野心

论美

论残疾

论建筑

论花园

论交涉

论请托者

论学问

论虚荣

论愤怒

返回总目录

论复仇

复仇乃是一种对公道的粗暴寻求，人的本性愈是趋向于此，法律越是要将其禁止。之前别人的罪行，诚然已经触犯了法律；但针对此罪行的复仇却是将法律置于不顾。固然，一个人采取复仇行为不过是为了与其仇敌相互扯平，但若能既往不咎，他便更胜一筹，因为宽恕乃是内在于贵族气质的。我确信所罗门曾言：“宽恕人的过失，便是自己的荣耀。”〔1〕过去的已经逝去，亦无法挽回，智者在当下和未来所要处理的事何其之多，让自己缠绕于过去的纷扰不过是徒增负担。没有人是为了犯罪的目的而去犯罪，不过是为了使自己从中能获得利益、愉悦或者名誉等诸如此类的好处罢了。既然如此，我何必因为一个人爱他自己胜过爱我而耿耿于怀呢？即使有人纯粹出于其邪恶的本性而去犯罪，那又如何呢？也就像是荆棘一般，除了刺扎擦划，其所能及不过如此。最可容忍的一类复仇是针对那种没有相应的法律可以主持公道的罪行的报复：但即便如此，实施复仇的人也需注意不要触及刑律；否则此人的仇敌仍然占上风，与仇敌相比，复仇者则会遭受双倍的困苦。有些时候，当给予复仇时，人们会希望对方明白这报复从何而来。这是更为宽宏的一种做法，因为复仇带来的快感似乎不在于使对方受到伤害，而是在于使其悔过。但卑鄙奸诈的懦夫却喜欢暗箭伤人。佛罗伦萨大公科斯莫斯，〔2〕对那些背信弃义或忘恩负义的朋友有过一番极端的言论，仿佛那些罪行是不可饶恕的，他说：“你应在圣书中读到过教诲我们原谅仇敌的话语，但却不会读到原谅自己朋友的话语。”还是约伯的精神格调更高，他说：“难道我们从神手里得福，不也受祸吗？”〔3〕从而由此推及朋友一定程度上也应如此。可以肯定的是，一个人若对复仇念念不忘，那么他的伤口将久久不能愈合，若非如此他的伤口应早已痊愈。报公仇者多半幸运：例如为恺撒〔4〕被刺、为珀尔提那克斯〔5〕被杀、为法兰西国王亨利三世〔6〕被害此类事件而进行的复仇；但私仇的报复则不然。与之相反，那些报复心切的人过着妖巫般的生活，他们生时于人有害，死时不得善终。

注释

〔1〕　《旧约·箴言》，第19章第11节。

〔2〕　即Cosimo de′Medici（1519～1574），1537年至1574年为佛罗伦萨大公。他这番话的出处未被考证。

〔3〕《旧约·约伯》，第2章第10节。

〔4〕　恺撒，即盖乌斯·尤利乌斯·恺撒（Gaius Julius Caesar，公元前100～公元前44），罗马末期军事统率，也称为恺撒大帝，公元前44年遭暗杀身亡。——译者注

〔5〕　珀尔提那克斯，即（Publius Elvius Pertinax，126～193），罗马皇帝，193年即位，即位87天后遭兵变，被士兵杀害身亡。——译者注

〔6〕　法兰西国王亨利三世（Henri III，原名Henri Alexandre，1551～1589），1589年在雅各宾修道院被一名多明我会修士雅克·克列孟（Jacques Clément，1567～1589）刺死。——译者注

论双亲与子女

双亲的欢愉是秘而不宣的，他们的悲伤和恐惧也是如此：他们既难以言述他们的欢愉，也不愿意去表达他们的悲伤和恐惧。子女既使得艰辛变得甘甜，也使得不幸更为苦痛：他们增添了双亲生活的负担，也减轻了他们关于死亡的忧惧。繁衍自身将血脉永存延续对于其他动物来说都是一样的，但名留青史、建立功勋和创造伟业则是人类特有的。的确不难看到有些最为卓越的成就和建树来自没有子嗣之人，在他们肉体的形象不能得到延续之处，他们寻求以精神形象的方式实现自身的延续。所以，没有子嗣的人实际上是最为关心后代的。那些作为家族创立者的人对于他们的子女也最为溺爱，他们不仅将子女视为他们家族的后裔，也将其视为他们事业的继承者；所以，在他们眼中，子女既是后代又是事业。

双亲倾注在他们的几个子女身上的情感在许多时候是不平均的，有时甚至是不合理的，在母亲身上表现得尤为突出。如所罗门所言：“智慧之子使父亲欢乐，愚昧之子叫母亲蒙羞。”〔1〕通常可见的是，在一个子孙满堂的家族中，一两个最年长的子女受到器重，最年幼者则被娇惯纵容，但处在中间的几个似乎处于被遗忘的境地，然而他们却往往成为最优秀的。父母在零用钱方面对他们的子女若太吝惜会犯有害的错误，会使得他们的子女感觉卑微，使之变得善于说谎，使之与小人为伍，使之在有了大量的钱财后容易贪欲无度。人们对他们的子女保持权威，而不是捂紧自己的钱包应是最为恰当的。人们（父母、教师、仆人皆如此）有一种并不明智的习惯，就是当兄弟们还在孩提时代就开始就创造和培养一种竞争的氛围，其结果往往是使得当弟兄们长大成人时，难以同心同德，并且使家庭分崩离析。意大利人将子女、侄甥和近亲的孩子都视为己出；只要这些孩子同出一门，是否为自己亲生他们并不看重。并且，完全可以说，在自然界也大抵有些类似的情况；有时我们看到侄子更像他的叔伯而不像他自己的父亲，这是血气使然。为父母者，应及早选择他们希望自己的子女将来从事的职业和所学的课程，因为孩子越长大就越不容易塑造。但是为人父母者也不应过多地将自己的想法强加于子女身上，认为自己最感兴趣的也是对自己子女最有益处的。但确实如果子女的性情和才能卓尔不群，不去妨碍其是较好的：一般来说如下的格言是很好的，“做最佳选择，若养成了习惯就会使之充满乐趣和轻松。”〔2〕弟兄之中的年幼者通常有这种幸运，但在弟兄之中的年长者被剥夺了继承权的时候，上述情况则很少发生甚至不会发生。

注释

〔1〕　《旧约·箴言》，第10章第1节。

〔2〕　来自毕达哥拉斯（Pythagoras，约公元前572～公元前497）的追随者的警句，出自普罗塔克（Plutarch，约公元46～120）的《论流放》，第8节（《道德小品》，602B）。原文为拉丁文。

论婚姻和独身

有妻子和子女的人已经向命运做了抵押，因为家室乃是大事业的累赘，不论是成就一番美德还是要践行一番恶举。毋庸置疑的，对于大众而言的一流作品和最善之举，都来自于那些独身或没有子女的人士，这些人士在情感上以大众为伴侣，其钱财也捐赠给了大众。然而，那些有子女的人去心系未来才是合情合理的，因为未来是他们最珍爱的抵押品将要送抵之处。有些人虽然过着独身的生活，他们的想法却不会超出自我之外，对未来也漠不关心。不但如此，有些人将妻子和子女视同一叠索费账单。更有甚者，也就是那些愚蠢而富有的悭吝人反而以没有子女为豪，因为他们认为这样在别人眼中他们就更为富有了。或许他们曾有耳闻这样的话：“这人可真是个大富翁”，但其他人却反驳说：“是啊，但是他有一堆儿女要照顾呢”，仿佛这会削减他的财力似的。但导致独身生活的最普通的原因是此类生活的自在清净，对于那些具有容易自我满足和幽默感心灵的人尤为如此。这类人对于任何约束都十分敏感，以至于他们会将自己的腰带和袜带也视为束缚和桎梏。独身的人是最可靠的朋友，最善良的主人，最令人满意的仆人；但并不总是最恭顺的臣民，因为他们很容易一走了之；并且几乎所有的逃亡者都属于这种没有牵挂的状况。独身生活对于教会中的人士是适合的，因为善举若先注满一池，则难以润泽四方。对于法官和地方官员来说则不一样，因为如果他们易被人左右且贪污受贿，你会发现一个仆人带来的祸害能比一个妻子带来的五倍有余。对于军人而言，我发现将军们在训导中通常让他的部下将妻儿铭记在心；并且我认为土耳其人对婚姻的普遍不尊使得他们粗鄙的士兵更为不堪。的确，妻子和子女是对人性的一种训练；而独身的人，虽然他们很多时候更为慷慨，因为他们在财务上支出不多，但从另一方面来说，他们也更为冷酷和硬心肠（去做审讯官倒是不错），因为他们的恻隐之心并不那么常常被触发。通常深爱妻子的丈夫是本性端庄、受风俗教化，从而忠贞不渝的，就如尤利西斯〔1〕被称道的：“他宁要糟糠之妻也不愿要长生不老”〔2〕贞洁的妇女常常骄傲自负，因为她们自认为保持操守就有此资本。若一个妇女认为她的丈夫是有才识的，那就是她尽自己为人妻的贞洁和顺从的最好维系条件之一，但如果她发现丈夫生性猜忌，她就不会那么做。妻子是青年人的情人，中年人的伴侣，老年人的看护。所以一个人若要结婚是不会缺乏理由的。然而有一个智者，当有人问他“人应该什么时候结婚”的时候，他这样回答：“青年人结婚还为时尚早，老年人则完全不该结婚。”常可见到的是，性格不好的丈夫往往有温柔贤惠的妻子；或许这使得当丈夫的性情和善时让人更觉可贵，又或者这类妻子以自己的耐性为荣。但有一点绝对错不了，那就是如果性格不好的丈夫是因为不顾亲友的意见而自己做的选择，她们就不得不去为自己的愚蠢行为付出代价。

注释

〔1〕　尤利西斯，即希腊神话中的英雄奥德修斯（Odysseus），设计了特洛伊战争中的木马攻城计，荷马史诗《奥德修斯》中描述奥德修斯曾漂流到一个海岛上，岛上的女神以长生不老的许诺挽留他。——译者注

〔2〕　出自西塞罗（Cicero，公元前106～前43）《论雄辩家》，第1章，第44节。原文为拉丁文。

论妒忌

除了爱情和妒忌之外，没有哪种情感能使人神魂颠倒和心醉神迷。爱情与妒忌都包含着强烈的愿望；它们能使自身、幻想和暗示轻易地结合；它们容易在眼神中流露，尤其是相关对象出现在眼前之时：如果存在类似的事物的话，这些便是导致迷醉的原因。我们在《圣经》中读到过将妒忌称为“凶眼”，并且占星家将星宿的不利影响称为“凶相”，为此妒忌的行为似乎总是被认为与目光灼灼伤人的样子相连。不仅如此，有一些爱探究的人注意到，当妒忌的目光最伤人的时候，正是被妒忌的一方最得意得志之时，这正使得妒忌之心越发显露了：除此之外，在这种时候被妒忌之人扬扬自得的情绪表露无遗，妒忌并非无风起浪。

将这些奇趣怪谈放在一边（虽然在适当的时候它们也并非不值得思考），我们将讨论什么样的人倾向于妒忌别人，什么样的人最容易招致别人的妒忌以及公妒与私妒有何区别。

自身缺乏美德的人在任何时候都妒忌别人的德行。因为人的心灵不是充盈着自身的善，便是塞满着别人的恶；而且缺乏自身之善者必将以他人之恶补之，然后无望能及他人美德的人，会通过贬损他人的幸福来寻求平衡。

多事好问之人通常是好妒忌的。因为费心费力打探别人许多事情不会是因为这些都与他自身有利害关系：因而他在看待别人的命运时，持有一种幸灾乐祸的心态那是必然的。只专注于自己的事物的人不会发现有多少值得妒忌的事情。因为妒忌是一种飘忽不定的激情，总是在街上游荡，而不肯守在家中：“没有好穷根究底而不心怀恶意的。”〔1〕

出身高贵之人对正在上升的新贵是充满妒意的。因为他们之间的距离被改变了，就像观察中的错觉，当别人向自己前进时，自己却以为自己向后退了。

残疾之人、宦官、老人和私生子是好妒忌的。因为他不太可能改变自己的处境，所以便尽其所能去损害别人……

对于那些经历了灾祸和不幸之后东山再起的人来说也有类似的情况存在。他们如同那些时代的弃儿一般，将他人所受到的伤害视为对自己痛苦的补偿。

那些渴望在各个方面出人头地的，过于浮躁和自负的人也每每富于妒忌之心。他们不缺乏能让他们心生妒意的事，因为在各类事情当中虽然他不可能事事都独占鳌头，但总有那么几件事情他比别人要稍胜一筹。这就类似于哈德良皇帝〔2〕的性格：他对诗人、画家和工匠都抱有极其嫉妒的心理，因其本人在这些人从事的工作中也有些过人的才华。

最后，近亲、办公室同事和一同被培养的人，在侪辈得到升迁提拔之时更容易犯妒忌的毛病。因为这种状况对他们而言，映衬出自己命运之不济，就像是对他们的谴责，并且无时无刻不在敲打着他们的记忆，使得他们更为留意这些发迹的侪辈；而且，言谈和名声的传播使得妒忌倍加炽热。该隐对他的兄弟亚伯的妒忌更为恶劣且恶毒，因为亚伯的贡品被视为更好的但没有人见证到。〔3〕以上这些就是关于那些容易产生妒忌的人的讨论。

再说说那些或多或少招致妒忌的人。首先，那些德高望重的人，当他们的德行累积越多，他们被妒忌的也越少。因为他们的好运气似乎是他们应得的，没有人会对债务被偿还感到嫉妒，但对获得报酬和慷慨大方却不然。其次，妒忌总是伴随着人与自身的比较，如果没有比较，就没有妒忌了；从而君王是不被人所嫉妒的，他的妒忌只能来自其他君王。然而被注意到的是，默默无名者显贵之初最容易招致妒忌，但随后妒忌却慢慢消减了；不过与之相反的是，功名在身的人的荣耀持续很久时最不容易摆脱妒忌。因为到了那个时候，虽然这些建功立业的人的美德依旧，但已不如当初那样闪亮，新出现的人物的光辉掩盖了他们的光芒，使其黯然失色。

出身名门者的成功不那么容易让人妒忌，因为这似乎与之家世是相称的。此外，他们的成功似乎对其好运也未增益；而妒忌就像阳光一样，照耀在河岸或陡坡上时比照耀在平地上要热得多。出于相同的原因，那些一步步升迁的人比起那些一步登天、一跃而飞黄腾达的人所遭受的妒忌要少一些。

那些将他们的荣誉与艰辛的付出、操劳忧虑和出生入死的经历相联系的人较少受到别人的嫉妒。因为人们觉得他们的这些荣誉来之不易，甚至有时还会对他们表示怜惜；而怜悯则可以将妒忌治愈。这是为什么人们可以观察到，越是老练稳重的政坛中人，在其身处高位、鼎盛之时，越是哀叹他们一生之不济，吟诵着“我们遭受了多少痛苦！”并非他们真有这样的感受，而仅仅是为了减缓妒忌的锋芒。不过这对于那些被强加事务在身的人尚可理解，但对于那些自己想要如此的人就不是这样了。因为没有什么比不必要地、雄心勃勃地热衷于各种事务更容易增长来自别人的妒忌。并且，没有什么比一个大人物能做到保护他所有下属的充分权利及杰出地位，更能够将妒忌的乌云驱散的。因为这意味着在他和他的敌人之间竖起了道道屏障。

那些最容易招致妒忌的，首当其冲地是那些对自己的好运带着极其傲慢无礼态度的人，如果他们不显示自己有多伟大，他们就会觉得不舒服，他们或通过外在赤裸裸地炫耀，或通过对抗和竞争来压倒别人成就自己。然而也有一些明智的人愿做妒忌祭坛上的献品，有时在与其自身干系不大的事情中有目的地忍受别人的倾轧和压制。纵然如此，如下也是事实，即如果对成就怀以一颗平常心并且处以一种开放的心态（不带有骄傲自大和虚荣自负的成分），比起那种使用欺诈狡猾手段的方式来说，招致的嫉妒要少。因为在后一种方式中，这种人简直就是在否定自己的好运，并且好像意识到自己不配拥有这样的运气；由此，他竟是教导别人来妒忌他了。

最后，作为对这一部分的结束语：我们在一开始已经了解到妒忌的行为与巫术有几分关联，那么要治愈妒忌，只有借助治愈巫术的良方；也就是将那“歹运”（人们所谓的）除去并加于别人身上。为此目的，一些比较聪明的大人物总是将一些人推到台前，从而将那些针对自身的妒忌被分散到那些人身上；有时妒忌旁落到臣子或仆人身上，有时落到同事或同伙身上，诸如此类；就此来说，总不缺乏某些生性暴烈的人，为了获得权利和地位，不惜一切代价。

现在，谈一谈公妒。在公妒中还有些好处，然而在私妒当中就一点儿好处也没有了。因为公妒乃是一种放逐，将那些势力增长得太快的人的风头压制住。从而公妒对于其他大人物也是一种约束，能使他们的行为不超越界限。

这种妒忌，在拉丁文中称为invidia，在现代的语言中用“公愤”一词表达，这我们将在处理叛乱的文章中进行讨论。它是一种在国家中容易传染的疾病。就像传染病一样，把那些本来健康的部分感染了，当妒忌传入了一个国家，它甚至会中伤最好的行为，并将其变为一种声名不佳的行为。然而如果企图将不齿的行为与善举相互混淆，胜算是很小的。那样做不过是显示了对妒忌的软弱和惧怕，会火上浇油越来越糟；通常就像传染病一样，如果你害怕它们，反而会被它们传染。

这种公妒似乎主要冲击身居要职的官员和大臣，而不是针对国王或是权制本身。但有一个确定的规则，如果对某位大臣的妒忌太盛，而该大臣本身引起妒忌的责任并不大，或者妒忌在某种意义上已经指向了一个国家中的所有大臣，那么这种妒忌（虽然是隐藏的）实际上是施加在国家身上的。这些就是关于公妒或不满，及其与前面最开始就讨论过的私妒的区别。

我们就触动妒忌的情感再说几句，与其他所有情感相较，这种情感是最为胡搅蛮缠和没完没了的。因为其他的情感都不过是偶尔有之。因此常言道：“妒忌从不休假”，因为它总是在影响某些人。此外还可以注意到的是，爱情和妒忌使人憔悴，而其他情感则不会这样，因为其他情感不像爱情和妒忌那样频繁连续。妒忌也是最恶劣的情感，并且是最堕落的情感，因此它是魔鬼的固有属性，魔鬼就是“那个夜间在麦子中播撒稗子的妒忌者”；〔4〕就像一直以来那样，妒忌狡猾地在黑暗中行事，对诸如麦子等好的东西造成损害。

注释

〔1〕　出自普劳图斯（Plautus，约公元前254～前184）的《斯提库斯》，第1章，第3节，第54段。原文为位丁文。

〔2〕　哈德良（Publius Aelius Traianus Hadrianus，76～138)，罗马帝国皇帝，117～138年在位。——译者注

〔3〕　该隐和亚伯是亚当和夏娃的儿子，他们都将自己的劳动成果献给上帝，在没有旁人的情况下上帝接受了亚伯的贡品，而上帝没有接受该隐的，该隐因嫉妒将亚伯骗杀。见《旧约·创世纪》，第4章。——译者注

〔4〕　《新约·马太福音》，第13章第25节。

论爱

相较人生而言，舞台从爱那里得益更多。因为在舞台上，爱从来就是喜剧的素材，有时也是悲剧的素材；但在生活中，爱带来的是灾祸，有时像希腊神话中那位用歌声诱惑水手的海妖，有时像是复仇女神。你能注意到，在一切伟大和杰出的人物（不论是在古代还是在今日，只要是为人们的记忆所铭记的）当中，没有谁是被爱这种强烈的情绪所导致癫狂的，这表明，伟大的灵魂和伟大的事业能将这种软弱的情感排斥在外。不过你可能会反驳说，曾执掌罗马帝国半壁江山的马克·安东尼，〔1〕以及曾为十人执政官之一的立法者阿庇乌斯·克劳狄乌斯〔2〕是这方面的例外：前者确实是沉溺于酒色之人，并且过着放纵无节制的生活，而后者却是一个严肃朴实和聪明的人。从而看起来（虽然并不多见）爱不仅可以进入坦荡的心胸，也可以遁入严格设防的心灵——如果看守不严的话。伊壁鸠鲁〔3〕曾说过一句不怎么高明的话，“我们每一个人充其量不过是别人的听众罢了”：〔4〕仿佛人类生来就应沉思天宇和各种高贵事物的造化，除了在一个渺小的偶像面前五体投地、俯首称臣之外别无作为，虽然不是作为口舌的奴隶（如野兽那样），但却是眼睛的臣子，眼睛被赋予人，是出于更高贵的目的。留意到这种情感的过度，以及这种情感对事物本性及其价值的违抗，是令人惊异的，因为：没完没了的夸张只在爱当中才显得打动人心，而在其他地方就什么都不是。这不仅仅是俗语而已，因为早就有一句话是这么说的：第一阿谀者就是人自己，与之比起来其他那些微不足道的阿谀者都还是有头脑的，毋庸置疑的，情人要比这第一阿谀者更为过分。因为一个骄傲自负的人无论能把自己荒谬地想成多么不可一世者，也比不上情人对自己的爱人所奉承谄媚的程度。所以曾有人说，“不可能既在爱中又保持明智”。〔5〕这种弱点也不仅仅是显露给旁观者，而不会显露给被爱的一方，其实在被爱者那里尤为明显，除非这爱是相互回应的。因为一条真实的规则是，爱从来都是通过两种方式得到回报的，或通过两情相悦，或通过内心秘而不宣的轻蔑。由此更多的人应如何提防这种情感，在这种情感中失去的不仅是其他的一切，更失去了自身……因为不论是谁，若对情爱过于痴迷，就会同时失去财富和智慧。爱这种情感在人有弱点的时候最容易泛滥成灾，也就是一个人十分春风得意或者非常困顿不幸之时（当然后一种情况是不那么容易见到的）；当这样的境况将爱的火焰点燃，就会让它燃烧得更为热烈，从而表明情爱不过是愚蠢的产物罢了。那些做得很好的人，如果他们不得不将情爱接纳，也仍能保持适度，并将情爱与他们生活的重要事务和行动完全分开；因为如果情爱一旦与事业混淆，它就会对人的运程产生不利的影响，使得人们无法忠实于自己的目标。我不知道为什么会是这样，也就是尚武之人总是容易为情爱所俘：我想这或许就像他们容易为杯盏所俘一样。因为危险通常需要以欢愉作为补偿。在人的本性当中，存在着爱他人的隐秘倾向和意向，这种隐秘的倾向和意向如果不能施于某人或某些人身上，便会自然而然地被播撒到众人身上，使人变得仁慈和宽厚；就像有时在修道士身上可看到的那样。夫妻之爱使人类繁衍生生不息；朋友之爱使人更完美；放荡不羁的爱使人堕落卑微。

注释

〔1〕　马克·安东尼（约公元前83～前30），罗马政治家和军事家。恺撒被刺后，他与屋大维（Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus，公元前63～14，又名奥古斯都）和雷必达（约公元前89～前13年）一起组成了后三头同盟，共同执掌罗马政权。公元前33年后三头同盟分裂，前30年马克·安东尼与埃及女王克娄巴特拉七世（约公元前70～约公元前30）一同自杀身亡。——译者注

〔2〕　阿庇乌斯·克劳狄乌斯，古罗马政治家，前451年～前449年统治罗马并负责立法的十人委员会成员之一。——译者注

〔3〕　伊壁鸠鲁（公元前341～前270）古希腊哲学家、无神论者，伊壁鸠鲁学派的创始人。——译者注

〔4〕　出自塞内加，《书信集》，第7篇第2节。

〔5〕　出自普布里乌斯·西鲁斯《格言》，第15条。原文为拉丁文。

论高位

身处高位的人是三重身份的仆从：君主或国家的仆从，名声的仆从，事务的仆从。所以他们是没有自由的，既没有个人的自由，也没有行动的自由，更没有时间的自由。匪夷所思的欲望致使人们在寻求权力的同时失去了自由；或者在寻求驾驭别人的权力时失去了支配自身的权力。升迁到高位是一个艰苦的过程，但人们却喜欢通过付出痛苦的代价换取更大的痛苦；这个过程有时是卑劣的，人们通过不光彩的手段去获得尊贵的地位。居于高位并不稳固，高位的倒退若不是地位崩塌，也至少是黯然失色，都是令人叹息的。“当你不再是你曾经所是，就没有了继续活下去的理由。”〔1〕不仅如此，人在他希望能引退的时候往往不能如愿以偿；然而在他有理由引退的时候他又不情愿，即便是上了年纪或忍受病痛的折磨需要退居二线，他们也不甘于离群索居：就像城里有些老人喜欢坐在他们家临街的门口，尽管这样让别人嘲笑他们已经一把年纪了。当然，大人物们需要去借助别人的看法使自己感觉幸福，因为如果只通过他们自己的感觉进行判断，他们就难以感受到幸福。但如果他们把自己的想法与其他人是如何看待自己的想法一致起来，他们会因为街谈巷议而感到高兴，即使在内心里或许他们是感到矛盾的。因为他们是那种对自己的不幸反应最迅速的人，虽然他们也是那种最后才发现自己过失的人。的确，那些正走鸿运的人对于自身就像陌生人一样，当他们为纷繁事务缠扰之时，根本无暇顾及自己的健康，不论是身体或是精神上的。“当一个行将就木之人，别人对他的状况比他自身还更为了解的时候，死亡对于他可谓突如其来”。〔2〕在高位时人既可以为仁从善也可以为非作歹，而后者却是招致诅咒的；因为对于为恶来说，最好的就是不要想去这样做，其次是不能这样去做。但从善的权力却是真正且合法的追求目标。因为善的想法，虽然被上帝所接受，但对于人来说也不过是比美梦稍稍强些罢了，如果不能诉诸行动的话；而行善没有权力和地位作为一定的有利条件是不能实行的。功绩与善行是人行动的目标，并且在内心里能认同这一点才能使人余生有所成就。因为如果一个人能参与上帝的剧场，那么他同样可以参与上帝的安息。“于是上帝转身看他手造的一切，看见它们都是很好的”，〔3〕那么接着就是安息日了。履行你的职责时，应将楷模放在自己心中，因为仿效就仿佛一整套箴言。过了一段时间后，将你自己摆在楷模面前，以此严格地考察你最初的所作所为是否有不妥之处。不能忽视那些同样职位的人曾经做得不好的例子；不是要通过斥责别人的过失抬高自己，而是要提醒自己避免犯同样的错误。从而你在进行改革时，不要带着对前一时期和人物的愤慨或纠正的心态，而是把它视为在前人的基础上开创先例的事业。将事物还原至其最初的状况，并观察它们是在哪方面如何退化的，但仍然向两个不同的时代寻求忠告：向古代追问什么是最好的；向现代探询什么是最合适的。试图将你的行为举止规律起来，这样人们能事先预知什么会发生；但不要过于绝对和专断；也不要在违背了自己原则的时候把原因解释得太清楚。保持你的位置所拥有的权力，但不要引发管辖权上的争议，宁可不声不响地实际掌有这种权力，也不要去声张和质疑这种权力。同样的，维护下属相应的权力，并且将作为主要的指导者为荣而不是事必躬亲。包容和征求涉及你职务执行的帮助和建议，不要把那些给你带来信息的人当做爱管闲事的人驱赶，而是应该乐意接纳他们。当权者的弱点有四类：拖延、腐败、粗暴和易被左右。就拖延来说，应让人们容易接近；遵守时间的约定；将手头的事情尽快地完成；将必要之事放置在首位，避免杂事的掺杂。就腐败而言，不仅要将自己约束好，同时对你的手下要严加管教，以制止受贿，也要对那些请求者表明态度，以杜绝行贿。培养正直的品性可以约束自身和下属；一旦这种正直的品性宣扬开来，并且表明对贿赂的憎恶，即是对那些企图行贿者的告诫。并且，不仅要避免犯腐败的过失，也要避免被认为腐败的嫌疑。不管是谁，如果被发现是反复无常的，并且发生了明显的改变却缺乏明显的理由，那么就容易被别人猜疑为贪污之人。从而，当你改变自己的观点或行为方式时，永远记得一定要将此事坦然地公布于众，并且同时将促使你改变的理由也宣布出来；千万不要偷偷摸摸地去做改变。一个仆从或一个你欣赏的人，如果被纳入你的圈子里，而没有其他明显值得敬重的理由，通常会被认为是有秘不可宣的贪污门道。至于粗暴，它是不满的不必要原因：严厉产生畏惧，粗暴造成仇恨。甚至来自当权者的斥责也应该是严肃的，但不应该是辱骂嘲弄。至于易为人左右，它比贿赂更为糟糕。因为贿赂只是偶尔发生；但如果求情和无用的关系网将一个人牵制，他就从此陷入泥沼而难以脱身。正如所罗门所说：“看情面是不好的，因为这样的人是会为了一块面包而枉法的。”〔4〕有一句极为真切的古语说，“地位显示了人的本色。”〔5〕而地位显示了有些人是属于更好的那一类，也显示了有些人是属于更糟糕的那一类。“如果他没有做过皇帝，大家都会认为他是适合做皇帝的”，这是泰西塔斯〔6〕对加尔巴〔7〕的评价〔8〕；但对维司巴西安〔9〕的评价，泰西塔斯说，“维司巴西安是因为居于皇帝之位而变得更善的唯一一个皇帝”；〔10〕不过前者指的是才能的充分，后者指的是风度和情感。一个人的荣耀增进了，是此人可敬和慷慨精神的确切证据。因为荣耀乃是，或者应该是，德行之所在；而就像在自然界当中，事物移向它们的位置时是猛烈的，而待在自己的位置上时则是平静的。所以德行在心怀抱负时是显著的，而在当权时则安稳平静。所有升至高位的途径都像是蜿蜒曲折的楼梯；如果存在着派系的分别，当一个人向上升迁时加入一方是不错的选择，而在他已经身居高位时应保持平衡中立。公平和温和地对待你的前任的名声；因为如果你不这样做的话，它就是一笔当你卸任之时不得不偿还的债务。如果你有同僚，要敬重他们，宁可在他们不希望被召见的时候召见他们，而不是在他们有理由被召见的时候将其拒之门外。不要在谈话和私人回复请求者时对你的职位过于敏感和时时放在心上；而是宁可让别人说，“在执行职务时，他完全就是另一个人”。

注释

〔1〕　出自西塞罗，《友人书信集》第7卷，第3篇第4节。原文为拉丁文。

〔2〕　出自塞内加，《梯厄斯忒斯》，第401－403页。原文为拉丁文。

〔3〕　出自《创世纪》第1章，第31节。原文为拉丁文。

〔4〕　出自《旧约·箴言》，第28章第21节。

〔5〕　这非常可能是出自希腊七贤之二的梭伦（Solon）和庇塔库斯（Pittacus）的一句格言。

〔6〕　泰西塔斯（Publius Cornelius Tacitus，约56～120），古罗马著名的历史学家、文学家和演说家，元老院议员。——译注

〔7〕　加尔巴，即塞尔维乌斯·苏尔皮基乌斯·加尔巴（Servius Sulpicius Galba，公元前3～69），罗马帝国皇帝，69年即位，当年即被杀害。——译者注

〔8〕　出自泰西塔斯的《历史》，第I卷第49章。原文为拉丁文。

〔9〕　维司巴西安，即提图斯·弗拉维乌斯·维斯帕西亚努斯（Titus Flavius Vespasianus，9～79），罗马皇帝，69年即位。——译者注

〔10〕　出自泰西塔斯的《历史》，第I卷第50章。原文为拉丁文。

论善与本性之善

我所采取的“善”的含义，就是有益于人的幸福，也就是希腊人称之为“爱人”；而“人道”一词用来表述它就有些分量不足。我将“爱人”称为“善”，而将天然的倾向成为“本性之善”。在心灵的所有美德和品质中，“善”是最为崇高的，是上帝的品性；如果没有这种品性，人就是庸庸碌碌、为恶为害、卑鄙可怜的躯壳，比虫虱高不了几分。“善”符合神学上德性之仁慈，并且没有过度之说，而只有错误。对权力的过度渴望导致天使折断了翅膀从天堂坠落；对知识的过度渴求使人堕落；但对于仁慈来说，没有所谓的过度，天使或人都不会因为仁慈而受到危险。对善的倾向被深深烙印在人的本性之中，就这种深刻的程度来说，如果这种倾向不为人所拥有，就要趋向其他生灵：就像在土耳其人那里可看到的，虽然他们是残忍的民族，然而他们对牲畜是和善的，对狗儿和鸟儿也会施舍；布斯拜洽斯〔1〕曾记述说，一个信奉基督教的少年在君士坦丁堡试图以硬撑开一只长喙鸟的喙为乐，这使其差点葬身于人们投掷的石块之下。善或仁慈的美德也确实会犯错误。意大利人有一句不礼貌的谚语说，“他如此之好，以至于他一无是处”。作为意大利的博学之人的一分子，尼古拉斯·马基雅维利，〔2〕也自信地将其诉诸笔端，而且几乎是用非常清晰的语言表达的，他说：“基督教把人变成鱼肉，贡献给那些专横无道的人。”〔3〕他所说的，的确在于没有哪种法律或宗教派别或思想观念像基督教信仰那样对“善”如此颂扬的。从而，为了同时避免诽谤和危险，对“善”这种如此优秀的习惯会导致的错误有清醒的认识就是完全必要的。在别人身上发掘善的品质，但不要被他们的外表和个人好恶所束缚，因为那样会容易为人左右或软弱屈从，这使得诚实正直的人的心灵被桎梏……上帝的例子给我们真切的教训：“他降雨以义人，也给不义的；叫日头照好人，也照歹人”；〔4〕但他不将财富或光辉的荣耀以及美德平等地泽被于每一个人。普通的好处应惠及所有人，但特殊的福利则应有所选择地施与。并且我们应谨防在临摹的时候把原型损毁，因为神学认为我们对自己的爱是原型，而我们对邻居的爱是对这种原型的仿效。“去变卖你所有的，分给穷人，并且来跟从我”；〔5〕但除非你要来跟随我，否则不要把你拥有的都变卖掉；也就是说，除非在可以使用非常少的钱财做非常多的事情那方面你赋有天职，否则对支流的灌注会使得源泉枯竭。为正确理由所引导的善的习性是存在的；而同时在一些人的本性当中也存在着作为善的对立面的本性的恶毒以及对这种恶毒的倾向。因为有些人的本性就不与人为善。这种恶毒当中较轻的类型变为一种执拗或刚愎顽固的个性，或是喜于与人作对的倾向，或是难以相处的性格等等；但较重的类型，就变为妒忌和纯粹的恶意中伤。这样的人，当别人处于不幸之时，在某种程度上，正是感觉良好，并且还不断地火上浇油唯恐天下不乱：还比不上舔舐麻风病人拉扎勒斯疮口的那些狗儿，〔6〕而是像那些围绕着暴露的伤口嗡嗡直叫的苍蝇一般；“愤世嫉俗者”，惯于将人引向自缢的树枝，但在他们的园子里却连供人自缢的树都没有一棵，像泰门那样。〔7〕这样的性情是人类本性的极大错误，然而却是造就伟大政治最合适不过的材料；就像弯曲的木料一样，用于制造注定要颠簸的船只是很合适的，而对于建造稳固坚实的房屋则不合适。善的作为和表现有许多种：如果一个人对异乡人亲切温和而彬彬有礼，那显示出他是世界的公民，并且他的心与其他陆地并不是隔绝开来的，而是与之相连接的大陆。如果他对别人的困难抱有同情之心，那表现他的心就像一棵珍贵的树木，它从自己的伤口中奉献出能给人疗伤的药膏。如果他能轻易地原谅和宽恕别人的过失，那说明了他的心灵是扎根在高于伤害的地方，所以他不会被伤害所击中。如果他对微小的获益也心存感激，那表明他重视的是人心，而不是那些其他无用的方面。但首要的，如果他有圣保罗的完美，即他为了弟兄们获得拯救而不惜被基督诅咒〔8〕，那就显示出一种天赐的本性，并且是一种与基督本身相一致的本性。

注释

〔1〕　佛兰德学者和驻土耳其大使，逝于1592年。

〔2〕　意大利政治哲学家，著有《君主论》等。——译者注

〔3〕　马基雅维利《论李维》，第2卷第2章。

〔4〕　出自《马太福音》，第5章第45节。

〔5〕　出自《马可福音》，第10章第21节。

〔6〕　出自《路加福音》第16章，拉扎勒斯是一个躺在地主家门口的麻风病人，他从地主那里没有得到施舍，只有狗儿来舔舐他的疮口。——译者注

〔7〕　雅典的泰门，以作为愤世嫉俗者而闻名，他宣告说因为他准备将他园子里的一棵树砍掉，而这棵树曾有许多人在上面吊死过，所以想要自杀的人请从速。——译者注

〔8〕　《新约罗马书》，第9章，第3节。

论游历

游历对年轻人来说是教育的一部分；对于年长者而言，是经验的一部分。在尚未学习过一门语言之前到某个国家旅行，是去上学而不是去游历。青年人在家庭教师的带领下或在忠诚仆人的陪伴下进行游历，我是非常赞同的；家庭教师或仆人通晓当地的语言，或曾经到过当地，就能告诉青年人在这些要去的国家中什么是值得去看的，什么人他们要去结交，这些地方可以提供什么样的锻炼和训练。因为若不是这样，青年人就像是蒙住脑袋去到这些地方，在国外所能看到的也微乎其微。一件奇怪的事情是，在航海旅行中，人们虽然除了天空和大海什么都看不到，却常常写下日记；但在陆地的旅行中，可以观察到如此之多的事物，却往往大部分被人们所忽略；仿佛偶然的际遇比观察到的事物更值得记录。所以书写日记还是有必要的。游历中应当观览考察的事物是：国君的宫廷，尤其是当他们接见外国使节的时候；仲裁法律的法庭，尤其是法官开庭审讯的时候；教堂和修道院，以及其中陈列的历史遗迹；城市及镇子里的城墙和堡垒，以及港口和泊船之地；古迹和废墟；图书馆；大学、论辩和讲演——如果那里有的话；航运业和海军；大城市附近高大美丽的建筑和庭院；兵工厂；军械库；弹药库；交易所；国库；仓库货栈；马术训练、击剑以及士兵的操练等等；喜剧，上流人士常常流连之所；珠宝和华丽服饰的荟萃；私人收藏和珍奇物品；以及作为总结，在他们游历所到之处任何值得纪念的事物。家庭教师和仆人应对所有的这些都事先进行过详细的考察。至于凯旋庆典、化装舞会、节日盛宴、婚礼、葬礼、死刑的执行，等等这些方面，则不需要人记在心上；虽然也不至于全然被忽略掉。如果你让一个青年人将其游历局限在一个小小的地方，并且只给他较短的时间去获取大量的东西，这就是你所需要做的。首先，如前所述，他应当在去游历之前略通当地的语言。然后，就像之前谈到的那样，他应该有一位了解那个国家的家庭教师或仆人。让他带着一些描述将游历国家的卡片或书籍，这些将会是有助于他探索的好钥匙。让他要坚持写日记；让他不要在一座城市或市镇中停留过久；时间的长短视此地所具有的价值而定，但不能太久；而且，在他居留于一个城市或市镇时，让他变换自己居住的地方，从市区的一端搬到另一端，这样才能认识更多的人。他应该使自己与同乡保持一定的距离，不要与他们为伍，并且在能结交他所游历之处国民的地方用餐。当他从一个地方去往另一个地方时，应使之设法获得推荐，让他能够无论去哪里都能获得当地名流的款待，能够使之使用这种有利条件去浏览和了解他所想知道的。如此他就能在他有限的游历中获益匪浅。至于在游历中应结交的人，最有益的就是与那些各国使节的秘书和雇员结交，因为虽然是在一个国家中游历，他应该获取到更多国家的经验。他也应该参见和拜访各类著名人士，也就是那些在国外也享有盛名者，从而他能够辨别现实生活与名望之间是否相符。对于争吵，他们应该小心谨慎地避免。争吵一般都是为了情妇、为了杯中之物、为了座次和为了言语不和而起。并且，游历之人应在与性格暴躁的和好争斗的人相处时小心谨慎，因为他们会将他卷入他们自己的纷争中。当游历者返回家乡时，不要让他将曾经游历过的国家抛在脑后，而是应与他所结交的人中最有价值的那些通过书信保持联络。让他的游历经历体现在他的言谈中，而不是体现在他的服饰或举止；并且在他的言谈中，让他更多地在回答中审慎地用词，而不是迫不及待地夸夸其谈；让大家看到他不是以外国的那些风俗将自己本国的风俗取代，而仅仅是将他在国外学到的某种最好的事物输入〔1〕到自己国家的风俗中。

注释

〔1〕　种植。

论君权

所欲者甚少而所惧者甚多是一种可怜的状态。而对于君王来说这是非常普遍的情形，他们身处地位和权力的顶端，却缺乏渴求之物，这使得他们的心灵更为萎靡；与此同时，他们又有许多危险和不祥的想象密布在心头，这就使得他们的心智更为不清醒。这是致使《圣经》说“君心难测”〔1〕的一个原因。因为大量的猜忌，以及缺乏一个占主导地位的欲望，其他欲望得不到统领和规整，这会使得任何一个人的心都难以捉摸和把握。因此，君王们同样常常为自己制造欲望，并将他们的心思放在一些玩物上：有时是一座建筑；有时是要建立一种秩序；有时是要提拔一个人；有时是要拥有某一项艺术或技艺之长——就像尼禄爱好弹奏竖琴，图密善精于弓箭射术，康茂德善于骑术，卡拉卡拉喜欢驾驭战车，〔2〕等等都是如此。这似乎不可思议，对于那些不了解如下道理的人来说，也即人的心灵往往因为得益于一些细枝末节的事情而感到愉悦和振奋，这种愉悦和振奋比身处高位带来的还多。我们也能看到，在即位之初是幸运的征服者的君王们，后来无限地推进他们的战果是不太可能的，但他们往往被自己曾经的成就所局限，在位晚年变得迷信和阴郁；如亚历山大大帝、〔3〕戴克里先〔4〕和被我们铭记在心的查理五世〔5〕等等。因为已经习惯于不停地向前，而一旦发现停顿下来时，就从他的爱好中跌落，变得不再是曾经的自己了。

现在谈谈君权的调和之道：这是难以实现和保持的事情，因为调和与失调都是由对立面组成的。但将对立面交互交融是一回事，而将对立面相互交换又是另一回事。阿波尼罗对维斯佩西安所说的话就充满了极好的教训。维斯佩西安问他说：“尼禄覆灭的原因是什么？”他回答到：“尼禄虽然在竖琴的调试和弹奏方面是非常擅长的；但在统治方面，他有时把琴弦调得太高，有时又任其太低而不顾。”〔6〕没有什么比在权力上过分压制和过度松懈，这种不平衡和不合适宜的交替对权威的破坏更甚，这是肯定的。

一件事实是，所有近代讨论君王事务的学问，都热衷于分析如何转移和改变那些逼近君王的危险和灾祸，而不是探究那些能使君王保持洒脱的坚实和稳固的方针。但这种做法不过是试图做命运的主人罢了。君王们应该警惕，他们要小心谨防为自己所疏忽和坐视不管而酝酿的麻烦：没有人能禁止火星的迸发，也没人能辨出这些火星来自何方。在君王的事业中，困难重重并且难以克服，但最大的困难仍然来自他们的内心。因为对于君王而言（泰西塔斯曾说），有矛盾的欲望是非常普遍的：“帝王们的欲望大部分都是热烈的，同时是互不相容的。”〔7〕因为权力的谬误在于，想要拥有结果，却不能忍受手段的应用。

君王需要打交道的包括他们的邻国，他们的妻子，他们的子女，他们的高级教士或神职人员，他们的贵族，他们次一级的贵族或绅士，他们的商人，他们的百姓，以及他们的战士；如果不小心仔细和慎重的话，在这些打交道的过程中都有可能产生危害。

首先就他们的邻国来说：没有现成的普遍规则可以获取（因为情况是如此多变），但有一点是应该把握的。这就是，作为一国之君应该保持警觉，不要让他们的邻国势力增长到足以威胁到自己国家的安全（不管这些邻国是通过领土的扩张，还是通过贸易的包围，或是通过外交辞令，以及其他的方法）。要预见这种情况并防止这种情况发生，普遍的做法是设立一个委员会。英格兰国王亨利八世、法兰西国王弗朗西斯一世和皇帝查理五世三人在位执政的时期，就有这样的相互制约机制，他们三者当中没有谁能多占一寸土地，如果这样的事情发生，其他两个国王会立刻进行协调，或使用结盟的方式，或者如果需要的话，使用战争的方式；总之无论如何不会在利益面前采取不作为的态度。就像那不勒斯的国王费迪南多、洛伦佐·美狄斯和卢多维克斯·斯福尔扎——前者是佛罗伦萨的统治者，后者是米兰的统治者，他们所结成的同盟所起到的作用那样（即被奎恰迪尼称为意大利的安全保障）。一些经院学者所持有的一种不足取的观点认为：发起一场战争只有基于先前的伤害和挑拨才是正当的。这是毋庸置疑的，但对即将发生的危险的惧怕，虽然这即将到来的危险还未造成严重的打击，也是战争的合法原因。

就他们的妻子来说，有许多残忍的例子。里维亚因为把自己的丈夫毒杀而臭名昭著；苏里曼的妻子罗克塞拉纳，就是毁灭了著名的苏丹穆斯塔法王子的人，并且在王室中为所欲为，干扰王位继承；〔8〕英国国王爱德华二世的皇后〔9〕在废黜她丈夫的王位并将其谋杀的事件中要负最主要的责任。这种类型的危险是需要提防的，尤其是在君王的妻子密谋将自己亲生的孩子立为王位继承人的时候，或者她们有通奸行为的时候。

就他们的子女来说：发生在他们身上的类似悲剧不胜枚举。并且一般而言，父王对他们的子女一旦开始猜疑，结果总是不幸的。穆斯塔法的毁灭（我们之前提到过的）对于苏里曼统治的延续是致命的打击，继而土耳其王位的继任从苏里曼至今都被怀疑有猫腻并且已经落入别的血统之手；因为塞里姆斯二世被认为是私生子。克里斯普斯是一位难得的性格温和的年轻王子，被他的父亲——君士坦丁大帝亲手摧毁了，也造成了君士坦丁王室的致命伤：因为君士坦丁大帝的两个儿子君士坦丁和康斯坦斯，都死于暴力冲突；而他的另一个儿子君士坦提乌斯，结局没那么惨烈，他确实是死于疾病，但也是在尤里安与之兵刃相向之后因病而亡的。〔10〕马其顿的菲利普二世的儿子德米特里厄斯，他的毁灭给其父王带来报应，使之在悔恨中死去。〔11〕这样的事例还有很多，但几乎没有做父亲的能从这种不信任的关系中得到好处的；除非做儿子的公然举兵反抗父王，就如塞里姆斯一世与巴杰扎特对抗，以及英格兰国王亨利二世与他的三个儿子之间的对决。

就他们的高级神职人员来说，当这些人踌躇满志不可一世的时候，就会产生危害。安塞姆和托马斯·贝克特时代就是如此，他们两位都是坎特伯雷的大主教，都试图以手中的圭杖与君王的权杖相抗衡；但他们都遇到了强硬和骄横的国王——威廉·鲁夫斯、亨利一世以及亨利二世。〔12〕危害并非来自这种抗衡的情形，而是当这种情形有外国的权势作为支撑时，或者是教士职位的产生和当选不是通过国王的册封或特别的指派，而是通过民众实现的时候。

至于贵族，应与他们保持适当的距离；对贵族进行压制虽然会使得君王在权力上更为不受限制，但却不那么安全，并且使得君王去实现他的愿望变得不那么容易。我在关于英国国王亨利七世的历史著作中曾经提及，亨利七世对他的贵族进行压制，从而导致的后果就是，在他统治期间充满了各种难题和动乱，因为贵族们虽然仍然效忠于他，但他们并不协助他完成他的事业。所以实际上他不得不自己去做所有的事情。

就次一级贵族来说：作为一个分散的群体，他们倒是不会产生太多的危害。他们有时会高谈阔论，但通常是只说不做；此外，他们与地位更高的贵族之间形成了一种力量的抗衡，使得后者力量的扩张不至于过于强劲；最后，他们在老百姓当中具有最直接的影响力，在调和大众骚乱时他们的作用可以发挥到最大。

就商人来说：他们是门静脉，如果商人们不活跃兴盛，一个王国就会空有良好的四肢，而血管里却没有血液流淌，并且得不到什么滋养。向他们征收税费和税款对君王的财政收入没有明显的好处，因为虽然在百户区〔13〕那里获利了，他却在郡那里失利；个别的税率增加了，但贸易的总额度却反而下降。

就平民来说，平民基本上不会有太大的危害，除非他们当中出现了伟大的、具有强大影响力的领袖，或者除非你对他们的宗教思想、风俗、谋生手段进行干涉，那就有可能带来危害。

就战士而言，当他们作为一个整体生活和存在，并且习惯于无功受禄，是一种危险的状态；关于这方面，我们可以看看土耳其的近卫步兵〔14〕和罗马禁卫队〔15〕的例子。不过，对战士进行训练，将其部署在各地，由几位指挥官进行管辖，并且不要给予赏赐，这是防御的需要，没有什么危害。

君王就像天空中闪烁的星辰，会带来福运也会招致灾祸，他们拥有许多的景仰，但疲惫而不得休憩。所有关于君王的戒律实际上包含在如下两句应铭刻在心的话语中：要记住你是一个人，并且要记住你是一个神或者神的代表。前者约束他们的权力，后者约束他们的意志。

注释

〔1〕　出自《旧约·箴言》，第25章第3节。

〔2〕　尼禄逝于公元68年，图密善逝于公元96年，康茂德逝于192年，卡拉卡拉逝于217年，他们都是罗马皇帝；都以他们的残暴统治臭名昭著。——译者注

〔3〕　亚历山大大帝（公元前356～前323），即马其顿国王亚历山大三世。他用13年时间建立起东起印度河、西至尼罗河与巴尔干半岛的大帝国。——译者注

〔4〕　罗马皇帝，死于313年，被认为是第一位自愿让出自己权力的君王（他让位于305年）。

〔5〕　德国（以及圣罗马）皇帝，逝于1558年，他在1556年禅让王位。——译者注

〔6〕　出自菲勒斯特拉托斯的《阿波尼罗传》第5章，第28节。

〔7〕　不是出自泰西塔斯，而是出自塞勒斯特《朱古达战争》第113章，第1节。原文为拉丁文。

〔8〕　苏里曼大帝（或称塞里姆斯一世），是土耳其苏丹，于1520年至1566年在位，在王子的继母罗克塞拉纳的煽动下将自己的长子穆斯塔法置于死地。罗克塞拉纳自己的一个儿子巴耶塞特（或巴杰扎特）因叛乱而被苏里曼处死。苏丹之位被罗克塞拉纳的另一个儿子所继承，即塞里姆斯二世，塞里姆斯二世看来好像没有继承任何苏里曼的相貌特征或性格特点。——译者注

〔9〕　安茹的伊莎贝拉，逝于1358年。——译者注

〔10〕　罗马皇帝君士坦丁大帝，在位时间为306年至337年，在326年将他的儿子克里斯普斯判处死刑。在君士坦丁大帝去世时，帝国被他的三个儿子瓜分：君士坦丁二世在试图将其兄弟康士坦斯（培根称为康斯坦斯的那位）推翻的过程中被杀害；康士坦斯被自己人谋杀于睡梦之中；而君士坦提乌斯361年死在在他举兵征伐尤里安的路上，当时尤里安已经拥兵称王。——译者注

〔11〕　德米特里厄斯是马其顿菲利普五世的儿子，被其兄弟王太子珀修斯莫须有地指控为叛国罪。他的父亲于公元前179年将其杀害，培根在这里将菲利普五世与菲利普二世混淆了，菲利普二世是亚历山大大帝的父亲。——译者注

〔12〕　安塞姆，死于1109年，因为坚定地维护神职人员的权力，反对威廉·鲁夫斯和亨利一世的世俗权威，曾两次被流放。在与亨利二世发生了剧烈的争执后，托马斯·贝克特于1170年在坎特伯雷大教堂中被谋杀。——译者注

〔13〕　郡一级往下再划分出的行政区划。

〔14〕　土耳其皇帝的侍卫。

〔15〕　罗马皇帝的侍卫。

论狡猾

我们将狡猾视作一种邪恶或不正当的聪明。在狡猾的人和聪明的人之间存在着巨大的不同，这不同不仅仅是在是否正直这一点上，还在能力方面。有人能理牌，但玩牌玩得不好；有些人很善于游说拉票以及结党营私，但在其他方面却表现平平。再则，善解人意是一回事，而通晓事理又是另一回事：因为许多人对人的性情把握得十分透彻，但在实际事务中的能力却不怎样。一个人如果只是把心思放在研究人这上边，而不是对书本进行研读就会变成这样。这样的人更适合去与人打交道，而不适合去提供建议和做计划，并且他们也仅仅是在他们的地盘上才能发挥良好：让他们面对新的环境，他们就不那么容易做到了；所以那条将愚昧之人和智者区分开来的规则所表达的：“把他们赤裸裸地放置到陌生人当中，你就能区分出来”，〔1〕对他们几乎不适用。因为这些狡猾的人就像经营小百货的杂货商人，所以不妨把他们店铺中的商品一一陈列出来。

狡猾之术，一点在于交谈时用你的眼睛紧盯着你的交谈对象，就像耶稣会信徒被教导的那样；因为许多贤人心中的秘密会透过他们的面容展现出来。不过在这样做的时候，有时应矜持地低垂你的眼帘，耶稣会信徒也是这样做的。

另一点狡猾之术在于，当你有急事需要马上办理，你通过勾起别的话题，使你所要求助的人感到心情放松和愉悦，从而他就不会那么清醒地做出反对。我知道有一位议政官员兼书记官从来不用需要签署的文件直接烦扰英国的伊丽莎白女皇，他总是将女皇先引入一些关于国事的讨论中，然后她对那些文件就不会那么在意了。

就像要获得出其不意的效果往往是通过迅速的行动那样，当对方在匆匆忙忙之中，难以花时间静下来特地考虑你所提议的事情时，往往能达成效果。

如果一个人想要阻挠一件事情，而这件事情他唯恐别人会采取敏捷而有效的行动，他最好假装非常赞同此事而自己把事情提出，但提出的方式却正与目的相反，并用足以将此事难以成行的方式推动事态的发展。

在很有交谈的兴致时，在谈话中间忽然打住，仿佛要自我收敛，这足以勾起交谈对象的更大兴趣，使他想了解更多。

并且，当情况的知晓好像是从你那里询问得来的时候，效果要比你主动地讲述出来要更好；你可以设置一个产生问题的诱饵，也即显示出一副与你平时惯于展示的面容大相径庭的面部表情；其目的在于给对方一个机会询问是什么事情造成了这种改变……

至于那些棘手和令人不愉快的事情，较为合适的处理办法是让那些在发言权上无足轻重的人打破僵局，进而再让那些有分量的人装成偶然的样子加入问题的探讨中，这样他会被问起关于其他人发言中的问题，从而把话题打开……

一个人如果不想把自己卷入某些事情当中时，一个狡猾的办法就是借用街谈巷议的名义；比如说，“人们都是怎样说的，或者，现在大家都如何地谈论这个事情”。

我知道有这样一位仁兄，当他写信时，总是把那最最重要的事情写在信件的附言里头，而不是写在正文当中，就仿佛这事情不过是顺带说一下罢了。

我还认识另外一位先生，当他发表讲演的时候，他总是将他最想谈论的事情略过，而继续说其他的，绕去绕来最后才回到最想谈论的主题上，似乎他差点儿把这件事情忘记了一般。

一些人有时装成很意外的样子，仿佛与那些他们要拜托的人是偶然相遇，并且相遇之时被发现手中正握着一封信，或是正在做一些他们自己不习惯做的事情；这样他们就能够把自己放置在那些他们想要表述的事情上，使对方能够自然而然地问起这些事情。

狡猾的招数还有一个就是以一个人的名义先无意中说出一些话来，这些话别人会听了学去和使用，随即就可以对此进行利用了。我知道伊丽莎白女王在位时，有两个人为书记官的职位相互竞争，但仍然彼此之间保持着适当的距离，也会就此事务进行商议；他们其中的一位说，在君主制衰落之时担任书记官一职是甚为棘手的事情，所以他对此不是那么有兴趣。另外一位立即拣取了这些话，并在自己的朋友中散布说，在君主制衰落之时，他没理由去渴望担任书记官的职务。第一个说出这种话的人便抓住这个机会，想方设法地把这个事情送到女皇耳边，而听到君主制衰落，女王感到非常愤怒，从此她不会再听另外一个的禀报了。

有一种狡猾，在英国我们称为“锅里翻猫”，也就是说，当一个人向别人说了什么，他把这事情说成是别人讲给他听的。说实话，当这样的事情在两个人之间发生，要弄清楚谁是第一个说出这事情的人，可不是那么容易……

有些人准备了许许多多的传说和故事，他们能把他们想要含沙射影的事情统统都用传说和故事的形式包装起来，这一方面使得他们不必因为说了什么而面临危险，另一方面也使得别人更乐于去传播这些事情。

一个狡猾的好点子是，用自己的语言和建议将想要获得的答案提供出来，这就使得对方不那么固执己见。

令人奇怪的是，一些人在讲出他们想要说的某些东西时，会等待很长的时间，会绕很大的弯子，会拉扯许多其他无关的事情最后才切入正题。这是需要极大耐心的事情，然而用处不可谓不大。

一个突然的、大胆的和未曾预料到的问题通常会使一个人感到惊讶，而使之展开内心的一面。就像一个改了名字的人，在圣保罗大教堂里走着，另一个人突然在他身后叫出他的真实姓名，他难保不会立刻掉头去看看的。

但是这些零星货件和狡猾的方子是无穷无尽的，不过给它们列个单子倒不失为一件好事，因为如果在一个国家里一个狡猾的人能冒充贤人的话，真是没有什么会比这造成的祸害更甚。

不过确实有一些人，他们知晓事务的来龙去脉，却不能把握住其要点所在；就像一座房屋有便捷的楼梯和门户，却没有一个像样的房间一样。从而，你可以看见，他们能在结论中找到许多纰漏之处，但缺乏检验或者分析原因的能力。然而通常他们却善于利用自己不擅长之处，让人认为他们具有管理的才智。一些人将自己的地位建立在对别人的诽谤之上，并且（如我们现在所说的）依靠捉弄他人，而不是依靠自身在为人处世过程中的可靠。所罗门说的就是如此：“智者自慎其步骤，愚者转向欺骗他人。”〔2〕

注释

〔1〕　这句话为亚里士提帕斯所言，出自第欧根尼·拉尔修的《著名哲学家》第2章，第73节。原文为拉丁文。

〔2〕　出自《旧约·箴言》，第14章第8节和第15章。原文为拉丁文。

论利己的学问

蚂蚁是一种很会为自己打算的聪明的动物，但在果园和花园中却是不受欢迎的东西。同样的，那些只关心自己的人对于大众来说没有什么益处。在为私和为公之间应有清晰的区隔，并且应自求问心无愧，对他人也应言而有信，对你的君王和国家尤其应该如此。一个人行为若以其自身为中心，那是十分糟糕的。地球牢牢地以自身为中心是确实的事情，然而天穹中的其他物体却是围绕着非自我的中心运动的，同时给这个中心带来益处。事事都考虑有利于自己的方面，如果就至高无上的君王来说，还尚可接受，因为君王不仅仅代表他们自己，他们的善和恶都关乎着大众的命运，决定着大众的安危。但如果是就君王的臣仆，或者共和国中的公民来说，如果事事只考虑自身，就是无可救药的邪恶。因为无论什么事情，只要经由这样的人之手，他只会不择手段地将事情引向有利于自己目的的方面；而这与其主人或国家的目的往往是背道而驰的。从而，君王或者政府应避免选择有这种不良品性的人作为臣子或属下，除非他们只想要让这种人完成一些无伤大雅的事务，而不让他们参与到其他重要的方面。所有的事情都以利己为目的最致命的影响是使得整个比例完全失调。将臣仆的利益放置在主人的利益之上已经非常不当了，然而更为极端的是，因臣仆的一点点微小利益而将主人的巨大利益置之不顾。那些不良的官员、掌管财务之人、驻外大使、军队统领，以及其他那些狡诈虚伪和贪污腐败的臣仆都是这样的例子，他们做事行为不端，以自己的蝇头小利和私欲为导向，瓦解了他们所宣誓效忠之人的伟业和大局。不过就大多数情况而言，这些臣仆获得的利益是想成就他们自身的好运，但他们为了获得利益而造成的伤害却造成了他们主人的厄运。极端自私自利者的本性的确是这样的，他们会仅仅为了煎烤鸡蛋而不惜把房子引燃。然而这种人却常常深得主人的信任，因为他们钻研如何取悦主人而实现中饱私囊的目的；他们为了达到取悦主人和有利自己这两方面目的的任何一个，都会将主人事业的利益抛在脑后。

利己的学问，从许多方面来说，都是堕落卑下的东西。这种学问是老鼠的机敏：老鼠在房屋倒塌之前一定会弃屋而去。这种学问是狐狸的狡黠：獾掘出自己居住的洞穴，狐狸却把獾驱逐出去，将其洞穴占为己有。这种学问是鳄鱼的虚伪：当鳄鱼吞食猎物时会流下眼泪。但需要特别注意的是，（就像西塞罗〔1〕就庞培〔2〕所说的）这些人“爱他们自己胜过任何旁人”，〔3〕很多时候是不幸的。尽管他们将自己所有的时间都贡献给了自己，但最后也将自己当做祭品献给了命运的反复无常，而本来他们是幻想能用利己的学问将命运的双翼捆缚住的。

注释

〔1〕　西塞罗（Marcus Tullius Cicero，公元前106～前43年），罗马著名演说家和政治家。——译者注

〔2〕　庞培（公元前106年～前48），古罗马统帅、政治家、军事家。——译者注

〔3〕　出自西塞罗给他的兄弟克温图斯的信，第3卷，第8篇。原文为拉丁文。

论新事物

生命在诞生之初并不是那么赏心悦目的，而作为时间产物的各种新事物都是如此。然而尽管如此，就像那些最早给他们的家族带来荣耀的人一样，通常比他们的继承者更值得尊敬和更厉害，所以第一个先例（如果这个先例还不错）很少能够通过模仿来达到。因为恶对于那些误入歧途的人的本性来说是自然而然的行为，在持续的过程中变得最强烈；而善，作为一种被驱动的行为，在初始表现得最为强烈。确实，甚至医药也是一种新事物，那些不愿意使用新的药品的人，就会遭受新的疾病的困扰。时间是最大的革新者，如果时间自然地让事物变得坏朽，而智慧学识和忠告谏言都不能使之向好的方向转化，那么结局会是怎样呢？事实的确如此，即，被风俗所约定的东西，虽然并不那么好，然而至少是适宜的。并且，那些长期相互协调的事物彼此之间已经结合在一起；反之，新事物要与之契合却不那么容易，虽然新事物在功用上肯定是有所补益的，但却因为与旧事物不一致而会有冲突。此外，新事物就像异乡人一样，虽然能博得比一般人更多的羡慕，但比起一般人来说却更不容易被认同。如果时光的河流静止不动的话，上述所说的都千真万确；然而时间的流转永不停歇，以至于固执地保持旧风俗就像固执地坚持革新一样，会把一件事情搅乱；对旧时代过于尊敬就是对现时代的不屑。所以，人们如果在他们的变革中能遵循时间给予的榜样，那就很好，时间确实会产生极大的变革，但是过程是平静的，并且是通过几乎难以察觉的渐变实现的。如果不是如此，任何新的事物都会被认为是意想不到的，而且新的事物会对一些旧的事物进行修补，也会与其他的事物相呼应：那些得益于新事物的人会将其作为一笔财富，并感谢恰逢时运；而那些利益因此受损的人，则会将新事物视为错误，并将其归咎于变革的主导者。在国家中不要进行革新的试验也是对的，除非这种需要非常之迫切或者效用非常之显著；要清醒地留意到，变化是凭借改革而产生，而不是以变化的需要为理由而佯称改革。最后，对于新颖的事物，虽然不应该将其拒斥，但对它仍可保留一种怀疑的态度，正如《圣经》上说的，“我们应当立足于古道瞻顾四周，见有正直的大道，然后行于其上”。〔1〕

注释

〔1〕　出自《旧约·耶利米书》，第6章第16节。

论消费

财富是用于消费，而消费是为了荣耀或做善事。从而特殊的消费应该根据其所相应的价值是否得当来进行约束，因为自觉地放弃一些不必要的花销对于国家财富的积累以及对于身后进入天国都是有好处的。日常的支出应以一个人财产的状况为限度，并且加以细致的管理，应在其实际能力范围之内进行消费，不要受仆人的欺骗和让仆人滥用掌管收支的权力，并且如果要显示自己理财有道，实际所支付的费用应少于别人的估计。一个人如果要达到收支平衡，他的日常花费应该只占到他收入的一半；而如果他想使自己的财富增长，那就应该将自己的支出控制在收入的三分之一。对于一个大人物来说，亲自过问和打理自己财产并不是一件令人颜面扫地的事情；但有些人却避免去管理自己的财务，不仅是觉得在这些方面会犯粗心大意的毛病，而且考虑到管理中会发现财务状况出现的问题，他们也怀疑这类事情的处理会把他们带入一种消沉的情绪中去。但如果不进行检查，创伤是难以治愈的。那些从来不理会自己财产状况的人，在两方面都必须做好，一方面要对雇佣的人严格把关，另一方面需要不时更换人手；因为新手通常胆小谨慎并且不那么奸诈狡猾。那些有能力却较少过问自己财产状况的人，应该对一切收支都了然于心。一个人如果在某一方面支出较多，那他在其他的方面就应当节俭。例如，如果他在饮食方面开销颇大，在服饰方面的开支就应该有所节俭；如果他在厅堂中花费很多，在马厩中的支出就应该减少，诸如此类。因为那种在所有方面都花钱如流水的人，家业的衰落是指日可待的。要清偿一个人的债务，操之过急对自身将产生不利的影响，就像拖欠过久不管所造成的一样。因为仓促地将财产变卖来还债，与承担越来越高的利息一样，通常都是不利的。此外，一次性将债务清空的人会重蹈覆辙，因为一旦他发现自己摆脱了困境，又会回到之前的不良习惯中去；而那些逐步归还债务的人培养起一种节俭的习惯，使他的心理和财务状况都为此受益。

当然，那些需要将财务危机的状况扭转的人不要轻视细微方面的开支，通常来说，节省一些琐碎的费用开支并不是那么可耻，相较起要屈尊而获得微小的收益来说都算不上什么。一个人在开始进行那些一旦开了头就没完没了的花费上应该小心谨慎；但对于那些不会再有下次的类似开销，他蛮可以表现得更为大度。

论养生

健康之道是一门学问，不是医学的规则所能涵盖的。一个人的自我观察是他保持健康的灵丹妙药，因为这些自我观察里包含着什么是对他有益的，什么是对他有害的体验。不过更稳妥的结论是说，“这个不适合我，所以我不会继续这样做”，而不是说，“我发现这个对我没什么害处，所以我会用它”。年轻时体质的强韧可以承受一些过度的行为，但这些行为到人年老时终将产生不良的后果，就像欠的债务一样，总是要还的。要清醒地意识到自己年岁的增长，并且应明确不能再做和年轻时候一样的事情；因为变老的趋势是不容藐视的。要注意在饮食的重要部分不可突然改变，如果是迫不得已必需如此，也应使其他方面与之相适应。因为一个奥妙在于，不论是在自然界还是在国家之中，改变多方面的事物比改变单独一个事物要更为安全可靠。对饮食、睡眠、锻炼、穿着等方面的习惯进行一一审视，看有哪些方面对你的健康是会造成损害的，一点一点地逐步将其戒除；然而如果改变后你觉得并不适应，就恢复原来的习惯：因为很难在如下两者之间进行区分，即一般人普遍认为是好的和有益健康的习惯，以及适合自己身体状况的特殊习惯。在吃饭的时候、睡觉的时候以及锻炼的时候，保持轻松愉悦的心情，把烦恼放在一边，是延年益寿的要诀之一。至于头脑中的情绪和思虑，应避免妒忌、焦虑恐惧、内在的愤怒烦躁、过于敏感以及绞尽脑汁的冥思苦想、过度的喜悦和兴奋、压抑心底的悲伤。怀抱希望和欢笑，而不是狂喜，享受各种喜悦而不是过度地沉浸其中，有好奇心和赞美之心（从而对生活保持新鲜感），用辉煌灿烂的事物充实心灵（例如历史、寓言以及对自然的沉思等）。如果你在健康状况方面从来不求医问药，当你不得不需要这样做的时候，你的身体就会很不适应。如果你在求医问药上过于频繁，当疾病来临之时，医药就不会有特别的效果了。我推荐的是，随季节变换调整饮食，而不是常常求助于医药，除非药物的使用已经变成一种习惯——一些日常饮食对身体的补益更大，而不会对身体造成不良影响。不要对身体产生的新问题视而不见，而是要询问医生相关的建议。若身体有恙，要多遵从有助恢复健康的准则；如果身体康健，则应多活动以保持良好的状态。因为对于那些身体较为强健的人来说，倘若染上的不是重症急病，大多数情况只需调节饮食和多加休养就能痊愈。塞尔苏斯〔1〕兼医生和智者于一身，单纯作为医生和单纯作为智者的塞尔苏斯都很难道出他曾说过的如下这番健康长寿之道，他说，一个人应该将截然相反的习惯都进行尝试，但更倾向对自己有益的那一端：在禁食和饱食之间，更偏重饱食；在不眠与睡眠之间，更侧重睡眠；在不锻炼与锻炼之间，更注重锻炼；诸如此类。从而这样做，会使体质得以增强，体魄更强健。一些医生对病人的性情十分理解和包容，以至于他们对疾病的真正治愈不能取得成效；还有一种医生严格地遵守治疗的程序，而没有充分地考虑病人的具体情况。取介于两种类型医生之间的那种进行求医；或者，如果不能找到同时调和这两种类型的医生，那就各找一位能将两者的优点结合起来的；并且就医时，除了去找德高望重以技艺扬名的医生，也不要忘记去找那位最熟悉你身体状况的医生。

注释

〔1〕　塞尔苏斯（Aulus Cornelius Celsus，约生于公元前10年），罗马百科全书编纂者，以其医学著作闻名。——译者注

论猜疑

人心思中的猜疑就像鸟类〔1〕中的蝙蝠，它们总是乘着暮色起飞。猜疑的确应被抑制，至少应该被小心防范，因为它们使得心灵布满乌云，使得朋友敬而远之，而且扰乱事务，使得事情不能顺利和始终如一地继续进行。猜疑使君王变得暴虐，使丈夫变得嫉妒，使聪明的人变得优柔寡断和阴郁消沉。猜疑是缺点，这种缺点并非源于内心而是源于头脑，因为它们在最坚强勇敢的性情中也会发生，例如英格兰的亨利七世就是这样。与他相比，没有更喜欢猜忌的人了，但也没有比他更坚毅的人了。在这样的性情构成中，猜疑所造成的危害倒是不大，因为通常有此类性情的人，对所猜疑之事并不急于接受，而是要调查考证是否的确如此。然而对于那些生性软弱的人来说，猜疑就像种子落到肥沃的土壤中那样快速地生长起来。越是知之甚少，人越是容易疑心更重；从而人应当通过获得更多的了解来对猜忌进行补救，而不是试图将他们的猜疑闷在心里。人想要得到什么呢？难道他们以为他们所雇佣和打交道的人都是圣人吗？难道他们不想想这些人也有自身的打算，难不成对雇主和对他人比对自己还要忠诚？所以除了将猜疑的事情认为是真的，并且将这些事情作为错误来进行约束和自省之外，没有缓和猜疑的更好方法。因为一个人应将猜疑用做一种预防，如果他所猜疑的事情是真的，那么他就不会受到太大的伤害。自己心中产生的猜疑集聚的不过是蜂虫的嗡鸣声，而通过闲言碎语和小道消息等人为的添油加醋在人头脑中产生的猜疑则是有如蜂之蜇人毒刺的。诚然，在猜疑的密林中开路的最好办法是，与其猜忌的对象进行直接和坦率的交流，从而他比之前能了解更多关于对方的实情，并且可以使对方在避免造成新的猜疑方面会更为谨慎。但这对那些本性卑劣的人不会奏效，因为对于他们而言，如果他们发现自己曾被别人猜忌，他们就不会再保持忠诚。意大利人说，“猜疑允许忠诚远走高飞”，就好像猜疑给忠心发放了通行证；但猜疑应当使忠心更坚定从而解除自身的重负。

注释

〔1〕　原文如此，培根当时未认识到蝙蝠属于哺乳动物。——译者注

论言谈

有些人渴望在他们的言谈中表现出一种受人赞赏的风趣，希望能够在其言谈中包罗万象，而忽略了能识别真伪的判断力的重要性；仿佛言谈的技巧比思考的能力更值得称赞。有些人的确有一些老生常谈的话题，他们擅长于此，但缺乏变化；这种话题的贫乏大多让人觉得枯燥乏味，一旦人们觉察到这一点，就会感到荒谬可笑。交谈过程中最可敬之处在于引起话题，并对话题进行适当的控制并进而引向其他话题那里，就像一个人在领舞时所做的那样。在交谈和会话中，能够改变和混合一些不同的风格那就很好，在陈述之中兼有讨论，在故事当中蕴涵着哲理，在提出问题的同时也有观点的表达，有诙谐而不失真诚：因为倦怠使人厌烦，而且，就如通常所说的那样，使人精疲力竭。至于言谈之中的幽默，在如下几个方面确定无疑是不适用的：姓名、信仰、国家的状况、伟人、任何人正在从事的重要事务，以及任何值得怜悯同情的事例。然而有些人会觉得他们的聪明才智不能发挥显现出来，除非他们能锋锐辛辣、伤人之心。那是一种应该约束的说话方式。

“孩子啊，少用鞭子，多用缰绳。”〔1〕

一般来说，人应该能区分出什么是咸的，什么是苦的。那些有一副爱讥讽的口气的人，因为他使得别人对他话语的锐利生畏，所以他必然也要畏惧他在别人记忆中留下的形象。那些总是喜欢提问的人，会学习到更多的东西，言谈也更能令人满意，尤其是他所提的问题正切中被提问的人的长处时；因为这样他就给被提问的人提供了侃侃而谈的机会，同时他也不断地能够获得知识。但要注意的是，所提的问题不应过于刁难，因为那样就显得装模作样了。并且他应该确保其他人在交谈过程中也有机会说话。不仅如此，如果有人一直滔滔不绝地在大部分时间中掌握着话语权，他应该想办法让这些人从这种状态中解脱并且将其他人带入谈话中来，就像乐师们对那些跳轻快活泼的双人舞太久了的人所采取的技巧那样。如果你假装不知道某件事情，而别人认为你是知道的，那么下次有你不知道的事情的时候，别人也会认为你知道了。应尽量避免谈论到自己，若谈到时也应谨慎。我知道有一个人惯于用蔑视的口吻说，“他那么喜欢谈论自己，想必是个聪明人吧”。只有在一种情况下，一个人可以自夸而不失风度，这就是在称颂别人美德的时候，尤其是这种美德是为称颂者自负的时候。伤及他人的话语应尽量少用，因为交谈应该像一片原野，没有通向某个人家里的道路。我认识两位英国西部的贵族，其中的一位喜欢嘲弄别人，但在家中常大摆宴席，规格堪比王室；另一位会问那些到前一位贵族家中赴宴的人，“实话告诉我，席间难道没有侮辱或者讽刺打击〔2〕的事发生？”客人对此回答说：“这种事的确有。”这个贵族说，“想来他把一桌好菜都毁了”。言语中的谨慎比口才的雄辩要更重要，与打交道的人言语相合，比言谈中使用华丽的辞藻或使用精心安排的顺序更重要。一番连续不断的精彩发言，如果没有好的交流互动，就会显得节奏缓慢；而一份好的应答或附和，如果没有进一步的落实，也会显得浅薄无力。正如我们在兽类中所看到的那样，那些不善于急速奔跑的动物在转向上格外灵活，猎狗和野兔的区别就在于此。在切入正题之前老在外围绕来绕去是令人厌烦的；而过于直截了当又生硬突兀了。

注释

〔1〕　出自奥维德的《变形记》，第2章第127行。原文为拉丁文。

〔2〕　嘲笑或挖苦的评论。

论财富

我认为将财富称为德行的负担是最合适不过的。罗马话对财富的表达更好，称为“辎重”。因为辎重对于军队，就像财富对于德行一样。它既不能被略去，也不能弃于身后，但它的确妨碍了行军；并且，对它的照料有时使胜利白白从手中溜走或对胜利的获取造成了很大的阻碍。巨大的财富没有什么真正的用途，除了能够被分发出去，其余的用途不过是幻想罢了。故而所罗门有言，“大富之所在，必有许多人消耗之，而它的主人除了能用眼睛看它以外，还有什么享受呢？”〔1〕一个人的财富达到一定程度就超越了个人享受的范围，他可以对这些财富进行看管，也可以施舍或者捐赠，或是因这些财富而获得一定的名望；但对于财富的拥有者来说，都不是实实在在的用途。难道你没看到小小的宝石和稀罕之物都被赋予了不实的价值，而人们从事那些虚有其表的工作，只不过是因为这似乎是巨额财富的某些用处罢了？然而你也许会说，财富可以救人于危难或解除人的困境。如所罗门所说，“在富人的想象中，财富有如一座坚城”。〔2〕这话表达得非常好，也就是说，这不过是存在于想象中的事，而不是在事实上如此。确切地说，因为“多财”所卖之人比其所买活的人要多得多。不要追求以财富炫耀于人，而是应追求在财富的获取上公平、使用上有节制、给予别人时开心愉快、对保留下来的财富感到满足。但对财富也不必持有一种不问世事之人或托钵僧般的蔑视。而是应该区别对待，就像西塞罗对拉毕里乌斯·波斯杜穆斯〔3〕的中肯评价那样：“他对财富的追求，显得他所求者并不是为满足贪婪，而是要得到一种为善的工具。”〔4〕也应聆听所罗门的教诲，对急遽敛财的行为加以警惕：“欲急速致富者将不免于不义。”〔5〕诗人们描述说，当普路托斯（即财神）被朱庇特〔6〕所差遣的时候，他走得步履蹒跚、慢慢吞吞；不过他若是被普鲁托〔7〕派遣的时候，他健步如飞、脚下生风。意思是，通过正当的手段和诚实的劳动获得财富是缓慢的过程，而别人的故去（例如通过遗产、遗嘱等方式，等等）使财富滚滚而来。不过把普鲁托看做是魔鬼，也同样适用。因为当财富来自魔鬼（例如通过欺骗以及压迫和不公正的手段），也会迅速积累起来。致富的途径有许多种，但其中绝大多数都是肮脏不堪的。吝啬是致富的途径中最好的，但也并非清白无辜，因为吝啬将人与慷慨解囊和乐善好施的行为绝缘。获取财富最自然的途径是对土地进行耕耘，因为它是伟大母亲，也就是大地的恩赐；但通过它获取财富是缓慢的。此外，拥有大量财富的人若愿意从事农耕的话，将会使他们的财富成倍地增长。我认识一位英国贵族，算是我所处的时代中最有钱的人：他既是一个大草原主人，又是一个畜牧大户，是一个大的木材供应商、大煤矿主、大农场主、大宗铅和铁的贸易商人，以及其他各种农牧业的经营者：所以大地对他来说就像取之不尽用之不竭的大海，源源不绝地给他提供财富。有一个人切身体会到，当要赚取一点点财富的时候很不容易，而获得大笔财富的时候反而简单，这倒是实在的。因为，当一个人的财富储备达到那样的一种程度时，即他可以等待到市场的全盛时期，可以做那些获利颇丰但一般人财力所不能及的交易，并且还可以参与属于年轻人的产业，他就不用为他的财富增长而发愁。日常的贸易和职业的收益是诚实可信的，主要由两种事物促进增长：通过勤奋努力，还有就是通过童叟无欺、公平交易的良好信誉。但当一个人将交易建立在别人的迫切需要之上，并且通过拉拢仆人和其他手段接近买主而破坏了交易的公平，或是奸诈狡猾地劝阻他人与那些更守信誉的商人进行交易，以及使用诸如此类工于心计的做法时，通过交易获利就有了一种更被质疑的性质。至于买卖中的大肆讨价还价，当一个人购进不是为了持有，而是为了再次卖出获利时，这就是对之前的卖家和之后的买家的双重剥削。合伙做生意能创造大量的财富，如果经过挑选的合作伙伴是值得信赖的话。放高利贷是最有把握获利的途径，但也是最糟糕的途径，因为这样做的人是用别人的汗流满面来谋自己的生计；〔8〕并且除此之外，在星期日也要耕田犁地不休息。不过虽然这种方式是有把握的，但也有其缺点，因为代理人和中间人会为了自己的利益而将信誉不佳者鼓吹为有价值的放贷对象。在一项发明或特权上具有优先权的好运气，有时也会带来财富方面惊人的暴涨，就像卡纳列斯群岛第一个经营糖业的商人一样。从而，如果一个人在思维的缜密性上能够与逻辑学家媲美，既善于判断又善于发明，他能成就一番大事业，尤其是在有适宜的时机时。那种依赖固定收入的人很难拥有巨额的财富，并且那种把自己的所有财产都用于风险投资的人通常会破产和沦为一贫如洗。因此以能撑得住损失的一定收入来抵御投资带来的风险才是恰当的。对货物进行垄断和囤积以再销售，如果不受管制的话，是致富的良方，尤其是投资者对于何种东西会紧缺方面格外有头脑的话，事先大量购入必然会带来不少收益。通过服务获得的财富，虽然属于来源最佳的行列，然而如果是通过阿谀奉承、谄媚讪笑以及其他奴颜婢膝的行为获取的，它们就被归为最恶劣的行列中。至于那些攫取遗嘱和遗嘱执行人权责的行为（就像泰西塔斯就塞内加〔9〕所说的，“他就像用网子一样把那些遗嘱和监护权一并拽在手中”〔10〕），那就更为卑劣，这种人在屈从献媚于比自己更卑贱的人上比起那些从事服务的人更为过分。不要太过于相信那些似乎鄙视财富的人，因为他们鄙视财富是因为他们对财富的获得感到绝望；当财富来临之时，没有人会比他们更拜金。不要因小失大；财富是长着翅膀的，有时它们会自己飞走，有时它们需要被放飞才能带回来更多。人的财富不是留给他们的家人亲属，就是交付给公众，在这两方面进行适度的分配最有助于财富的繁荣。如果继承人在年龄和见识方面都还不够成熟稳重，那么一份丰厚的遗产就像是一块诱饵，会把周围所有的猛禽都引过来啄食他。同样的，华美的赠品和捐款就像是没有放盐的祭品，只不过是被粉饰过的施舍的坟墓，里面很快就会腐朽。因此不应当以数量来衡量你的馈赠，而是应使其用之有度并用之有道。此外，不要等到死之将至才着手进行慈善事业，确切地说，如果一个人认真地考虑此事，就能想到，这样做的人并非慷慨地捐出自己的钱而是慷慨地把别人的钱捐掉。

注释

〔1〕　出自《旧约·传道书》，第5章第11节。

〔2〕　出自《旧约·箴言》，第18章第11节。

〔3〕　据传拉毕里乌斯·波斯杜穆斯借钱给埃及国王，而后者拒绝还钱并将波斯杜穆斯陷入牢狱之灾中，波斯杜穆斯逃到罗马，得到西塞罗的辩护。——译者注

〔4〕　出自《代表拉毕里乌斯·波斯杜穆斯的演说》第2节，西塞罗并没有论及拉毕里乌斯·波斯杜穆斯，而是他的父亲盖乌斯·库提乌斯对此有所论述。原文为拉丁文。

〔5〕　出自《旧约·箴言》，第28章第20节。原文为拉丁文。

〔6〕　罗马神话中的宙斯神。——译者注

〔7〕　罗马神话中的冥界之王。——译者注

〔8〕　参见《旧约·创世纪》，第3章第19节。上帝对亚当说：“你必汗流满面才得糊口。”原文为拉丁文。

〔9〕　塞内加（Lucius Annaeus Seneca，约公元前4－公元65），古罗马剧作家。——译者注

〔10〕　出自泰西塔斯《编年史》，第13卷第42章。原文为拉丁文。

论野心

野心就像胆汁一样，它是一种令人积极、认真、洋溢着敏捷和活跃的体液——如果它不被阻碍的话。不过如果它被阻碍，不能随心所欲的话，它就变得阴郁枯槁，并从而变得恶毒尖酸。故而有野心的人，如果他们打开了升迁之路，并且平步青云的话，他们通常是忙碌的而不是危险的；然而如果他们的愿望被阻，他们就会变得暗中愤愤不平，而且对人和事都用恶毒的眼光去看待，事情变得越糟糕他们就越开心，这可以说是一个君主或一个国家的臣仆所能具有的最坏的品质。因此，对于君主来说，如果他们任用有野心的人，要使之不断升迁而不被贬黜才好；但这样做总是免不了遇到麻烦，所以不任用具有这样性格的人倒是更为省事。因为如果他们不能与其从事的工作共同高升，他们就会有意地将这些工作和自身一起弄得很失败。但因为我们已经说过不去任用那些有野心性格的人才好，除非他们是不可或缺的，那我们来说说在什么情况下是不得不用他们的。在战争中优秀的指挥官是必不可少的，即使他们的野心空前之大；因为任用他们在工作上产生的益处可以把那些弊端忽略掉，并且，如果任用一名没有野心的军人就像是把他马靴上的马刺扯掉了一样。在君王处于危险和受到妒忌时任用那些有野心的人来为其掩护也是很好的，因为没有人会愿意接受那样的角色，除非他像一只被蒙住眼睛的鸽子，使劲地不断向上扑腾，因为他留意不到自己。有野心的人还可以被用于清除任何高高在上、权高盖主的对象……因为他们应被任用于这类情况中，那么接下来得谈谈应如何约束他们，使他们没有那么危险。如果他们出身卑微，那么就不会有太大危险，而如果他们出身高贵则会比较危险；如果他们本性相当苛刻，就比那些本性优雅和随和的人要危险性更小；如果他们最近刚刚得到提拔，比起那些以奸诈狡猾和城府深厚而获得地位上升的人来说也不那么危险。一些人认为，君王有自己的宠臣是一个弱点，但这其实是对付那些有野心的人的所有方法中最好不过的一着。因为当赏赐和惩罚都出自宠臣之手，其他人就不能超越其上而权倾一时。另一个抑制他们的手段是通过那些像他们一样自负的人与之抗衡。但因此也需要一些不偏不倚的议事大臣来保持局势的稳定，因为船如果没有压舱物就会过于颠簸不平。至少，君王可以鼓动和扶植一些更卑贱的人来与野心家们作对。就打击这些鄙夷可憎的人来说，如果他们生性懦弱，上述方法会起到很好的作用；但如果他们无惧无畏，这会导致他们图谋不轨并酿成祸害。至于将这些有野心的人从其位置上撤下来而言，如果事务的处理需要如此，而又不能突然行事同时也需要确保万无一失的时候，唯一的途径是让他们时而得宠时而失宠，使他们不知道能够期待什么，就像在密林中不辨方向、不知何去何从那样。就野心而言，那种要在大事上取胜的野心，比起那些在任何事情上都要占优势的野心来说，危害要小，因为那种凡事斤斤计较的野心滋生混乱，损害事务。不过，让一个野心勃勃的人忙于处理事务，而不是让他拉帮结派，也同样是危害较小的。想要在有能力的人当中出类拔萃是很繁重的任务，而这对公众来说是好事。不过，那种谋划成为众无名小卒中的大人物的人，会败坏整个时代。荣耀包含着三件事：可以做善事的有利地位，能接近君王和显要，以及个人自身运气的提升。一个有雄心壮志的人，若他能把握这些意图中最好的那一种，他便是一个诚实正直的人；一位君主，若能够明辨有志之人心中所怀的这种意向，他便是一位贤明的君主。一般而言，君主和国家选择臣子时，应选择那些视责任义务高于升官加爵的人，还有那些对事业的热爱不是基于炫耀之心而是凭借着良心的人。所以应该将那些本性好事者与心甘情愿服务的人区分开来。

论美

美德就好比一块宝石，朴素的装饰最能映衬它的价值；无疑的，美德存在于外表动人者身上是最好不过的，不过若没有精致的容貌，在气质方面展现出的庄重大方也会胜过容貌的姣美。此外，拥有俊俏容颜者也拥有杰出的德行是不多见的，他们仿佛是被繁忙的自然界创造出来但求没有差错而已，而不愿意在塑造卓越上花费更多的工夫。并且，这些人虽然拥有标致的外貌，却没有优秀的精神气质，对行为举止的钻研热情要高于对德行的追求。但情况也不总是如此，因为奥古斯都·恺撒、提图斯·维斯帕西亚努斯〔1〕、法国国王美男子菲利普〔2〕、英国国王爱德华四世〔3〕、雅典的亚西比德〔4〕、波斯统治者伊斯梅尔，都志存高远、气宇轩昂，并且也是他们所处时代中第一等的美男子。就美而言，容貌之美要胜过肌肤之美，而优雅得体的举止之美又胜过容貌之美。那是美最摄人心魄之处，是用图画也难以表达的；是生命中的初见也难以把握的。没有一种精妙绝伦的美在其比例上不会有一些独特和奇妙之处。一个人很难说出阿佩里斯〔5〕和阿尔伯特·丢勒〔6〕何者更为不可靠；他们中的一位，要用几何比例来画人；另外一位，要取若干面孔的最佳部分来构造一张完美的脸庞。这样画出来的人，我想，除了能取悦画家自己，谁也取悦不了。我不是认为一位画家不能描绘出一张前所未有的俊美面孔，而是认为他应该在创作时运用一种巧妙的笔触（就如音乐家在谱曲时蕴涵的神韵），而不是依据规则来创作。如果你对人的脸进行一部分一部分的仔细观察，那你是找不到一张能视为美的面庞的，人应该将面孔作为整体来看才能发现其动人之处。如果美的主要部分是存在于端庄的举止中这句话是真的，那么确实不会令人惊奇的是，有些人历经岁月风霜却似乎很多时候更为可爱了：“美之迟暮也是美的”；〔7〕因为若不宽容，并且将青春年少本身视为对美的弥补，就没有青年人能算是美丽的。美就像是夏日的水果，容易腐坏，不易长久保持；并且大多数情况下，美造就了放荡不羁的青年人，也造成了悔恨的老年时代。但仍然确定无疑的是，如果美能适当地起作用的话，它会使美德闪耀，使恶习赧颜。

注释

〔1〕　提图斯·维斯帕西亚努斯（Titus Flavius Vespasianus，公元39年～81），罗马皇帝，公元79年－81年在位。——译者注

〔2〕　菲利普四世（1268～1314），法国国王，1285年～1314年在位。——译者注

〔3〕　爱德华四世（1442～1483），英国国王，1461年～1470年在位。——译者注

〔4〕　亚西比德（公元前450～前404），雅典著名的政治家、演说家、将军。——译者注

〔5〕　希腊画家，活跃于公元前4世纪。——译者注

〔6〕　阿尔伯特·丢勒（1471～1528），德国画家、版画家、艺术理论家。——译者注

〔7〕　欧里庇得斯的格言，记录于普罗塔克的《亚西比德》第1章第3节。原文为拉丁文。

论残疾

有残疾的人与造物主通常是互补亏欠的：因为造物主既然对他们不公，他们对造物主也同样如此。他们中的绝大多数（如《圣经》中所说的）都天性凉薄，从而他们以此方式报复了造物主。的确，在身体与心灵之间是存在着一种一致性的，当造物主在一方面出了错，她在另一方面就有风险：当她在一方面犯错误，她在另一方面就冒风险。但因为在人身上存在着触及自身心灵境界的选择权以及身体构造的必然受之于自然，所以决定自然倾向的星宿有时会被决定修养和德行的太阳光辉所遮掩。因此这样去做才是可取的，即不应将残疾仅仅看做是一种性格的迹象，那会更使人受到蒙蔽，而是应视为一种导致某种性格的原因，这种原因通常都会产生一定的结果。那些身体上有着无法改变的某些缺陷的人，的确会因为这些缺陷导致别人对他的不敬，但同时也拥有了将其自身从被鄙视的境况中解救和解放出来的永恒动力。从而，所有身体有残缺的人都是极其勇敢的——最初，是在作为被鄙视的对象时对自身尊严的维护，随着时间的推移，便成为了一种普遍的习惯。此外，这对他们的勤勉也有所裨益，尤其是在注意和观察别人的弱点时，这使得他们在回敬之时不会毫无准备。此外，就他们的上级来说，残疾的状况能平息针对他们的妒忌，因为这些人认为身体残缺的人不过是任人藐视的对象而已；而且这也会使得他们的竞争者和对手麻痹大意，因为他们决不相信身有残疾的人会有升迁的可能性，直到他们看到这些人获得了相关的职位为止。所以，就这些情况而言，残疾的人若有过人的才智，其残疾反而是其晋升的优势。古代的君主（并且在一些当代的国家中依然如此）惯于对宦官施以极大的信任，因为那妒恨一切人的人们对于专制君主是会更为依赖和更为尽职的。然而虽然君主们对宦官加以信任，但更多的是将其作为有用的耳目和告密者，而并非作为清正廉明的官员和政府职员而任用。对于身形残疾的人来说情况也多半类似。然而，最根本的是，如果他们有志气，他们应努力使自己从被鄙视中解脱，可凭借的办法无外乎美德或邪念。从而，若这些人之中产生了优秀的人才，也不足为怪；例如阿格西劳斯、〔1〕苏里曼的儿子赞格、伊索、〔2〕秘鲁总督加斯卡；对于一些人来说，苏格拉底〔3〕也可以算是他们中的一员。

注释

〔1〕　阿格西劳斯，即斯巴达国王阿格西劳斯二世（公元前444～前360），是个天生的跛脚，且个头矮小，长相平庸。——译者注

〔2〕　伊索，约生活于公元前6世纪～7世纪，据传为《伊索寓言》的作者，据说相貌奇丑。——译者注

〔3〕　苏格拉底（公元前470～前399），著名的古希腊哲学家，他和其学生柏拉图及柏拉图的学生亚里士多德被并称为希腊三哲。他相貌丑陋，故培根有此一说。——译者注

论建筑

房屋是建造来居住的，而不是建造来观赏的；因此其用途应当优先于其样式，除非这两者可以同时兼具。将那些仅仅是出于美观的目的而建造起来的、有着金碧辉煌装饰的房屋，都留给诗人笔下的魔幻宫殿吧，他们建造这些宫殿实在花费不了什么成本。建造一幢好房屋的环境不好，就等于犯了将自己囚禁起来的错误。我所认为的不佳环境，不仅指那里的空气有害健康，而且也指那里的空气流动不均。就像可以看到许多精巧的屋舍坐落在小山丘上，周围更高的山将其环抱，从而太阳散发出的热量都郁积于此，而且风汇集于此犹如水槽之聚水一般；所以会忽然之间感觉到极其悬殊的热或冷，就好像同时居住在几个不同的地方一样。除了因空气状况不好造成的地理位置不佳之外，道路状况的不好、集市状况的不良，以及（如果你征求执掌嘲笑和非难的莫默斯神的意见）邻居的不善，都是房屋位置不好的原因。我还没有提及更多的因素：水源的匮乏；林木、阴凉之处、庇护之所的不足；丰饶的土地，以及各种类型土地的混合的缺乏；景色的稀缺；开阔平坦土地的缺少；近距离适宜放鹰狩猎或竞速运动场所的缺失；太靠近海边，或太偏离海边；未拥有河流可通航之便，或拥有河流容易泛滥的不便；距离大城市太远，这会阻碍事业发展，或者距离大城市太近，这会使得人们过于依赖商贸，使得开销高昂；一个可以使人积聚大产业的地点或一个使人局促不能发展的地点。所有的这些，因为任何一个地方不可能同时都具备，所以对其有所了解并有所打算是错不了的，一个人应尽其所能地让自己的居所拥有更多的优势；并且，如果能够有好几处房产的话，他可以各取所长，在一处所短缺的在另一处可以得到。卢库勒斯〔1〕对庞培的巧妙回答即是如此：当庞培在卢库勒斯的一处住宅看到富丽堂皇的走廊和房间十分宽敞明快，问道，“这的确是消夏的好地方，但你冬天怎么办呢？”卢库勒斯回答说，“为什么，难道你认为我还不如一些在冬天来临之时就变换了自己住所的鸟类聪明吗？”

从房子的处所说到房屋本身。我们将像西塞罗在其演讲术中所做的那样，西塞罗撰著了几本《论演说家》的书，以及一本他命名为《演说家》的书，前几本书中他陈述了演讲之术的规律，后一本书是关于演说的至高境界的。因此我们将先描述一个君王的宫殿，作为一个简单的模型。因为令人奇怪的是，如今在欧洲，虽然有梵蒂冈和埃斯科里亚尔〔2〕以及其他的大型建筑，然而其中仍然缺少一个非常宜人而堪称典范的房间。

因此，首先，我认为，如果你的宫殿没有两个不同的部分，就不能算是完美的宫殿。一部分用于酒宴筵席，就像《旧约·以斯帖书》中所说的那样，而另一部分用于家居日常生活；一部分用于盛会和庆典，另一部分用于居住。按我的理解，这两部分都不必仅限于建筑的后部，而是可以部分地位于前部，虽然内部分隔为几个不同的部分，但在外观上合为一体；并且这两部分应位于宫殿前部正中高大庄严的塔楼的两侧，那么，就像是塔楼将它们从两侧连接了起来。我认为在用于宴请的那一部分，在其前部，楼上只安排一个舒适的房间就可以了，这个房间约四十英尺高，其下部的房间用于更衣打扮或在举行庆典的时候作为准备的场所。另外一部分，也就是，用于家居生活的部分，我希望它首先分为大厅和小教堂（中间要分隔开来），这两处都要设计得当和宽敞；并且它们不要将所有的空间都占据，而是在更远的末端分别有一个冬天和夏日的会客室，这两个会客室都应该装饰得当。在这些房间的底层，要有一个沉入地下的好用并且宽大的地窖，以及一些带有伙食房和餐具室的私人厨房，等等。就前面提及的高塔来说，我认为在其两翼之上应该高出两层，每一层应有十八英尺高；顶部以优质铅皮覆盖，并围以栏杆，其间布以雕像为装饰；塔楼也应分出具有不同功用的房间。通向高处房间的楼梯，应使之修建在外露的螺旋中柱上，用漆有黄铜色图案的雕木对栏杆进行修饰；并在顶部设置一个非常适宜观景的平台。但要这样做的话，必须是你没有将下部的房间指定用于仆从用餐，否则就必须要求仆从在用餐之后方能进餐——因为饭菜的气味会升腾上来，就像在隧道里一般浓郁不散。对于宫殿的前部就说这么多了。不过还有一点，我认为第一层楼梯的高度应为十六英尺，也就是楼下房间的高度。

除了前面部分之外，宫殿还应有一个漂亮的庭院，但庭院的三面都应该是比宫殿前部低许多的建筑。并且在这座庭院的四个角上，应有外部有精致楼廊的角楼，而不是在建筑内部修建楼梯。但这些角楼不能高于前部建筑，而是应与建筑相互协调。在庭院中不必铺路，因为那样会使得夏日非常炎热而在冬日十分寒冷。但一些边上和贯穿庭院的小路是需要的，其余的地方种植草皮，并使之常得到修剪，但修剪也不要过于频繁。举行宴会那一部分建筑的后部，应全部建为精巧的走廊。在这些走廊上，根据其距离长短设置有三五个圆顶阁，距离均等，并精心修饰以绘有各种图案的彩绘窗扇。在用于居家生活的另外一侧，应有会客之所和一般的休闲娱乐之所以及一些卧房；让三面的房间都有，而不是让一面的房间完全暴露于光照中，这样你不论上午或在下午，都有能够避开阳光直射的房间。你也应该将房间建造成同时适用于夏天和冬天的，使之在夏天的时候阴凉，在冬天的时候温暖。你有时也会遇到一些满是玻璃窗的美丽房子，让人在其中不知如何避开日晒和寒冷。就内弓型的窗户来说，我认为它们有很好的用途（的确，在城市中，竖式的窗户更好，考虑到街道两侧需要整齐划一来说），因为它们可以将用于会议的房间与外界很好的隔离开来；除此之外，它们也将风吹和日晒阻隔开来，因为那些能贯通室内的风和日光很难透过此类窗户。但这种窗户也不宜过多，在面朝庭院的两边墙上共有四个就可以了。

在这个庭院后边，还应有一个在面积和高度上与之相当的内院，被四面的花园所环抱；在其内部则四周筑以回廊，配以美丽大方的拱门，高度与第一层楼相当。在面朝花园的底层部分，应修建为洞室，或纳凉之地或消夏之所；它们的开口和窗户都只面向花园；并且与地面保持水平，而不沉入地下哪怕一点，以避免各种潮气湿气。此外，在这个庭院的中间，还应有一座喷泉，或者一些精雕细琢的雕像；其道路铺设与其他庭院相同。这些房屋中位于两侧的是供个人居住使用，位于后面部分的则供个人秘密使用。还有你必须在这些房屋中设置一间养病室，以备君王或任何一位要人生病之需，会客室、卧房、前厅后室将其装备齐全。这个养病室位于第二层。在第一层，设置一个雅致的、开放式的、下有柱子的游廊；在第三层也是如此，设有立柱的开放式游廊，能在其中饱览花园中的美景和呼吸清新空气。在更远处的两个角上，与之相呼应，可修建两个精美华丽、铺陈高雅、装饰美轮美奂、并以水晶般玻璃精心修饰的小阁，中间配以华美的圆屋顶；其他各种各类可以想到的精妙物件作为装饰。在较高的游廊那里，我也希望如果条件允许，应有一些喷泉从墙面的若干个地方流下，同时配备良好的排水设施。以上这些就是关于宫殿的模型，除此之外，在通向宫殿前面建筑之前，应有三个庭院。首先是一个简单朴素的绿色庭院，有围墙；其次是一个类似的庭院，但装饰更丰美，有小角塔，或者在墙面上进行大量的修饰；第三个庭院，在宫殿前面形成一个广场，既不需要什么建筑，也不需要无装饰的墙将其围住，而是以平台将其环绕，上面覆以铅质屋顶，并在三面进行奢华的装饰；内部设以游廊，用柱子而不用拱门支撑。至于办公场所，应与宫殿保持一定的距离，用一些低的游廊将它们与宫殿连接起来。

注释

〔1〕　卢库勒斯（Lucius Licinius Lucullus，公元前118年～前57），古罗马将军兼执政官，以巨富闻名。——译者注

〔2〕　埃斯科里亚尔宫殿，建造于公元1562年至公元1584年，位于西班牙马德里附近。——译者注

论花园

万能的上帝是花园的第一个缔造者。的确，赏花弄草是人类乐趣当中最为单纯的一种。花园对于振作人的精神有着不可估量的效果，如果建筑和宫殿没有花园，那就不过是粗俗的作品罢了。一个人可以了解到，当时代日益向文明高雅发展，人们通常先谈及高大的建筑然后才谈及精巧的花园，仿佛花园是更为完美的。我确实认为，在皇家花园的设计上，应该有一年当中十二个月都有美景的花园。在其中，每个季节的几种最美的花木依次开放、呈现。就十二月和一月，以及十一月的后半部分来说，你应该种植那些整个冬日都常青的植物：冬青、常春藤、月桂、杜松、柏树、紫杉、菠萝树、枞树、迷迭香、熏衣草；白色、紫色和蓝色的长春花；石蚕草、菖蒲；橙树、菩提树；桃金娘，如果它们能被种植在温室里的话；还有甜马郁兰，也需要保暖。接着，对于一月的后半部分和二月，应种植即将开放的丁香花树；番红花，黄色和灰色均可；樱草、银莲花、开得较早的郁金香、风信子、小鸢尾、贝母。到了三月，应该有紫罗兰，尤其是那种单瓣蓝色的盛放最早；黄水仙、雏菊、盛开的杏树、开满花的桃树、正在开花的山茱萸树、多花蔷薇。在接着到来的四月中，有重瓣的白色紫罗兰、其他颜色的紫罗兰、康乃馨、黄花九轮草、鸢尾花，以及各种各样的百合花；迷迭香、郁金香、重瓣牡丹、淡色水仙、法国忍冬；开花的樱桃树、开花的李子树和梅树、枝繁叶茂的白刺树、丁香树。在五月和六月里，出现的是各类石竹，尤其是浅粉红色的石竹；各种玫瑰，除了麝香玫瑰之外——因为它开放得较晚；忍冬、草莓、牛舌草、耧斗菜；孔雀草、非洲万寿菊、果实累累的樱桃树、醋栗、果满枝头的无花果树、树莓、葡萄花、盛开的熏衣草、开白花的香兰；麝香兰、山百合、开花的苹果树。七月当中，有多种多样的紫罗兰、淡粉色的玫瑰、开花的菩提树、挂果较早的梨树和结果的李子树、苹果树、早熟的花红。八月中各色各样的李子和梅子都成熟了，还有梨子、杏子、伏牛花、榛子、甜瓜、各种颜色的附子。在九月中，有葡萄、苹果、万紫千红的罂粟花、桃子、榅桲、油桃、山茱萸、冬梨、柑橘。在十月和十一月的前半个月中能营造景观的，有枸杞、西洋李，通过修剪或移植使之较晚开放的玫瑰、蜀葵等等诸如此类。这些花草植物是根据伦敦的气候挑选出来的；但是我的意思显而易见，也就是你根据地方的特点能拥有永恒的春天。

而且因为飘洒在空气中而不是在人的手中，鲜花的芬芳更为香甜（就像乐曲中的颤音一样婉转缠绵），从而了解哪些花儿和植物的气味最为馥郁，是最有助于获得这种乐趣的。粉红色品种和红色品种的玫瑰，都不是容易散发出香味的花，所以当你经过一整排这种玫瑰旁边，却嗅不到一点它们的芳香，即便是在满布朝露的清晨也是如此。月桂在生长的过程中也不散发香气，迷迭香也很少散发香气，甜马郁兰也是这样。其他在空气中散发香气的花儿当中，其香味最为浓郁的莫过于紫罗兰，尤其是白色的重瓣紫罗兰，一年绽放两次，一次是在四月中旬，一次是在八月二十四日的圣巴塞洛缪节之时。其次就是麝香玫瑰。此外就是草莓叶枯萎的时候，带着一种最为怡神的气味。然后就是葡萄花，它是一种微小的花朵，就像苇草的小花，起初是成簇生长开放的。再则就是甜石楠。还有黄色紫罗兰，种植在会客室或低层房间的窗外最惹人喜爱。接着还有石竹花和康乃馨，尤其是花坛石竹和丁香康乃馨。其次就是菩提树的花香味。还有就是忍冬花，所以它们得种得远一些才好。我没有谈论到豆类的花，因为它们属于田间花朵。但在其他方面，那些最能让空气芬芳怡人而并非供人在一旁流连忘返，而是被踩踏和挤压的，有三种，那就是：地榆、野麝香草以及水薄荷。因此你应将小径旁种满此类植物，当你漫步或徜徉的时候可以尽情享受它们的香气带来的愉悦。

对于花园来说（上述的种种当然都是关于君王的花园，就像我们讨论建筑时那样），其面积应不少于三十英亩的土地，并且应划分为三个部分：在入口处是一片如茵绿地；在出口处应该是一片荒地或沙地；中间的是主花园，两边是小路。并且我认为应有四英亩的土地用于绿地，六英亩的土地用于荒地；两边各用四英亩；十二英亩作为主花园。绿地有两种妙用：其一，没有什么比看到精心修剪的绿色草地更为舒适悦目的；其次，因为绿地的中间会给你提供一条美丽的小径，将你引向一道气派庄严的树篱前，这树篱将花园围绕。但因为小径会比较长，并且，在一年或一天之中最热的时候，你应不必冒着日晒行走在绿地的小径而去获得花园中的阴凉，因此你应在绿地的两侧，设置可遮阳的小路，由木匠来建造，约十二英尺高，这样你可以在阴凉中走到花园去。至于用各种颜色的泥土安设花坛、形成图案，它们可以位于花园旁边房屋的窗户下边，这些都是小巧的玩意儿而已：你在糖果点心那里可能已经多次看到这样的设计了。花园最好是正方形的，四周围绕着气派的有拱门的树篱，这些拱门矗立在木匠修建的柱子上，约有十英尺高和六英尺宽，拱门之间的距离应与拱门的宽度一致。在拱门之上还有约四英尺高的整道树篱，也是由木工构建而成的；并且在更高一层的树篱之上，在每个拱门上方，都有一个小的角塔，其中部凸起的空间，恰恰能容纳一个鸟笼；在拱门之间的上方可布置一些小雕像以及宽大的圆形镀金彩色玻璃，让阳光可以尽情地挥洒。但这个树篱我想要建造在漫坡上，不能陡峭，而是平缓的斜坡，约六英尺高，上边种植些各色花儿。并且，我认为这个正方形的花园不应该占据了土地的整个篇幅，而是应在两侧留有足够的面积，可用于各种小径的营造，前面提到的绿地间的遮阳小路可以将你引向这些小径。不过，在这个树篱围绕的花园的两端应没有带树篱的小路：在通向花园的一端不设有这种小路，是为了保证从绿地望过来时，你的视野能触及那精心设计的树篱；在更远的一端也不设有这种小路，是为了使你从树篱的拱门中望出去，能看到花园背后的荒地。

至于高大的树篱内部花园的布置，我认为应该给风格各异的设计留下发挥的空间，无论你要将花园设计成何种的风格，要奉劝的忠告是，首先，不可太过于烦琐或处处匠心积虑。在这一点上，就我个人而言，我并不喜欢在杜松或其他花园里的树木上雕刻图案——这是给孩子们看的。我非常喜欢低矮的小树篱，修剪成圆形，就像衣饰上的滚边一样，再配以一些漂亮的棱锥；在一些地方，设有木工雕刻的美观柱子。我也同样喜欢将小路设计得宽阔大方。在花园两侧你可以修建有顶篷的小道，但在花园的主体部分中则不适宜这样做。我也希望，在花园的正中，有一座精致的小山，拾阶而上共有三层，其道路的宽度可供四人并肩而行；我也认为道路可以完全是环绕于小山，无须扶栏或浮雕装饰；整座小山有三十英尺高；并设有宴会厅，其中装有整洁考究的壁炉，不要安装太多的玻璃窗。

就喷泉而言，是非常美丽和赏心悦目的；水塘则会有损于花园的风貌，使得花园不益于健康并且充斥着苍蝇和青蛙。我认为喷泉有两种类型：一种是喷水或者冒水的，另一种是澄澈的蓄水池，约三十或四十英尺见方，其中既不养鱼也无淤泥、泥浆沉底。就第一种喷泉来说，若以镀金或大理石材质的雕像作为装饰品，会很不错，但主要的问题在于使水潺潺流动，而不是在水钵和水槽中停滞不畅；不能流动的水会被污染，从而发绿、发红或诸如此类，要不然就是聚集了苔藓或各种腐败物。除此之外，喷泉应每日及时清洁。喷泉若饰以一些阶梯，同时周围配以一些精心铺设的路面，就会有良好的效果。至于另外一种类型的喷泉，我们可将其称为浴池，它承载着许多遐思和拥有许多美观的设计，我们就不必自找麻烦了：例如，池子底部应精心铺设，装饰以图案，池子的两侧也是如此；并且用彩色的玻璃，以及其他有光泽的物品进行修饰；以有小雕像的精巧栏杆环绕之。然而论及这种喷泉的要点，与我们在谈论到前一种喷泉时是相同的，也就是让水能够长流不止，通过比池子更高的水提供源头，并通过精良的喷管进行输送，然后用均等大小的出水孔由地下将水排出，这样水就不会积郁池中。至于那些精妙的设计，例如使水流如虹而不溢或使水以各种形状喷洒（羽毛的形状、酒杯的形状、华盖的形状，等等），它们都是十分宜人眼目的，但对于修身养性没有什么裨益。

就园中的荒地来说，也就是我们园林规划中的第三部分，我认为应该尽可能的设计出具有真正自然的荒野气息。我想其中不必栽种树木，但可种植一些灌木，除了多花蔷薇和金银花之外，再有一些野葡萄间杂其中；地上多种植有紫罗兰、草莓和樱草。因为这些草木可以散发香气，在荫庇之处也会茂盛生长。而且这些草木在荒地之中的种植是随意的，到处都可以，并没有什么既定的次序。我也喜欢有些堆积的小土丘，性质与鼹鼠的窝一样（就像是在真正的荒野中那样），有些种上野生的百里香；有些种上石竹花；有些种上石蚕草，它会生长出非常悦目的花儿；有些种上长春花；有些种上紫罗兰；有些种上草莓；有些种上黄花九轮草；有些种上雏菊；有些种上红玫瑰；有些种上山百合；有些种上红色的美洲石竹；有些种上熊掌花以及类似的不名贵，却同样芬芳和好看的花卉。一些小土丘的顶部可以种植直立挺拔的小灌木，另一些则不必。此类小灌木有玫瑰、杜松、冬青、伏牛花（但要分散开来种植，因它们的香气浓郁）、红醋栗、醋栗、迷迭香、月桂、多花蔷薇等，诸如此类。但这些直立的灌木都应时常修剪，使之生长以免凌乱而不成形状。

就两侧的土地来说，可以在其中建造各种幽僻的小路，其中的一些小路，无论太阳有多大，都是浓荫遮蔽的。还可以将其中的一些小路建成能遮风挡雨的，当风狠狠刮着的时候，你就犹如在一个避风的走廊里行走。而且这类小路的两端都应建有树篱，可将风阻挡在外；这些有遮蔽的小路应该用碎石更为细致地铺设，不要种草，因为容易打湿鞋袜。在许多这些小路边，你应种植各式各样的果树，使之或依墙而立，或排列成行。然而一般来说，需要遵循的是，你的这些果树在小路边的种植应雅致、宽阔和低矮，不宜过高，果树的周围应种植秀丽的花卉，但稀疏和分散的种植就好，以免妨碍树木的生长。在两侧土地的尽头，我认为应各有一座有一定高度的小山，在上面使树篱围墙与胸齐平，可眺望田野。

就主体花园来说，我不反对在两侧应设有美观大方、植有果树的小路；园中还应有种植着果树的小丘，带有布置得大方有序的设座椅的凉亭；但这些不应布置得过于紧凑，而使主花园被封闭起来，空气也可以自由流通。至于荫凉之处，我想主要依靠两侧地面的小路来获得，如果愿意，你就可以在一年或一日的炎热之时，到那里去散步；但主花园是为一年之中最温和宜人的时节而设计的，在炎热的夏季，则是针对清晨和黄昏，或阴天。

至于鸟舍，我并不喜欢，除非它们巨大到可以在其中铺设草皮，并且其中种植有树木和灌木；那样鸟儿才能有更多的活动范围和自然栖息之所，在鸟舍的地面上也不会有污秽物出现。

至此我已经给一个君王的花园大致勾勒了一番，部分是通过建议，部分是通过描绘，还不能算是一个模型，仅仅是花园的一些大致线条而已；而且在这方面我也不惜成本。但成本对于王公贵族来说算不了什么，因为他们大多时候都采纳工匠的建议，不惜斥巨资去装点他们的花园；有时为了壮观宏伟、堂皇富丽还添加雕像等诸如此类的物品，但这些对于花园的真正乐趣却是毫无助益。

论交涉

一般而言，通过言谈进行交涉比通过书信要好，而通过第三者进行调解又比本人出面要好。书信在如下情况中应用是好的，即当一个人想要通过反馈的信件获取一个答复时，或者一个人将来在辩护中可以出示他个人的信件时，又或者交涉若是被打断或者被只字片言地听到而有危害的时候。亲自进行交涉会较好的情况是，当一个人的容貌能够令人肃然起敬时，就像通常在下属面前那样，或者在一些微妙的场合下，当看着谈话对象的面容就能获得这场交涉还要进行多久的提示的时候；还有一般情况下，当一个人需要给自己保留一定的自由，不论是否认的自由还是解释的自由的时候。在调解人的选择上，最好是选择那种性格坦率的人，这种人会按要求完成他们的使命，并且回来如实地汇报其成绩；而不是选择那种狡诈的人，这种人会设法用别人的功绩来荣耀自己，并且在报告中将事情描述得无往不利。同样的，也应任用那些一经雇用便尽职尽责的人，因为这会使得事半功倍；并且应任用那些才能与其职责相当的人，例如大胆的人适合于告诫，精于言辞的人适合于说服，灵活的人适合于调查和观察，顽固唐突的人适合于处理那些对自身不太有利的事务。而且也应使用那些此前你任用他们处理事务时拥有幸运和占有优势的人；因为这些经历会增加他们的自信，并且他们会尽力去保持他们的名声。与人打交道、交谈时由远及近较好，而不是一开始就直奔主题，除非你旨在通过一些突然的提问让其感到意外和惊讶。与那些有所欲求的人打交道，比起与那些已经达到他们目的的人打交道要好。如果一个人与另一个人打交道是建立在一定条件上的，那么事情的开端或者所采取的第一个行动就是至关重要的；一个人没有理由要求对方先行，除非事情的本质确定了谁应首先采取行动；或者一个人能说服另一方，使其确定在其他事情或方面他仍然是有利用价值的；又或者他自身被视为一个相当有信誉的人。所有交涉的实践无非就是去显现，或者去任用。人在被信任时、情绪激动时、未察觉未戒备时、迫不得已时，也就是当他们要办成某事而缺乏恰当的借口时，最能显现自我。如果你要任用某些人，你不仅要知道他的品性和风格，以便对其进行引导；还要了解其目标，以便对其进行说服；或者要知道他的短处与长处，以便能使其感到敬畏；或者要了解其他对其有利害关系的人，以便对其进行控制。在与老奸巨猾的人打交道时，我们必须明确他们的目的，以理解他们的言谈；对他们出言简约而谨慎是错不了的，言谈也应使他们出乎意料为佳。在所有艰难的交涉中，一个人应当不希冀同时播种和收获，而是应当细心和充分地为交涉的事务进行准备，并逐步地促使其成熟。

论请托者

许多肮脏的勾当和谋划都有人包揽承担，然而私人求情的的确确败坏了公众的利益。许多很好的事情被心术不正者承担；我在这里所说的不仅仅是那些腐败堕落的人，也包括了那些并不打算真正做事情的投机取巧的人。一些接受求情之托的人实际上根本没有想要去做一些实际的事情，但如果他们看到借助其他人这件事情会有起色的时候，他们就会心安理得地去获得感谢，或接受第二次酬谢，又或者至少与此同时对请托者的希望能造成一定影响。一些人接受别人的请托仅仅是为了有机会对其他人进行阻挠；或是凭此制造一些信息用于他们一直没有适当借口来对付的那些人，当这些行为得以实现后，他们并不关心被请托之事的动向；或者，一般而言，接受请托之人是将别人的事务作为一种能有利于自身事务发展的事情而看待的。而且，有些人承应下别人的请托，是抱着让这些事情不能做成的想法，其目的在于取悦对立的一方或竞争者。的确，在每一件请托的事情中，都是有一定的对错之分的；如果是一场纠纷的请托，就有公平公正的对错问题；如果是一桩请愿的请托，则有功过的问题。如果在审判中一个人受到感情的左右偏向了错误的一方，他最好使用他的影响力去和解这件事情，而不是做得太过分。如果私情使得一个人偏向了在功绩方面不占优势的一方，他在这样做的同时，最好不要贬损或伤害成就更突出的一方。在一个人遇到不甚了解的请托案例时，不妨用其去请教一些值得信任和有见地的朋友，从他们那里能够知晓这些请托的事务的处理是否会涉及信誉；但这些咨询者的选择应当审慎，因为弄不好就会被别人牵着鼻子走。请托者对于拖延和辜负十分地厌恶，所以如果要拒绝接受请托，一开始就要坦率地讲清楚，要么就仅仅在事成之后再进行报告，还有就是不要索取超过自己应得的酬谢，这不仅仅是高尚的，而且也是得体的。在被接受的请托中，第一次进行的请托往往是没什么分量的。但我们应考虑的是请托人的信任，如果不是因为他，关于此事的一些消息就难以获得，不能从其中获取了好处却让他继续用其他方法到别处再寻求帮助，而是应该在一定程度上补偿他的发现。对一件被请托之事价值的无知是愚蠢；而对一件被请托之事是非的无知就是良知的缺乏。请托过程中行事机密是最为可取的方法，因为对请托之事鲁莽地大肆声张会使得一类请托者感到泄气，但也使得另一类请托者行动迅速和更为清醒。时机得当对于请托之事至关紧要。我认为，时机得当不仅仅指受请托之人会将事情承应下来，同时也指不会受到其他人的阻挠。一个人在选择他需要任用的人时，应选择最适合的人，而不是选择最有权势的人，应选择处理专门事务的人而不是选择统管一切的人。如果一个人初次的请托遭到拒绝时表现得既不沮丧也非不满，那么所获得的补偿就是会使得下一次请托成功。在一个得到宠爱的人那里，“应要求得比适当的更多，这样你才能得到你所应得到的”〔1〕不失为一条好准则，否则对于请托之事要求的提出只能是渐进的，因为一开始就冒险的话会失去他的请托者，而以后若还是如此的话，他就不仅会失去他的请托者，同时也会失去他之前获得的好感。对一个大人物索要一封信函被认为是最容易不过的事情，然而如果此事缺乏一个好的理由，那么其名誉就会大打折扣。再没有比如今这些替人奔走、包揽请托的人更糟糕的了，因为他们只是妨碍公共事务的毒药和传染病。

注释

〔1〕　出自坤体良《雄辩家的教育》第4卷，第5章16节。原文为拉丁文。

论学问

治学益于陶冶情操、修身养性、增长才干。陶冶情操这一主要用途，在于独处和隐居之时；修身养性体现在言谈举止之间；增长才干则体现于事务的判断和处置。因为行家里手虽能践行，并且可能在特殊事物上能够逐一进行判别；但就统筹兼顾以及事务的策划和统领来说，只有那些有学识的人才能做得最好。在学问上花费过多的时间容易懒惰；将学问过多地用于修身养性是矫情；完全依赖学问中的规则做出判断是读书人的学究气。治学使得性情更为完善，并且学识也通过经验得到完善，因为天赋的能力有如野生的植物，需要通过治学来修剪；而学问本身给予的方向引导又过于宽泛，除非它们得到经验的约束。狡猾的人蔑视学问，单纯的人钦佩学问，聪明的人使用学问；学问的传授并不包括学问自身如何被使用，而学问的运用是在学问之外并且高于学问的一种智慧，要通过观察来获得。读书不是为了要辩驳，也不是要盲目信从，更不是为了寻找谈资和讨论的话题，而是为了权衡和思考。一些书籍是需要慢慢品味的，而其他的一些则可以囫囵吞枣，还有少数的书籍需要咀嚼和消化，也就是说，一些书籍只需阅读其中部分的章节；另一些可以阅读，但不需非常仔细；而为数不多的一些书应勤勉地、全神贯注地从头至尾阅读。一些书籍也可以请人代为阅读，并请其将书中的内容摘录好，但这只能用于书中那些并不十分重要的论述，以及那些层次不很高的书籍；否则对书籍的过滤就像对水的过滤一样，只留下浮光掠影之物。读书使人充实，交谈使人机敏，写作则使人严谨。因此，如果一个人几乎不写作，那么他需要有很强的记忆力；如果一个人交谈甚少，那么他需要机智的头脑；如果一个人读书很少，那么他需要许多狡猾，使得他看起来像是知道那些他所不了解的东西一样。读史使人明智，读诗使人聪慧，数学使人精细，自然哲学使人深沉，伦理学使人庄重，逻辑学和修辞学使人能够论辩自如。“学问塑造人的个性。”〔1〕而且，没有什么才智中的阻滞和障碍，不能通过适当学问的锤炼来解除，就像躯体中的疾病可以通过适当的锻炼来排除一样。滚球有益于肾脾，射箭有益于胸肺，缓和的步行有益于肠胃，骑马有益于头脑，诸如此类。所以如果一个人的才智偏离了正道，就让他学习数学；因为在证明中，如果心思有一点点偏移，他就不得不从头再来。如果他的才智不善于区分或发现差异，就让他学习经院学者，因为他们非常注重细节（吹毛求疵）。如果他不善于对事物深入探究，并且不善于使用一件事情证明或是说明另一件事情，就让他学习律师办案。由此，心智的各种缺陷都可以通过学习得到改善。

注释

〔1〕　出自奥维德的《古代名媛》，第15章第83节。原文为拉丁文。

论虚荣

伊索有一则寓言十分精彩，〔1〕“苍蝇坐在战车车轮的轮轴上说：‘看我扬起了多大一片尘土啊！’”一些爱慕虚荣的人也是如此，不管事情是自己发展或是受到更大力量的推动，如果他们能与其拉上一点关联，他们就认为那是自己推动的。那些好炫耀的人必然是好搞派系活动的，因为所有夸耀的勇气都立足于比较之上。他们必然会极度地将自己大肆吹嘘，他们也不可能保守秘密，因此没有什么效用，如同法国谚语所说：“空话讲得多，却不做实事。”不过这种品性在民政事务中却有一定的用处。当一个观点或声誉的美德或善意需要造就时，这类人便会是很好的鼓吹者。再有，就如提图斯·李维〔2〕在安太阿卡斯〔3〕和埃托利亚人的案例〔4〕中所注意到的，“对双方都说谎有时会造成惊人的效果”，如果一个人在两个君王之间进行交涉，要将他们联合起来对付第三方，就会对一方将另一方的力量夸大，有时他在人与人之间周旋，他就会在一方那里佯称他对另外一方有着更大的利益关系，从而在两边都抬高自己的声誉。在这类情况中，结果通常是无中生有，因为谎言足以产生看法，而看法会带来实际的行为。在军队统领和士兵那里，自负是必不可少的要点，因为就像铁与铁的磨砺会使其更锋利，夸耀使得一个人的士气能鼓舞另一个人。在那些需要冲锋陷阵和出生入死的大事业中，有虚荣自傲本性的人的参与，无疑会为事业注入活力，而那些有扎实敦厚和稳重清醒性格的人更像是船的压舱物而不像是风帆。在学识的名声上，如果没有值得炫耀的羽毛，那么飞黄腾达必然是迟缓的。“写《虚荣之轻视》一书的人，也不反对让自己的名字出现于题页上。”〔5〕苏格拉底、亚里士多德〔6〕、盖伦〔7〕，都是洋溢着炫耀性格的人。虚荣心的确能助使一个人名垂千古，而美德却不是因此而能流芳百世，它获得它的名誉在于人的本性，而不是来自间接的努力。西塞罗、塞内加、小普林尼〔8〕的美名能经久不衰，如果他们自身不是有些虚荣心与之相结合的话：就像涂油漆一样，油漆不仅使天花板发亮而且也使之能够持久。但说了这么多，当我说到虚荣时，我不是指的泰西塔斯描述的缪西阿努斯〔9〕的那种性格：他有一种能够漂亮地炫耀他的一切言行的本领”，〔10〕因为这样的行为并不是炫耀，而是自然而然的宽宏和审慎；并且在一些人身上，这不仅仅是动人的，而且是优雅高尚的。因为道歉、礼让和适度的谦逊，都是夸耀的技巧。而在这些技巧当中，没有人能比小普林尼所指出那种更为巧妙了，也就是在自己也具有的优点方面，毫不吝啬地慷慨赞扬和夸赞他人。普林尼在这一点上风趣地写道：“夸赞别人是对的，因为被夸赞的人在你所夸赞的那一点上不是比你强就是比你弱。如果他比你弱，那么既然他能得到夸赞，你就应该得到更多；如果他比你强，那么如果他不被夸赞，你就更不应该被夸赞。”〔11〕虚荣的人被聪明的人所诟病，被愚昧的人所钦佩，被食客所追捧，同时也是他们自己吹嘘炫耀的奴隶。

注释

〔1〕　不是出自伊索，而是出自洛伦佐·贝夫拉丘亚。

〔2〕　李维（公元前59～公元17），古罗马著名的历史学家。——译者注

〔3〕　安太阿卡斯，叙利亚的国王，与埃托利亚人结盟对抗罗马，但被击败了。见李维的《历史》第35卷，第12篇和第17至18篇。

〔4〕　一个埃托利亚人游说安太阿卡斯与希腊结盟反对罗马，他一方面对叙利亚夸大希腊的实力，另一方面对希腊夸大叙利亚的实力，促成结盟。——译者注

〔5〕　出自西塞罗《图斯库兰讨论集》，第1章第15节。原文为拉丁文。

〔6〕　亚里士多德（公元前384～前322），古希腊哲学家，柏拉图的学生、也是亚历山大大帝的老师。——译者注

〔7〕　盖伦（Claudius Galenus of Pergamum，129～200）古罗马医学家，他的理论影响西方医学超过一千年时间。——译者注

〔8〕　小普林尼（Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus，64～约113），律师、作家、罗马元老，是罗马作家、科学家老普林尼（Gaius Plinius Secundus，23～79）的外甥。——译者注

〔9〕　缪西阿努斯（Gaius Licinius Mucianus），古罗马将军、政治家、作家。——译者注

〔10〕　出自李维《历史》，第2卷第80篇。原文为拉丁文。

〔11〕　出自小普林尼《书信集》，第6卷第17篇第4节。

论愤怒

追求完全地把愤怒消除，只不过是斯多葛学派的夸口罢了。我们有更好的神谕：“可以生气，但不要犯下罪过。不要让你的怒气到太阳落山还没有消除。”〔1〕愤怒应加以限制和抑制，不论是在性质上还是在时间上。我们将首先谈谈发怒的自然倾向和习性如何得到缓和与平息。其次，谈谈有特定动因的愤怒如何抑制，或至少使其不要造成危害。第三，谈谈如何激起或平息他人的愤怒。

就第一点来说：除了对愤怒造成的后果，以及它会如何干扰人们的生活进行深入的思考和考虑，绝无其他方法。这样做的最佳时机是在愤怒的爆发完全过去之后，再对其进行回顾。塞内加说得很好，“愤怒就像毁灭，当它落到一个东西上时它自己也粉身碎骨”。〔2〕《圣经》劝诫我们：“要以耐性保持我们的灵魂。”〔3〕若有人失去耐性，也就失去了他的灵魂。人不能变成蜂，

“把它们的生命留在所蜇的伤口之中。”〔4〕

愤怒的确是一种卑下的品性；因为它通常充分地暴露在它所统治的那些人的弱点中：儿童、妇女、老人、病人。人们最好应注意到的是，发怒时应带着轻蔑而不是带着恐惧，如此便能使其看起来超越了伤害而不是被伤害所击倒。这是容易做到的，如果一个人在这件事情上严于律己的话。

就第二点来说：愤怒的原因和动机主要有三类。首先，对于伤害过于敏感，因为没有人会因为自己未感到受伤害而愤怒的；因此脆弱娇嫩的人必然常常发怒，他们有太多的事情烦扰，而这些事情对于更强健的性格来说根本算不了什么。其次就是在受到伤害的情形中，领悟或构想到伤害中充满了轻蔑和侮辱；因为轻蔑会直接导致愤怒，不仅与伤害导致的愤怒相当，甚至更甚。从而，当人们善于从状况中分辨出轻蔑，他们无疑将会自己的怒火燃烧得更旺。最后，触及一个人声誉的意见会将促使愤怒更为加剧。在这一点上的补救办法是，一个人应该拥有，如冈佐洛〔5〕所习惯于说的：“一张绳索更为粗大的荣誉之网。”不过在抑制愤怒的所有方法中，最好不过的就是时间，并且让一个人相信，他报复的时机尚未来临，但他可以预见它到来的时刻；所以其间他会保持平静，蓄势待发。

如果怒气已经将一个人完全占据，要将愤怒抑制而不至于犯错，那就有两件事情你必须要特别注意。其一，避免极端尖酸刻薄的语言，尤其如果它们是尖刻且切中要害的；就“一般的恶言相向”来说倒不会有太大问题；再则，怒气当头时，人也不可失信泄密，因为那样会使得他在社会中被排斥。其二，你不可因怒火中烧而独断地中止任何事务；不管你如何地显示你的怨恨和恼怒，不要做出任何让事情无法挽回的举动。

就激发和平息他人的愤怒来说：关键主要在于选择时机，当人们最烦心和情绪最糟糕时，是激怒他们的时机。同样，通过收集（就像前面所论及的〔6〕）所有你能找到的事例来给你的蔑视火上浇油。而对怒气的平息有两种正好相反的办法。前者是，当第一次和一个人论及一桩令人恼怒的事务时，要选择好的时机，因为第一印象是非常深刻的。而另一种办法是去尽可能地割断，即将伤害与轻蔑侮辱之间的联系割断，将它归为误解、恐惧、热情或任何你愿意归为的东西。

注释

〔1〕　见《新约·以弗所书》，第4章26节。——译者注

〔2〕　出自塞内加《论愤怒》，第1卷第1章第2节。

〔3〕　见《新约·路加福音》，第21章第9节。

〔4〕　出自维吉尔《农事诗》，第4卷第238行。原文为拉丁文。

〔5〕　冈佐洛，即贺南戴兹·德·科尔多瓦，西班牙将军，逝于1515年。——译者注

〔6〕　《论残疾》一文当中有谈到。——译者注。

Francis Bacon

Of Empire

PENGUIN BOOKS — GREAT IDEAS

Contens

Of Revenge

Of Parents and Children

Of Marriage and Single Life

Of Envy

Of Love

Of Great Place

Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature

Of Travel

Of Empire

Of Cunning

Of Wisdom for a Man's Self

Of Innovations

Of Expense

Of Regiment of Health

Of Suspicion

Of Discourse

Of Riches

Of Ambition

Of Beauty

Of Deformity

Of Building

Of Gardens

Of Negotiating

Of Suitors

Of Studies

Of Vainglory

Of Anger

返回总目录

Of Revenge

Revenge is a kind of wild justice, which the more man's nature runs to, the more ought law to weed it out. For as for the first wrong, it doth but offend the law; but the revenge of that wrong putteth the law out of office. Certainly, in taking revenge a man is but even with his enemy, but in passing it over he is superior, for it is a prince's part to pardon. And Solomon, I am sure, saith, It is the glory of a man to pass by an offence.〔1〕That which is past is gone and irrevocable, and wise men have enough to do with things present and to come: therefore they do but trifle with themselves that labour in past matters. There is no man doth a wrong for the wrong's sake, but thereby to purchase himself profit or pleasure or honour or the like. Therefore why should I be angry with a man for loving himself better than me? And if any man should do wrong merely out of ill nature, why, yet it is but like the thorn or briar, which prick and scratch, because they can do no other. The most tolerable sort of revenge is for those wrongs which there is no law to remedy: but then let a man take heed the revenge be such as there is no law to punish; else a man's enemy is still beforehand, and it is two for one. Some, when they take revenge, are desirous the party should know whence it cometh. This is the more generous, for the delight seemeth to be not so much in doing the hurt as in making the party repent. But base and crafty cowards are like the arrow that flieth in the dark. Cosmus, Duke of Florence,〔2〕had a desperate saying against perfidious or neglecting friends, as if those wrongs were unpardonable: You shall read (saith he) that we are commanded to forgive our enemies; but you never read that we are commanded to forgive our friends. But yet the spirit of Job was in a better tune: Shall we (saith he) take good at God's hands, and not be content to take evil also?〔3〕And so of friends in a proportion. This is certain, that a man that studieth revenge keeps his own wounds green, which otherwise would heal and do well. Public revenges are for the most part fortunate: as that for the death of Caesar, for the death of Pertinax, for the death of Henry the Third of France, and many more. But in private revenges it is not so. Nay rather, vindicative persons live the life of witches, who, as they are mischievous, so end they infortunate.

注释

〔1〕　From Proverbs 19.11.

〔2〕　Cosimo de' Medici, d. 1574: the saying has not been traced.

〔3〕　Job 2.10.

Of Parents and Children

The joys of parents are secret, and so are their griefs and fears: they cannot utter the one, nor they will not utter the other. Children sweeten labours, but they make misfortunes more bitter: they increase the cares of life, but they mitigate the remembrance of death. The perpetuity by generation is common to beasts, but memory, merit, and noble works are proper to men. And surely a man shall see the noblest works and foundations have proceeded from childless men, which have sought to express the images of their minds, where those of their bodies have failed. So the care of posterity is most in them that have no posterity. They that are the first raisers of their houses are most indulgent towards their children, beholding them as the continuance not only of their kind but of their work; and so both children and creatures.

The difference in affection of parents towards their several children is many times unequal, and sometimes unworthy, especially in the mother. As Solomon saith, A wise son rejoiceth the father, but an ungracious son shames the mother.〔1〕A man shall see, where there is a house full of children, one or two of the eldest respected, and the youngest made wantons, but in the midst some that are as it were forgotten, who many times nevertheless prove the best. The illiberality of parents in allowance towards their children is an harmful error, makes them base, acquaints them with shifts, makes them sort with mean company, and makes them surfeit more when they come to plenty. And therefore the proof is best when men keep their authority towards their children, but not their purse. Men have a foolish manner (both parents and schoolmasters and servants) in creating and breeding an emulation between brothers during childhood, which many times sorteth to discord when they are men, and disturbeth families. The Italians make little difference between children and nephews or near kinsfolks; but so they be of the lump, they care not though they pass not through their own body. And, to say truth, in nature it is much a like matter, insomuch that we see a nephew sometimes resembleth an uncle or a kinsman more than his own parent, as the blood happens. Let parents choose betimes the vocations and courses they mean their children should take, for then they are most flexible. And let them not too much apply themselves to the disposition of their children, as thinking they will take best to that which they have most mind to. It is true that if the affection or aptness of the children be extraordinary, then it is good not to cross it: but generally the precept is good, Optimum elige, suave et facile illud faciet consuetudo [Choose what is best, and habit will make it pleasant and easy].〔2〕Younger brothers are commonly fortunate, but seldom or never where the elder are disinherited.

注释

〔1〕　Proverbs 10.1.

〔2〕　A saying ascribed to the followers of Pythagoras, in Plutarch, On Exile, 8 (Moralia, 602B).

Of Marriage and Single Life

He that hath wife and children hath given hostages to fortune, for they are impediments to great enterprises, either of virtue or mischief. Certainly the best works, and of greatest merit for the public, have proceeded from the unmarried or childless men, which both in affection and means have married and endowed the public. Yet it were great reason that those that have children should have greatest care of future times, unto which they know they must transmit their dearest pledges. Some there are who, though they lead a single life, yet their thoughts do end with themselves, and account future times impertinences. Nay, there are some other that account wife and children but as bills of charges. Nay more, there are some foolish rich covetous men that take a pride in having no children, because they may be thought so much the richer. For perhaps they have heard some talk, Such an one is a great rich man, and another except to it, Yea, but he hath a great charge of children, as if it were an abatement to his riches. But the most ordinary cause of a single life is liberty, especially in certain self-pleasing and humorous minds, which are so sensible of every restraint as they will go near to think their girdles and garters to be bonds and shackles. Unmarried men are best friends, best masters, best servants; but not always best subjects, for they are light to run away; and almost all fugitives are of that condition. A single life doth well with churchmen, for charity will hardly water the ground where it must first fill a pool. It is indifferent for judges and magistrates, for if they be facile and corrupt, you shall have a servant five times worse than a wife. For soldiers, I find the generals commonly in their hortatives put men in mind of their wives and children; and I think the despising of marriage amongst the Turks maketh the vulgar soldier more base. Certainly wife and children are a kind of discipline of humanity; and single men, though they be many times more charitable, because their means are less exhaust, yet, on the other side, they are more cruel and hard-hearted (good to make severe inquisitors), because their tenderness is not so oft called upon. Grave natures, led by custom, and therefore constant, are commonly loving husbands, as was said of Ulysses, Vetulam suam praetulit immortalitat [He preferred his old wife to immortality].〔1〕Chaste women are often proud and forward, as presuming upon the merit of their chastity. It is one of the best bonds both of chastity and obedience in the wife if she think her husband wise, which she will never do if she find him jealous. Wives are young men's mistresses, companions for middle age, and old men's nurses. So as a man may have a quarrel to marry when he will. But yet he was reputed one of the wise men that made answer to the question, when a man should marry: A young man not yet, an elder man not at all. It is often seen that bad husbands have very good wives; whether it be that it raiseth the price of their husband's kindness when it comes, or that the wives take a pride in their patience. But this never fails if the bad husbands were of their own choosing, against their friends' consent; for then they will be sure to make good their own folly.

注释

〔1〕　From Cicero, On the Orator, Ⅰ.44.

Of Envy

There be none of the affections which have been noted to fascinate or bewitch, but love and envy. They both have vehement wishes; they frame themselves readily into imaginations and suggestions; and they come easily into the eye, especially upon the presence of the objects: which are the points that conduce to fascination, if any such thing there be. We see likewise the Scripture calleth envy an evil eye, and the astrologers call the evil influences of the stars evil aspects, so that still there seemeth to be acknowledged, in the act of envy, an ejaculation or irradiation of the eye. Nay, some have been so curious as to note that the times when the stroke or percussion of an envious eye doth most hurt are when the party envied is beheld in glory or triumph, for that sets an edge upon envy: and besides, at such times the spirits of the person envied do come forth most into the outward parts, and so meet the blow.

But leaving these curiosities (though not unworthy to be thought on in fit place), we will handle what persons are apt to envy others; what persons are most subject to be envied themselves; and what is the difference between public and private envy.

A man that hath no virtue in himself ever envieth virtue in others. For men's minds will either feed upon their own good or upon others' evil; and who wanteth the one will prey upon the other; and whoso is out of hope to attain to another's virtue will seek to come at even hand by depressing another's fortune.

A man that is busy and inquisitive is commonly envious. For to know much of other men's matters cannot be because all that ado may concern his own estate: therefore it must needs be that he taketh a kind of play-pleasure in looking upon the fortunes of others. Neither can he that mindeth but his own business find much matter for envy. For envy is a gadding passion, and walketh the streets, and doth not keep home: Non est curiosus, quin idem sit malevolus [No one is inquisitive without being malevolent as well].〔1〕

Men of noble birth are noted to be envious towards new men when they rise. For the distance is altered, and it is like a deceit of the eye, that when others come on they think themselves go back.

Deformed persons and eunuchs and old men and bastards are envious. For he that cannot possibly mend his own case will do what he can to impair another's […]

The same is the case of men that rise after calamities and misfortunes. For they are as men fallen out with the times, and think other men's harms a redemption of their own sufferings.

They that desire to excel in too many matters, out of levity and vainglory, are ever envious. For they cannot want work, it being impossible but many in some one of those things should surpass them. Which was the character of Hadrian the Emperor, that mortally envied poets and painters and artificers in works wherein he had a vein to excel.

Lastly, near kinsfolks and fellows in office and those that have been bred together are more apt to envy their equals when they are raised. For it doth upbraid unto them their own fortunes, and pointeth at them, and cometh oftener into their remembrance, and incurreth likewise more into the note of others; and envy ever redoubleth from speech and fame. Cain's envy was the more vile and malignant towards his brother Abel, because when his sacrifice was better accepted there was nobody to look on. Thus much for those that are apt to envy.

Concerning those that are more or less subject to envy. First, persons of eminent virtue, when they are advanced, are less envied. For their fortune seemeth but due unto them, and no man envieth the payment of a debt, but rewards and liberality rather. Again, envy is ever joined with the comparing of a man's self, and where there is no comparison, no envy; and therefore kings are not envied but by kings. Nevertheless it is to be noted that unworthy persons are most envied at their first coming in, and afterwards overcome it better; whereas, contrariwise, persons of worth and merit are most envied when their fortune continueth long. For by that time, though their virtue be the same, yet it hath not the same lustre, for fresh men grow up that darken it.

Persons of noble blood are less envied in their rising, for it seemeth but right done to their birth. Besides, there seemeth not much added to their fortune; and envy is as the sunbeams, that beat hotter upon a bank or steep rising ground than upon a flat. And for the same reason those that are advanced by degrees are less envied than those that are advanced suddenly and per saltum [at a bound].

Those that have joined with their honour great travails, cares, or perils are less subject to envy. For men think that they earn their honours hardly, and pity them sometimes; and pity ever healeth envy. Wherefore you shall observe that the more deep and sober sort of politic persons, in their greatness, are ever bemoaning themselves what a life they lead, chanting a quanta patimur [how many things we suffer!]. Not that they feel it so, but only to abate the edge of envy. But this is to be understood of business that is laid upon men, and not such as they call unto themselves. For nothing increaseth envy more than an unnecessary and ambitious engrossing of business. And nothing doth extinguish envy more than for a great person to preserve all other inferior officers in their full rights and pre-eminences of their places. For by that means there be so many screens between him and envy.

Above all, those are most subject to envy, which carry the greatness of their fortunes in an insolent and proud manner, being never well but while they are showing how great they are, either by outward pomp, or by triumphing over all opposition or competition. Whereas wise men will rather do sacrifice to envy, in suffering themselves sometimes of purpose to be crossed and overborne in things that do not much concern them. Notwithstanding, so much is true, that the carriage of greatness in a plain and open manner (so it be without arrogancy and vainglory) doth draw less envy than if it be in a more crafty and cunning fashion. For in that course a man doth but disavow fortune, and seemeth to be conscious of his own want in worth, and doth but teach others to envy him.

Lastly, to conclude this part: as we said in the beginning that the act of envy had somewhat in it of witchcraft, so there is no other cure of envy but the cure of witchcraft; and that is, to remove the lot (as they call it) and to lay it upon another. For which purpose, the wiser sort of great persons bring in ever upon the stage somebody upon whom to derive the envy that would come upon themselves; sometimes upon ministers and servants, sometimes upon colleagues and associates, and the like; and for that turn there are never wanting some persons of violent and undertaking natures, who, so they may have power and business, will take it at any cost.

Now, to speak of public envy. There is yet some good in public envy, whereas in private there is none. For public envy is as an ostracism, that eclipseth men when they grow too great. And therefore it is a bridle also to great ones to keep them within bounds.

This envy, being in the Latin word invidia, goeth in the modern languages by the name of discontentment, of which we shall speak in handling sedition. It is a disease in a state like to infection. For as infection spreadeth upon that which is sound, and tainteth it, so when envy is gotten once into a state, it traduceth even the best actions thereof, and turneth them into an ill odour. And therefore there is little won by intermingling of plausible actions. For that doth argue but a weakness and fear of envy, which hurteth so much the more; as it is likewise usual in infections, which, if you fear them, you call them upon you.

This public envy seemeth to beat chiefly upon principal officers or ministers, rather than upon kings and estates themselves. But this is a sure rule, that if the envy upon the minister be great, when the cause of it in him is small, or if the envy be general in a manner upon all the ministers of an estate, then the envy (though hidden) is truly upon the state itself. And so much of public envy or discontentment, and the difference thereof from private envy, which was handled in the first place.

We will add this in general, touching the affection of envy, that of all other affections it is the most importune and continual. For of other affections there is occasion given but now and then. And therefore it was well said, Invidia festos dies non agit [Envy keeps no holidays], for it is ever working upon some or other. And it is also noted that love and envy do make a man pine, which other affections do not, because they are not so continual. It is also the vilest affection, and the most depraved, for which cause it is the proper attribute of the devil, who is called the envious man, that soweth tares amongst the wheat by night;〔2〕as it always cometh to pass that envy worketh subtly and in the dark, and to the prejudice of good things, such as is the wheat.

注释

〔1〕　Plautus, Stichus, Ⅰ.3.54.

〔2〕　Matthew 13.25.

Of Love

The stage is more beholding to love than the life of man. For as to the stage, love is ever matter of comedies and now and then of tragedies; but in life it doth much mischief, sometimes like a siren, sometimes like a fury. You may observe that amongst all the great and worthy persons (whereof the memory remaineth, either ancient or recent) there is not one that hath been transported to the mad degree of love; which shows that great spirits and great business do keep out this weak passion. You must except, nevertheless, Marcus Antonius, the half-partner of the empire of Rome, and Appius Claudius, the decemvir and lawgiver: whereof the former was indeed a voluptuous man and inordinate, but the latter was an austere and wise man. And therefore it seems (though rarely) that love can find entrance not only into an open heart, but also into a heart well fortified, if watch be not well kept. It is a poor saying of Epicurus, Satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus [Each of us is enough of an audience for the other]:〔1〕as if man, made for the contemplation of heaven and all noble objects, should do nothing but kneel before a little idol, and make himself subject, though not of the mouth (as beasts are), yet of the eye, which was given him for higher purposes. It is a strange thing to note the excess of this passion and how it braves the nature and value of things, by this: that the speaking in a perpetual hyperbole is comely in nothing but in love. Neither is it merely in the phrase; for whereas it hath been well said that the arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty flatterers have intelligence, is a man's self, certainly the lover is more. For there was never proud man thought so absurdly well of himself as the lover doth of the person loved: and therefore it was well said, That it is impossible to love and to be wise.〔2〕Neither doth this weakness appear to others only, and not to the party loved, but to the loved most of all, except the love be reciproque. For it is a true rule that love is ever rewarded either with the reciproque or with an inward and secret contempt. By how much the more men ought to beware of this passion, which loseth not only other things, but itself […] For whosoever estee-meth too much of amorous affection quitteth both riches and wisdom. This passion hath his floods in the very times of weakness, which are great prosperity and great adversity (though this latter hath been less observed); both which times kindle love and make it more fervent, and therefore show it to be the child of folly. They do best who, if they cannot but admit love, yet make it keep quarter, and sever it wholly from their serious affairs and actions of life; for if it check once with business, it troubleth men's fortunes, and maketh men that they can no ways be true to their own ends. I know not how, but martial men are given to love: I think it is but as they are given to wine; for perils commonly ask to be paid in pleasures. There is in man's nature a secret inclination and motion towards love of others, which, if it be not spent upon some one or a few, doth naturally spread itself towards many, and maketh men become humane and charitable; as it is seen sometime in friars. Nuptial love maketh mankind; friendly love perfecteth it; but wanton love corrupteth and embaseth it.

注释

〔1〕　Seneca, Epistles, Ⅶ.11.

〔2〕　Publilius Syrus, Sententiae, 15.

Of Great Place

Men in great places are thrice servants: servants of the sovereign or state, servants of fame, and servants of business. So as they have no freedom, neither in their persons nor in their actions nor in their times. It is a strange desire to seek power and to lose liberty; or to seek power over others and to lose power over a man's self. The rising unto place is laborious, and by pains men come to greater pains; and it is sometimes base, and by indignities men come to dignities. The standing is slippery, and the regress is either a downfall or at least an eclipse, which is a melancholy thing. Cum non sis qui fueris, non esse cur velis vivere. [When you are no longer what you were there is no reason for wishing to live].〔1〕Nay, retire men cannot when they would; neither will they when it were reason, but are impatient of privateness even in age and sickness, which require the shadow: like old townsmen that will be still sitting at their street door though thereby they offer age to scorn. Certainly great persons had need to borrow other men's opinions to think themselves happy, for if they judge by their own feeling they cannot find it: but if they think with themselves what other men think of them, and that other men would fain be as they are, then they are happy as it were by report, when perhaps they find the contrary within. For they are the first that find their own griefs, though they be the last that find their own faults. Certainly men in great fortunes are strangers to themselves, and while they are in the puzzle of business they have no time to tend their health, either of body or mind. Illi mors gravis incubat, qui notus nimis omnibus, ignotus moritur sibi [Death lies heavily on the man who, too well known to others, dies a stranger to himself].〔2〕In place there is a licence to do good and evil, whereof the latter is a curse; for in evil the best condition is not to will, the second not to can. But power to do good is the true and lawful end of aspiring. For good thoughts, though God accept them, yet towards men are little better than good dreams except they be put in act, and that cannot be without power and place as the vantage and commanding ground. Merit and good works is the end of man's motion, and conscience of the same is the accomplishment of man's rest. For if a man can be partaker of God's theatre, he shall likewise be partaker of God's rest. Et conversus Deus, ut aspiceret opera quae fecerunt manus suae, vidit quod omnia essent bona nimis [And God turned to look upon the works which his hands had made, and he saw that they were all very good]:〔3〕and then the sabbath. In the discharge of thy place set before thee the best examples, for imitation is a globe of precepts. And after a time set before thee thine own example, and examine thyself strictly whether thou didst not best at first. Neglect not also the examples of those that have carried themselves ill in the same place; not to set off thyself by taxing their memory, but to direct thyself what to avoid. Reform therefore without bravery or scandal of former times and persons, but yet set it down to thyself as well to create good precedents as to follow them. Reduce things to the first institution, and observe wherein and how they have degenerate, but yet ask counsel of both times: of the ancient time, what is best; and of the latter time, what is fittest. Seek to make thy course regular, that men may know beforehand what they may expect; but be not too positive and peremptory; and express thyself well when thou digressest from thy rule. Preserve the right of thy place, but stir not questions of jurisdiction, and rather assume thy right in silence and de facto than voice it with claims and challenges. Preserve likewise the rights of inferior places, and think it more honour to direct in chief than to be busy in all. Embrace and invite helps and advices touching the execution of thy place, and do not drive away such as bring thee information, as meddlers, but accept of them in good part. The vices of authority are chiefly four: delays, corruption, roughness and facility. For delays: give easy access; keep times appointed; go through with that which is in hand; and interlace not business but of necessity. For corruption: do not only bind thine own hands or thy servants' hands from taking, but bind the hands of suitors also from offering. For integrity used, doth the one; but integrity professed, and with a manifest detestation of bribery, doth the other. And avoid not only the fault but the suspicion. Whosoever is found variable, and changeth manifestly without manifest cause, giveth suspicion of corruption. Therefore always when thou changest thine opinion or course, profess it plainly and declare it together with the reasons that move thee to change; and do not think to steal it. A servant or a favourite, if he be inward, and no other apparent cause of esteem, is commonly thought but a by-way to close corruption. For roughness, it is a needless cause of discontent: severity breedeth fear, but roughness breedeth hate. Even reproofs from authority ought to be grave, and not taunting. As for facility, it is worse than bribery. For bribes come but now and then; but if importunity or idle respects lead a man, he shall never be without. As Solomon saith: To respect persons is not good, for such a man will transgress for a piece of bread.〔4〕It is most true that was anciently spoken, A place showeth the man.〔5〕And it showeth some to the better, and some to the worse. Omnium consensu capax imperii, nisi imperasset [Everyone would have thought him fit for Empire - had he never been Emperor], saith Tacitus of Galba;〔6〕but of Vespasian he saith, Solus imperantium Vespasianus mutatus in melius [Vespasian was the only Emperor who was changed for the better by empire];〔7〕though the one was meant of sufficiency, the other of manners and affection. It is an assured sign of a worthy and generous spirit, whom honour amends. For honour is, or should be, the place of virtue; and as in nature things move violently to their place, and calmly in their place, so virtue in ambition is violent, in authority settled and calm. All rising to great place is by a winding stair; and if there be factions, it is good to side a man's self whilst he is in the rising, and to balance himself when he is placed. Use the memory of thy predecessor fairly and tenderly; for if thou dost not, it is a debt will sure be paid when thou art gone. If thou have colleagues, respect them, and rather call them when they look not for it, than exclude them when they have reason to look to be called. Be not too sensible or too remembering of thy place in conversation and private answers to suitors; but let it rather be said, When he sits in place, he is another man.

注释

〔1〕　Cicero, Letters to Friends, Ⅶ.3.4.

〔2〕　Seneca, Thyestes, 401-3.

〔3〕　Genesis 1.31.

〔4〕　Proverbs 28.21.

〔5〕　A saying attributed to, among others, Solon and Pittacus (two of the Seven Sages of Greece).

〔6〕　Histories, Ⅰ.49.

〔7〕　Histories, Ⅰ.50.

Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature

I take goodness in this sense, the affecting of the weal of men, which is that the Grecians call philanthropia; and the word humanity (as it is used) is a little too light to express it. Goodness I call the habit, and goodness of nature the inclination. This of all virtues and dignities of the mind is the greatest, being the character of the Deity; and without it man is a busy, mischievous, wretched thing, no better than a kind of vermin. Goodness answers to the theological virtue charity, and admits no excess, but error. The desire of power in excess caused the angels to fall; the desire of knowledge in excess caused man to fall: but in clarity there is no excess, neither can angel or man come in danger by it. The inclination to goodness is imprinted deeply in the nature of man, insomuch that if it issue not towards men, it will take unto other living creatures: as it is seen in the Turks, a cruel people, who nevertheless are kind to beasts and give alms to dogs and birds; insomuch, as Busbechius〔1〕reporteth, a Christian boy in Constantinople had like to have been stoned for gagging in a waggishness a long-billed fowl. Errors indeed in this virtue of goodness or charity may be committed. The Italians have an ungracious proverb, Tanto buon che val niente: So good, that he is good for nothing. And one of the doctors of Italy, Nicholas Machiavel, had the confidence to put in writing, almost in plain terms, that the Christian faith had given up good men in prey to those that are tyrannical and unjust.〔2〕Which he spake, because indeed there was never law or sect or opinion did so much magnify goodness as the Christian religion doth. Therefore, to avoid the scandal and the danger both, it is good to take knowledge of the errors of an habit so excellent. Seek the good of other men, but be not in bondage to their faces or fancies, for that is but facility or softness, which taketh an honest mind prisoner … The example of God teacheth the lesson truly: He sendeth his rain and maketh his sun to shine upon the just and unjust;〔3〕but he doth not rain wealth nor shine honour and virtues upon men equally. Common benefits are to be communicate with all, but peculiar benefits with choice. And beware how in making the portraiture thou breakest the pattern: for divinity maketh the love of ourselves the pattern, the love of our neighbours but the portraiture. Sell all thou hast, and give it to the poor, and follow me;〔4〕but sell not all thou hast, except thou come and follow me; that is, except thou have a vocation wherein thou mayest do as much good with little means as with great, for otherwise in feeding the streams thou driest the fountain. Neither is there only a habit of goodness, directed by right reason; but there is in some men, even in nature, a disposition towards it, as on the other side there is a natural malignity. For there be that in their nature do not affect the good of others. The lighter sort of malignity turneth but to a crossness or frowardness or aptness to oppose or difficilness or the like; but the deeper sort, to envy and mere mischief. Such men in other men's calamities are, as it were, in season, and are ever on the loading part: not so good as the dogs that licked Lazarus' sores, but like flies that are still buzzing upon anything that is raw; misanthropi, that make it their practice to bring men to the bough, and yet have never a tree for the purpose in their gardens, as Timon had.〔5〕Such dispositions are the very errors of human nature, and yet they are the fittest timber to make great politics of; like to knee-timber, that is good for ships that are ordained to be tossed, but not for building houses that shall stand firm. The parts and signs of goodness are many. If a man be gracious and courteous to strangers, it shows he is a citizen of the world, and that his heart is no island cut off from other lands, but a continent that joins to them. If he be compassionate towards the afflictions of others, it shows that his heart is like the noble tree that is wounded itself when it gives the balm. If he easily pardons and remits offences, it shows that his mind is planted above injuries, so that he cannot be shot. If he be thankful for small benefits, it shows that he weighs men's minds, and not their trash. But above all, if he have St Paul's perfection, that he would wish to be an anathema from Christ for the salvation of his brethren,〔6〕it shows much of a divine nature, and a kind of conformity with Christ himself.

注释

〔1〕　Flemish scholar and ambassador to the Turks, d. 1592.

〔2〕　Discourses, Ⅱ.2, Machiavelli.

〔3〕　Matthew 5.45.

〔4〕　Mark 10.21.

〔5〕　Timon of Athens, known as the Misanthrope, announced that since he was going to cut down a tree in his garden on which many had hanged themselves, would-be suicides should use it at once.

〔6〕　Romans 9.3.

Of Travel

Travel in the younger sort is a part of education; in the elder, a part of experience. He that travelleth into a country before he hath some entrance into the language, goeth to school and not to travel. That young men travel under some tutor or grave servant, I allow well; so that he be such a one that hath the language and hath been in the country before, whereby he may be able to tell them what things are worthy to be seen in the country where they go, what acquaintances they are to seek, what exercises or discipline the place yieldeth. For else young men shall go hooded, and look abroad little. It is a strange thing that in sea voyages, where there is nothing to be seen but sky and sea, men should make diaries; but in land-travel, wherein so much is to be observed, for the most part they omit it; as if chance were fitter to be registered than observation. Let diaries therefore be brought in use. The things to be seen and observed are: the courts of princes, specially when they give audience to ambassadors; the courts of justice, while they sit and hear causes, and so of consistories ecclesiastic; the churches and monasteries, with the monuments which are therein extant; the walls and fortifications of cities and towns, and so the havens and harbours; antiquities and ruins; libraries; colleges, disputations, and lectures, where any are; shipping and navies; houses and gardens of state and pleasure near great cities; armories; arsenals; magazines; exchanges; burses; warehouses; exercises of horsemanship, fencing, training of soldiers, and the like; comedies, such whereunto the better sort of persons do resort; treasuries of jewels and robes; cabinets and rarities; and, to conclude, whatsoever is memorable in the places where they go. After all which the tutors or servants ought to make diligent inquiry. As for triumphs, masques, feasts, weddings, funerals, capital executions, and such shows, men need not to be put in mind of them; yet are they not to be neglected. If you will have a young man to put his travel into a little room, and in short time to gather much, this you must do. First, as was said, he must have some entrance into the language before he goeth. Then he must have such a servant or tutor as knoweth the country, as was likewise said. Let him carry with him also some card or book describing the country where he travelleth, which will be a good key to his inquiry. Let him keep also a diary. Let him not stay long in one city or town; more or less as the place deserveth, but not long: nay, when he stayeth in one city or town, let him change his lodging from one end and part of the town to another, which is a great adamant of acquaintance. Let him sequester himself from the company of his countrymen, and diet in such places where there is good company of the nation where he travelleth. Let him upon his removes from one place to another procure recommendation to some person of quality residing in the place whither he removeth, that he may use his favour in those things he desireth to see or know. Thus he may abridge his travel with much profit. As for the acquaintance which is to be sought in travel, that which is most of all profitable is acquaintance with the secretaries and employed men of ambassadors, for so in travelling in one country he shall suck the experience of many. Let him also see and visit eminent persons in all kinds which are of great name abroad, that he may be able to tell how the life agreeth with the fame. For quarrels, they are with care and discretion to be avoided. They are commonly for mistresses, healths, place, and words. And let a man beware how he keepeth company with choleric and quarrelsome persons, for they will engage him into their own quarrels. When a traveller returneth home, let him not leave the countries where he hath travelled altogether behind him, but maintain a correspondence by letters with those of his acquaintance which are of most worth. And let his travel appear rather in his discourse than in his apparel or gesture; and in his discourse, let him be rather advised in his answers than forwards to tell stories; and let it appear that he doth not change his country manners for those of foreign parts, but only prick in〔1〕some flowers of that he hath learned abroad into the customs of his own country.

注释

〔1〕　Plant.

Of Empire

It is a miserable state of mind to have few things to desire and many things to fear. And yet that commonly is the case of kings, who, being at the highest, want matter of desire, which makes their minds more languishing; and have many representations of perils and shadows, which makes their minds the less clear. And this is one reason also of that effect which the Scripture speaketh of, that the king's heart is inscrutable.〔1〕For multitude of jealousies, and lack of some predominant desire that should marshal and put in order all the rest, maketh any man's heart hard to find or sound. Hence it comes likewise that princes many times make themselves desires, and set their hearts upon toys: sometimes upon a building; sometimes upon erecting of an order; sometimes upon the advancing of a person; sometimes upon obtaining excellency in some art or feat of the hand - as Nero for playing on the harp, Domitian for certainty of the hand with the arrow, Commodus for playing at fence, Caracalla for driving chariots,〔2〕and the like. This seemeth incredible unto those that know not the principle, that the mind of man is more cheered and refreshed by profiting in small things than by standing at a stay in great. We see also that kings that have been fortunate conquerors in their first years, it being not possible for them to go forward infinitely, but that they must have some check or arrest in their fortunes, turn in their latter years to be superstitious and melancholy; as did Alexander the Great, Diocletian〔3〕and in our memory Charles the Fifth〔4〕and others. For he that is used to go forward, and findeth a stop, falleth out of his own favour and is not the thing he was.

To speak now of the true temper of empire: it is a thing rare and hard to keep, for both temper and distemper consist of contraries. But it is one thing to mingle contraries, another to interchange them. The answer of Apollonius to Vespasian is full of excellent instruction. Vespasian asked him, What was Nero's overthrow? He answered: Nero could touch and tune the harp well; but in government, sometimes he used to wind the pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low.〔5〕And certain it is that nothing destroyeth authority so much as the unequal and untimely interchange of power pressed too far, and relaxed too much.

This is true, that the wisdom of all these latter times in princes' affairs is rather fine deliveries and shiftings of dangers and mischiefs when they are near, than solid and grounded courses to keep them aloof. But this is but to try masteries with fortune. And let men beware how they neglect and suffer matter of trouble to be prepared: for no man can forbid the spark nor tell whence it may come. The difficulties in princes' business are many and great, but the greatest difficulty is often in their own mind. For it is common with princes (saith Tacitus) to will contradictories: Sunt plerumque regum voluntates vehementes, et inter se contrariae [The desires of kings are mostly vehement, and incompatible with one another].〔6〕For it is the solecism of power to think to command the end, and yet not to endure the mean.

Kings have to deal with their neighbours, their wives, their children, their prelates or clergy, their nobles, their second-nobles or gentlemen, their merchants, their commons, and their men of war; and from all these arise dangers, if care and circumspection be not used.

First for their neighbours: there can no general rule be given (the occasions are so variable), save one which ever holdeth. Which is that princes do keep due sentinel that none of their neighbours do overgrow so (by increase of territory, by embracing of trade, by approaches, or the like) as they become more able to annoy them than they were. And this is generally the work of standing councils to foresee and to hinder it. During that triumvirate of kings, King Henry the Eighth of England, Francis the First, King of France, and Charles the Fifth, Emperor, there was such a watch kept, that none of the three could win a palm of ground but the other two would straightways balance it, either by confederation or, if need were, by a war, and would not in any wise take up peace at interest. And the like was done by that league (which Guicciardini saith was the security of Italy) made between Ferdinando, King of Naples, Lorenzius Medices, and Ludovicus Sforza, potentates, the one of Florence, the other of Milan.〔7〕Neither is the opinion of some of the Schoolmen to be received, that a war cannot justly be made but upon a precedent injury or provocation. For there is no question but a just fear of an imminent danger, though there be no blow given, is a lawful cause of a war.

For their wives: there are cruel examples of them. Livia is infamed for the poisoning of her husband; Roxolana, Solyman's wife, was the destruction of that renowned prince, Sultan Mustapha, and otherwise troubled his house and succession;〔8〕Edward the Second of England his queen〔9〕had the principal hand in the deposing and murther of her husband. This kind of danger is then to be feared chiefly when the wives have plots for the raising of their own children, or else that they be advoutresses.

For their children: the tragedies likewise of dangers from them have been many. And generally the entering of fathers into suspicion of their children hath been ever unfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha (that we named before) was so fatal to Solyman's line, as the succession of the Turks from Solyman until this day is suspected to be untrue and of strange blood; for that Selymus the Second was thought to be supposititious. The destruction of Crispus, a young prince of rare towardness, by Constantinus the Great, his father, was in like manner fatal to his house: for both Constantinus and Constance, his sons, died violent deaths; and Constantius, his other son, did little better; who died indeed of sickness, but after that Julianus had taken arms against him.〔10〕The destruction of Demetrius, son to Philip the Second of Macedon, turned upon the father, who died of repentance.〔11〕And many like examples there are, but few or none where the fathers had good by such distrust; except it were where the sons were up in open arms against them, as was Selymus the First against Bajazet, and the three sons of Henry the Second, King of England.

For their prelates: when they are proud and great, there is also danger from them. As it was in the times of Anselmus and Thomas Becket, archbishops of Canterbury, who with their crosiers did almost try it with the king's sword; and yet they had to deal with stout and haughty kings, William Rufus, Henry the First, and Henry the Second.〔12〕The danger is not from that state but where it hath a dependence of foreign authority, or where the churchmen come in and are elected, not by the collation of the king or particular patrons, but by the people.

For their nobles: to keep them at a distance, it is not amiss; but to depress them may make a king more absolute, but less safe, and less able to perform anything that he desires. I have noted it in my history of King Henry the Seventh of England, who depressed his nobility; whereupon it came to pass that his times were full of difficulties and troubles, for the nobility, though they continued loyal unto him, yet did they not co-operate with him in his business. So that in effect he was fain to do all things himself.

For their second-nobles: there is not much danger from them, being a body dispersed. They may sometimes discourse high, but that doth little hurt; besides, they are a counterpoise to the higher nobility, that they grow not too potent; and lastly, being the most immediate in authority with the common people, they do best temper popular commotions.

For their merchants: they are vena porta [the gate vein], and if they flourish not, a kingdom may have good limbs, but will have empty veins and nourish little. Taxes and imposts upon them do seldom good to the king's revenue, for that that he wins in the hundred,〔13〕he loseth in the shire, the particular rates being increased, but the total bulk of trading rather decreased.

For their commons: there is little danger from them, except it be where they have great and potent heads, or where you meddle with the point of religion or their customs or means of life.

For their men of war: it is a dangerous state where they live and remain in a body, and are used to donatives; whereof we see examples in the janizaries,〔14〕and Praetorian bands〔15〕of Rome. But trainings of men, and arming them in several places, and under several commanders, and without donatives, are things of defence, and no danger.

Princes are like to heavenly bodies, which cause good or evil times, and which have much veneration, but no rest. All precepts concerning kings are in effect comprehended in those two remembrances: Memento quod es homo, and Memento quod es Deus, or vice Dei [Remember that you are a man and remember that you are a god, or God's viceregent]: the one bridleth their power, and the other their will.

注释

〔1〕　Proverbs 25.3.

〔2〕　Nero, d. AD 68, Domitian, d. 96, Commodus, d. 192, and Caracalla, d. 217, were Roman emperors; all notorious for their great cruelties.

〔3〕　Roman emperor, d. 313, said to be the first sovereign to resign his power voluntarily (he abdicated in 305).

〔4〕　German (and Holy Roman) emperor, d. 1558; he abdicated the empire in 1556.

〔5〕　Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, Ⅴ.28.

〔6〕　Not Tacitus, but from Sallust, Jugurthine War, CXIII.1.

〔7〕　See Guicciardini, History of Italy, Ⅰ.

〔8〕　Solyman the Magnificent (or Selymus the First), Sultan of Turkey 1520-66, put his eldest son Mustapha to death at the instigation of his wife, the prince's stepmother, Roxalana. One of her own sons, Bayezid (or Bajazet), rebelled and was executed by Solyman. The Sultan was succeeded by another of her sons, Selymus Ⅱ, who appeared to have none of Solyman's features or character.

〔9〕　Isabella of Anjou, d. 1358.

〔10〕　Constantine the Great, Roman emperor 306-37, executed his son Crispus in 326. At Constantine's death, the empire was divided between his sons: Constantine Ⅱ was killed while attempting to overthrow his brother Constans (whom Bacon calls Constance); Constans himself was murdered in his bed by his own men; and Constantius died in 361 on his way to oppose Julian, who had been proclaimed emperor by his troops.

〔11〕　Demetrius, son of Philip Ⅴ of Macedon, was falsely accused of treason by his brother, the crown-prince Perseus. His father had him put to death in 179 BC. Bacon has confused Philip Ⅴ with Philip Ⅱ, father of Alexander the Great.

〔12〕　Anselm, d. 1109, was twice sent into exile for asserting the rights of the clergy against the secular authority of William Rufus and Henry Ⅰ. Thomas à Becket was murdered in Canterbury Cathedral in 1170 after violent disputes with Henry Ⅱ.

〔13〕　A subdivision of the shire.

〔14〕　Bodyguards to the Turkish sultans.

〔15〕　Bodyguards to the Roman emperors.

Of Cunning

We take cunning for a sinister or crooked wisdom. And certainly there is great difference between a cunning man and a wise man, not only in point of honesty, but in point of ability. There be that can pack the cards, and yet cannot play well; so there are some that are good in canvasses and factions, that are otherwise weak men. Again, it is one thing to understand persons, and another thing to understand matters: for many are perfect in men's humours, that are not greatly capable of the real part of business, which is the constitution of one that hath studied men more than books. Such men are fitter for practice than for counsel, and they are good but in their own alley: turn them to new men, and they have lost their aim; so as the old rule to know a fool from a wise man, Mitte ambos nudos ad ignotos et videbis [Send both of them naked among strangers and then you will see],〔1〕doth scarce hold for them. And because these cunning men are like haberdashers of small wares, it is not amiss to set forth their shop.

It is a point of cunning to wait upon him with whom you speak, with your eye, as the Jesuits give it in precept; for there be many wise men that have secret hearts and transparent countenances. Yet this would be done with a demure abasing of your eye sometimes, as the Jesuits also do use.

Another is that when you have anything to obtain of present dispatch, you entertain and amuse the party with whom you deal with some other discourse, that he be not too much awake to make objections. I knew a counsellor and secretary that never came to Queen Elizabeth of England with bills to sign, but he would always first put her into some discourse of estate, that she mought the less mind the bills.

The like surprise may be made by moving things when the party is in haste and cannot stay to consider advisedly of that is moved.

If a man would cross a business that he doubts some other would handsomely and effectually move, let him pretend to wish it well, and move it himself in such sort as may foil it.

The breaking off in the midst of that one was about to say, as if he took himself up, breeds a greater appetite in him with whom you confer, to know more.

And because it works better when anything seemeth to be gotten from you by question than if you offer it of yourself, you may lay a bait for a question by showing another visage and countenance than you are wont; to the end to give occasion for the party to ask what the matter is of the change […]

In things that are tender and unpleasing, it is good to break the ice by some whose words are of less weight, and to reserve the more weighty voice to come in as by chance, so that he may be asked the question upon the other's speech […]

In things that a man would not be seen in himself, it is a point of cunning to borrow the name of the world; as to say, The world says, or, There is a speech abroad.

I knew one that, when he wrote a letter, he would put that which was most material in the postscript, as if it had been a by-matter.

I knew another that, when he came to have speech, he would pass over that that he intended most, and go forth, and come back again and speak of it as of a thing that he had almost forgot.

Some procure themselves to be surprised at such times as it is like the party that they work upon will suddenly come upon them, and to be found with a letter in their hand, or doing somewhat which they are not accustomed; to the end they may be apposed of those things which of themselves they are desirous to utter.

It is a point of cunning to let fall those words in a man's own name, which he would have another man learn and use, and thereupon take advantage. I knew two that were competitors for the secretary's place in Queen Elizabeth's time, and yet kept good quarter between themselves, and would confer one with another upon the business; and the one of them said that to be a secretary in the declination of a monarchy was a ticklish thing, and that he did not affect it. The other straight caught up those words and discoursed with divers of his friends that he had no reason to desire to be secretary in the declination of a monarchy. The first man took hold of it and found means it was told the Queen; who, hearing of a declination of a monarchy, took it so ill as she would never after hear of the other's suit.

There is a cunning, which we in England call The turning of the cat in the pan, which is, when that which a man says to another, he lays it as if another had said it to him. And to say truth, it is not easy, when such a matter passed between two, to make it appear from which of them it first moved and began […]

Some have in readiness so many tales and stories, as there is nothing they would insinuate but they can wrap it into a tale, which serveth both to keep themselves more in guard and to make others carry it with more pleasure.

It is a good point of cunning for a man to shape the answer he would have, in his own words and propositions, for it makes the other party stick the less.

It is strange how long some men will lie in wait to speak somewhat they desire to say, and how far about they will fetch, and how many other matters they will beat over to come near it. It is a thing of great patience, but yet of much use.

A sudden, bold, and unexpected question doth many times surprise a man, and lay him open. Like to him, that having changed his name, and walking in Paul's, another suddenly came behind him and called him by his true name, whereat straightways he looked back.

But these small wares and petty points of cunning are infinite, and it were a good deed to make a list of them, for that nothing doth more hurt in a state than that cunning men pass for wise.

But certainly some there are that know the resorts and falls of business, that cannot sink into the main of it; like a house that hath convenient stairs and entries but never a fair room. Therefore you shall see them find out pretty looses in the conclusion, but are no ways able to examine or debate matters. And yet commonly they take advantage of their inability, and would be thought wits of direction. Some build rather upon the abusing of others, and (as we now say) putting tricks upon them, than upon soundness of their own proceedings. But Solomon saith: Prudens advertit ad gressus suos; stultus divertit ad dolos [The wise man pays attention to the steps he is taking: the fool turns aside to the snares].〔2〕

注释

〔1〕　Attributed to Aristippus in Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers, Ⅱ.73.

〔2〕　Derived from Proverbs 14.8 and 15.

Of Wisdom for a Man's Self

An ant is a wise creature for itself, but it is a shrewd thing in an orchard or garden. And certainly men that are great lovers of themselves waste the public. Divide with reason between self-love and society, and be so true to thyself as thou be not false to others, specially to thy king and country. It is a poor centre of a man's actions, himself. It is right earth, for that only stands fast upon his own centre, whereas all things that have affinity with the heavens move upon the centre of another, which they benefit. The referring of all to a man's self is more tolerable in a sovereign prince, because themselves are not only themselves, but their good and evil is at the peril of the public fortune. But it is a desperate evil in a servant to a prince, or a citizen in a republic. For whatsoever affairs pass such a man's hands, he crooketh them to his own ends; which must needs be often eccentric to the ends of his master or state. Therefore let princes or states choose such servants as have not this mark, except they mean their service should be made but the accessary. That which maketh the effect more pernicious is that all proportion is lost. It were disproportion enough for the servant's good to be preferred before the master's, but yet it is a greater extreme when a little good of the servant shall carry things against a great good of the master's. And yet that is the case of bad officers, treasurers, ambassadors, generals, and other false and corrupt servants, which set a bias upon their bowl, of their own petty ends and envies, to the overthrow of their master's great and important affairs. And for the most part, the good such servants receive is after the model of their own fortune, but the hurt they sell for that good is after the model of their master's fortune. And certainly it is the nature of extreme self-lovers, as they will set an house on fire, and it were but to roast their eggs. And yet these men many times hold credit with their masters, because their study is but to please them and profit themselves; and for either respect they will abandon the good of their affairs.

Wisdom for a man's self is, in many branches thereof, a depraved thing. It is the wisdom of rats, that will be sure to leave a house somewhat before it fall. It is the wisdom of the fox, that thrusts out the badger, who digged and made room for him. It is the wisdom of crocodiles, that shed tears when they would devour. But that which is specially to be noted is, that those which (as Cicero says of Pompey) are sui amantes sine rivali [lovers of themselves without rivals],〔1〕are many times unfortunate. And whereas they have all their time sacrificed to themselves, they become in the end themselves sacrifices to the inconstancy of fortune, whose wings they thought by their self-wisdom to have pinioned.

注释

〔1〕　From Letters to his Brother Quintus, Ⅲ. 8.

Of Innovations

As the births of living creatures at first are ill-shapen, so are all innovations, which are the births of time. Yet notwithstanding, as those that first bring honour into their family are commonly more worthy than most that succeed, so the first precedent (if it be good) is seldom attained by imitation. For ill, to man's nature as it stands perverted, hath a natural motion, strongest in continuance; but good, as a forced motion, strongest at first. Surely ever medicine is an innovation, and he that will not apply new remedies must expect new evils. For time is the greatest innovator, and if time of course alter things to the worse, and wisdom and counsel shall not alter them to the better, what shall be the end? It is true that what is settled by custom, though it be not good, yet at least it is fit. And those things which have long gone together are as it were confederate within themselves: whereas new things piece not so well, but though they help by their utility, yet they trouble by their inconformity. Besides, they are like strangers, more admired and less favoured. All this is true, if time stood still, which contrariwise moveth so round that a froward retention of custom is as turbulent a thing as an innovation; and they that reverence too much old times are but a scorn to the new. It were good therefore that men in their innovations would follow the example of time itself, which indeed innovateth greatly, but quietly and by degrees scarce to be perceived. For otherwise, whatsoever is new is unlooked for, and ever it mends some, and pairs other: and he that is holpen takes it for a fortune, and thanks the time; and he that is hurt, for a wrong, and imputeth it to the author. It is good also not to try experiments in states, except the necessity be urgent or the utility evident; and well to beware that it be the reformation that draweth on the change, and not the desire of change that pretendeth the reformation. And lastly, that the novelty, though it be not rejected, yet be held for a suspect, and, as the Scripture saith, that we make a stand upon the ancient way, and then look about us, and discover what is the straight and right way, and so to walk in it.〔1〕

注释

〔1〕　Jeremiah 6.16.

Of Expense

Riches are for spending; and spending for honour and good actions. Therefore extraordinary expense must be limited by the worth of the occasion, for voluntary undoing may be as well for a man's country as for the kingdom of heaven. But ordinary expense ought to be limited by a man's estate, and governed with such regard, as it be within his compass, and not subject to deceit and abuse of servants, and ordered to the best show, that the bills may be less than the estimation abroad. Certainly if a man will keep but of even hand, his ordinary expenses ought to be but to the half of his receipts; and if he think to wax rich, but to the third part. It is no baseness for the greatest to descend and look into their own estate. Some forbear it, not upon negligence alone, but doubting to bring themselves into melancholy, in respect they shall find it broken. But wounds cannot be cured without searching. He that cannot look into his own estate at all, had need both choose well those whom he employeth, and change them often; for new are more timorous and less subtle. He that can look into his estate but seldom, it behoveth him to turn all to certainties. A man had need, if he be plentiful in some kind of expense, to be as saving again in some other. As, if he be plentiful in diet, to be saving in apparel; if he be plentiful in the hall, to be saving in the stable; and the like. For he that is plentiful in expenses of all kinds will hardly be preserved from decay. In clearing of a man's estate, he may as well hurt himself in being too sudden, as in letting it run on too long. For hasty selling is commonly as disadvantageable as interest. Besides, he that clears at once will relapse, for, finding himself out of straits, he will revert to his customs: but he that cleareth by degrees induceth a habit of frugality, and gaineth as well upon his mind as upon his estate.

Certainly, who hath a state to repair may not despise small things, and commonly it is less dishonourable to abridge petty charges than to stoop to petty gettings. A man ought warily to begin charges which once begun will continue; but in matters that return not he may be more magnificent.

Of Regiment of Health

There is a wisdom in this beyond the rules of physic: a man's own observation, what he finds good of, and what he finds hurt of, is the best physic to preserve health. But it is a safer conclusion to say, This agreeth not well with me, therefore I will not continue it, than this, I find no offence of this, therefore I may use it. For strength of nature in youth passeth over many excesses which are owing a man till his age. Discern of the coming on of years, and think not to do the same things still; for age will not be defied. Beware of sudden change in any great point of diet, and if necessity enforce it, fit the rest to it. For it is a secret, both in nature and state, that it is safer to change many things than one. Examine thy customs of diet, sleep, exercise, apparel and the like, and try in anything thou shalt judge hurtful, to discontinue it by little and little; but so as if thou dost find any inconvenience by the change, thou come back to it again: for it is hard to distinguish that which is generally held good and wholesome from that which is good particularly and fit for thine own body. To be free-minded and cheerfully disposed at hours of meat and of sleep and of exercise, is one of the best precepts of long lasting. As for the passions and studies of the mind, avoid envy, anxious fears, anger fretting inwards, subtle and knotty inquisitions, joys and exhilarations in excess, sadness not communicated. Entertain hopes, mirth rather than joy, variety of delights rather than surfeit of them, wonder and admiration (and therefore novelties), studies that fill the mind with splendid and illustrious objects (as histories, fables, and contemplations of nature). If you fly physic in health altogether, it will be too strange for your body when you shall need it. If you make it too familiar, it will work no extraordinary effect when sickness cometh. I commend rather some diet for certain seasons than frequent use of physic, except it be grown into a custom: for those diets alter the body more, and trouble it less. Despise no new accident in your body, but ask opinion of it. In sickness, respect health principally; and in health, action. For those that put their bodies to endure in health may, in most sicknesses which are not very sharp, be cured only with diet and tendering.Celsus could never have spoken it as a physician, had he not been a wise man withal, when he giveth it for one of the great precepts of health and lasting, that a man do vary and interchange contraries, but with an inclination to the more benign extreme: use fasting and full eating, but rather full eating; watching and sleep, but rather sleep; sitting and exercise, but rather exercise; and the like. So shall nature be cherished and yet taught masteries. Physicians are some of them so pleasing and conformable to the humour of the patient, as they press not the true cure of the disease; and some other are so regular in proceeding according to art for the disease, as they respect not sufficiently the condition of the patient. Take one of a middle temper; or, if it may not be found in one man, combine two of either sort; and forget not to call as well the best acquainted with your body, as the best reputed of for his faculty.

Of Suspicion

Suspicions amongst thoughts are like bats amongst birds: they ever fly by twilight. Certainly they are to be repressed, or at the least well guarded, for they cloud the mind, they leese friends, and they check with business, whereby business cannot go on currently and constantly. They dispose kings to tyranny, husbands to jealousy, wise men to irresolution and melancholy. They are defects, not in the heart but in the brain, for they take place in the stoutest natures, as in the example of Henry the Seventh of England. There was not a more suspicious man, nor a more stout. And in such a composition they do small hurt, for commonly they are not admitted but with examination whether they be likely or no: but in fearful natures they gain ground too fast. There is nothing makes a man suspect much, more than to know little; and therefore men should remedy suspicion by procuring to know more, and not to keep their suspicions in smother. What would men have? Do they think those they employ and deal with are saints? Do they not think they will have their own ends, and be truer to themselves than to them? Therefore there is no better way to moderate suspicions than to account upon such suspicions as true and yet to bridle them as false. For so far a man ought to make use of suspicions, as to provide as, if that should be true that he suspects, yet it may do him no hurt. Suspicions that the mind of itself gathers are but buzzes, but suspicions that are artificially nourished and put into men's heads by the tales and whisperings of others, have stings. Certainly the best mean to clear the way in this same wood of suspicions is frankly to communicate them with the party that he suspects: for thereby he shall be sure to know more of the truth of them than he did before, and withal shall make that party more circumspect not to give further cause of suspicion. But this would not be done to men of base natures, for they, if they find themselves once suspected, will never be true. The Italian says, Sospetto licentia fede [suspicion permits fidelity to depart], as if suspicion did give a passport to faith; but it ought rather to kindle it to discharge itself.

Of Discourse

Some in their discourse desire rather commendation of wit, in being able to hold all arguments, than of judge-ment, in discerning what is true; as if it were a praise to know what might be said, and not what should be thought. Some have certain commonplaces and themes wherein they are good, and want variety; which kind of poverty is for the most part tedious, and, when it is once perceived, ridiculous. The honourablest part of talk is to give the occasion, and again to moderate and pass to somewhat else, for then a man leads the dance. It is good, in discourse and speech of conversation, to vary and intermingle speech of the present occasion with arguments, tales with reasons, asking of questions with telling of opinions, and jest with earnest: for it is a dull thing to tire, and, as we say now, to jade anything too far. As for jest, there be certain things which ought to be privileged from it; namely, religion, matters of state, great persons, any man's present business of importance, and any case that deserveth pity. Yet there be some that think their wits have been asleep, except they dart out somewhat that is piquant and to the quick. That is a vein which would be bridled:

Parce, puer, stimulis, et fortius utere loris.

[Spare the whip, boy, and pull harder on the reins]〔1〕

And generally, men ought to find the difference between saltness and bitterness. Certainly he that hath a satirical vein, as he maketh others afraid of his wit, so he had need be afraid of others' memory. He that questioneth much shall learn much and content much, but especially if he apply his questions to the skill of the persons whom he asketh; for he shall give them occasion to please themselves in speaking, and himself shall continually gather knowledge. But let his questions not be troublesome, for that is fit for a poser. And let him be sure to leave other men their turns to speak. Nay, if there be any that would reign and take up all the time, let him find means to take them off and to bring others on, as musicians use to do with those that dance too long galliards. If you dissemble sometimes your knowledge of that you are thought to know, you shall be thought another time to know that you know not. Speech of a man's self ought to be seldom and well chosen. I knew one was wont to say in scorn, He must needs be a wise man, he speaks so much of himself. And there is but one case wherein a man may commend himself with good grace, and that is in commending virtue in another, especially if it be such a virtue whereunto himself pretendeth. Speech of touch towards others should be sparingly used, for discourse ought to be as a field, without coming home to any man. I knew two noblemen, of the west part of England, whereof the one was given to scoff, but kept ever royal cheer in his house; the other would ask of those that had been at the other's table, Tell truly, was there never a flout or dry blow〔2〕given? To which the guest would answer, Such and such a thing passed. The lord would say, I thought he would mar a good dinner. Discretion of speech is more than eloquence, and to speak agreeably to him with whom we deal is more than to speak in good words or in good order. A good continued speech, without a good speech of interlocution, shows slowness; and a good reply or second speech, without a good settled speech, showeth shallowness and weakness. As we see in beasts, that those that are weakest in the course are yet nimblest in the turn, as it is betwixt the greyhound and the hare. To use too many circumstances ere one come to the matter is wearisome; to use none at all is blunt.

注释

〔1〕　Ovid, Metamorphoses, Ⅱ.127.

〔2〕　A jibe or sarcastic comment.

Of Riches

I cannot call riches better than the baggage of virtue. The Roman word is better, impedimenta. For as the baggage is to an army, so is riches to virtue. It cannot be spared nor left behind, but it hindereth the march; yea, and the care of it sometimes loseth or disturbeth the victory. Of great riches there is no real use, except it be in the distribution; the rest is but conceit. So saith Solomon, Where much is, there are many to consume it; and what hath the owner but the sight of it with his eyes?〔1〕The personal fruition in any man cannot reach to feel great riches: there is a custody of them, or a power of dole and donative of them, or a fame of them; but no solid use to the owner. Do you not see what feigned prices are set upon little stones and rarities, and what works of ostentation are undertaken, because there might seem to be some use of great riches? But then you will say, they may be of use to buy men out of dangers or troubles. As Solomon saith, Riches are as a stronghold in the imagination of the rich man.〔2〕But this is excellently expressed, that it is in imagination, and not always in fact. For certainly great riches have sold more men than they have bought out. Seek not proud riches, but such as thou mayest get justly, use soberly, distribute cheerfully, and leave contentedly. Yet have no abstract nor friarly contempt of them. But distinguish, as Cicero saith well of Rabirius Postumus: In studio rei amplificandae apparebat non avaritiae praedam sed instrumentum bonitati quaert [In his keeness to increase his wealth it was apparent that he was not seeking a prey for avarice to feed upon, but an instrument for good to work with].〔3〕Hearken also to Solomon, and beware of hasty gathering of riches: Qui festinat ad divitias, non erit insons [He who makes haste to be rich shall not be innocent].〔4〕The poets feign that when Plutus (which is riches) is sent from Jupiter, he limps and goes slowly, but when he is sent from Pluto, he runs and is swift of foot: meaning, that riches gotten by good means and just labour pace slowly, but when they come by the death of others (as by the course of inheritance, testaments, and the like), they come tumbling upon a man. But it mought be applied likewise to Pluto, taking him for the devil. For when riches come from the devil (as by fraud and oppression and unjust means), they come upon speed. The ways to enrich are many, and most of them foul. Parsimony is one of the best, and yet is not innocent, for it withholdeth men from works of liberality and charity. The improvement of the ground is the most natural obtaining of riches, for it is our great mother's blessing, the earth's; but it is slow. And yet where men of great wealth do stoop to husbandry, it multiplieth riches exceedingly. I knew a nobleman in England, that had the greatest audits of any man in my time: a great grazier, a great sheep-master, a great timber-man, a great collier, a great corn-master, a great lead-man, and so of iron, and a number of the like points of husbandry: so as the earth seemed a sea to him, in respect of the perpetual importation. It was truly observed by one, that himself came very hardly to a little riches, and very easily to great riches. For when a man's stock is come to that, that he can expect the prime of markets, and overcome those bargains which for their greatness are few men's money, and be partner in the industries of younger men, he cannot but increase mainly. The gains of ordinary trades and vocations are honest, and furthered by two things chiefly: by diligence, and by a good name for good and fair dealing. But the gains of bargains are of a more doubtful nature, when men shall wait upon others' necessity, broke by servants and instruments to draw them on, put off others cunningly that would be better chapmen, and the like practices, which are crafty and naught. As for the chopping of bargains, when a man buys not to hold, but to sell over again, that commonly grindeth double, both upon the seller and upon the buyer. Sharings do greatly enrich, if the hands be well chosen that are trusted. Usury is the certainest means of gain, though one of the worst, as that whereby a man doth eat his bread in sudore vultus alieni [in the sweat of another man's brow];〔5〕and besides, doth plough upon Sundays. But yet certain though it be, it hath flaws, for that the scriveners and brokers do value unsound men to serve their own turn. The fortune in being the first in an invention or in a privilege doth cause sometimes a wonderful overgrowth in riches, as it was with the first sugar man in the Canaries. Therefore if a man can play the true logician, to have as well judgement as invention, he may do great matters, especially if the times be fit. He that resteth upon gains certain shall hardly grow to great riches, and he that puts all upon adventures doth oftentimes break and come to poverty: it is good therefore to guard adventures with certainties that may uphold losses. Monopolies and coemption of wares for re-sale, where they are not restrained, are great means to enrich, especially if the party have intelligence what things are like to come into request, and so store himself beforehand. Riches gotten by service, though it be of the best rise, yet when they are gotten by flattery, feeding humours, and other servile conditions, they may be placed amongst the worst. As for fishing for testaments and executorships (as Tacitus saith of Seneca, testamenta et orbos tanquam indagine capi [he seized wills and wardships as with a net]〔6〕), it is yet worse, by how much men submit themselves to meaner persons than in service. Believe not much them that seem to despise riches, for they despise them that despair of them; and none worse when they come to them. Be not pennywise; riches have wings, and sometimes they fly away of themselves, sometimes they must be set flying to bring in more. Men leave their riches either to their kindred, or to the public, and moderate portions prosper best in both. A great state left to an heir is as a lure to all the birds of prey round about to seize on him, if he be not the better stablished in years and judgement. Likewise glorious gifts and foundations are like sacrifices without salt, and but the painted sepulchres of alms, which soon will putrefy and corrupt inwardly. Therefore measure not thine advancements by quantity, but frame them by measure: and defer not charities till death, for certainly if a man weigh it rightly, he that doth so is rather liberal of another man's than of his own.

注释

〔1〕　Ecclesiastes 5.11.

〔2〕　Proverbs 18.11.

〔3〕　The Speech on behalf of Rabirius Postumus, Ⅱ. Cicero is not speaking of Rabirius Postumus, but his father, Gains Curtius.

〔4〕　Proverbs 28.20.

〔5〕　See Genesis 3.19.

〔6〕　Annals, XIII.42.

Of Ambition

Ambition is like choler, which is an humour that maketh men active, earnest, full of alacrity, and stirring, if it be not stopped. But if it be stopped, and cannot have his way, it becometh adust, and thereby malign and venomous. So ambitious men, if they find the way open for their rising, and still get forward, they are rather busy than dangerous; but if they be checked in their desires, they become secretly discontent and look upon men and matters with an evil eye, and are best pleased when things go backward, which is the worst property in a servant of a prince or state. Therefore it is good for princes, if they use ambitious men, to handle it so as they be still progressive and not retrograde; which because it cannot be without inconvenience, it is good not to use such natures at all. For if they rise not with their service, they will take order to make their service fall with them. But since we have said it were good not to use men of ambitious natures, except it be upon necessity, it is fit we speak in what cases they are of necessity. Good commanders in the wars must be taken, be they never so ambitious; for the use of their service dispenseth with the rest, and to take a soldier without ambition is to pull off his spurs. There is also great use of ambitious men in being screens to princes in matters of danger and envy, for no man will take that part, except he be like a seeled dove, that mounts and mounts because he cannot see about him. There is use also of ambitious men in pulling down the greatness of any subject that overtops […] Since therefore they must be used in such cases, there resteth to speak how they are to be bridled that they may be less dangerous. There is less danger of them if they be of mean birth, than if they be noble; and if they be rather harsh of nature, than gracious and popular; and if they be rather new raised, than grown cunning and fortified in their greatness. It is counted by some a weakness in princes to have favourites, but it is of all others the best remedy against ambitious great ones. For when the way of pleasuring and displeasuring lieth by the favourite, it is impossible any other should be over-great. Another means to curb them is to balance them by others as proud as they. But then there must be some middle counsellors to keep things steady, for without that ballast the ship will roll too much. At the least, a prince may animate and inure some meaner persons to be as it were scourges to ambitious men. As for the having of them obnoxious to ruin, if they be of fearful natures, it may do well, but if they be stout and daring, it may precipitate their designs and prove dangerous. As for the pulling of them down, if the affairs require it, and that it may not be done with safety suddenly, the only way is the interchange continually of favours and disgraces, whereby they may not know what to expect, and be as it were in a wood. Of ambitions, it is less harmful, the ambition to prevail in great things, than that other, to appear in everything, for that breeds confusion, and mars business. But yet it is less danger to have an ambitious man stirring in business, than great in dependences. He that seeketh to be eminent amongst able men hath a great task, but that is ever good for the public. But he that plots to be the only figure amongst ciphers is the decay of an whole age. Honour hath three things in it: the vantage ground to do good, the approach to kings and principal persons, and the raising of a man's own fortunes. He that hath the best of these intentions, when he aspireth, is an honest man; and that prince that can discern of these intentions in another that aspireth, is a wise prince. Generally let princes and states choose such ministers as are more sensible of duty than of rising; and such as love business rather upon conscience than upon bravery; and let them discern a busy nature from a willing mind.

Of Beauty

Virtue is like a rich stone, best plain set: and surely virtue is best in a body that is comely, though not of delicate features, and that hath rather dignity of presence than beauty of aspect. Neither is it almost seen, that very beautiful persons are otherwise of great virtue, as if nature were rather busy not to err, than in labour to produce excellency. And therefore they prove accomplished, but not of great spirit, and study rather behaviour than virtue. But this holds not always; for Augustus Caesar, Titus Vespasianus, Philip le Bel of France, Edward the Fourth of England, Alcibiades of Athens, Ismael the Sophy of Persia, were all high and great spirits, and yet the most beautiful men of their times. In beauty, that of favour is more than that of colour, and that of decent and gracious motion more than that of favour. That is the best part of beauty which a picture cannot express; no, nor the first sight of the life. There is no excellent beauty that hath not some strangeness in the proportion. A man cannot tell whether Apelles〔1〕or Albert Dürer were the more trifler; whereof the one would make a personage by geometrical proportions, the other, by taking the best parts out of divers faces to make one excellent. Such personages, I think, would please nobody but the painter that made them. Not but I think a painter may make a better face then ever was, but he must do it by a kind of felicity (as a musician that maketh an excellent air in music), and not by rule. A man shall see faces that, if you examine them part by part, you shall find never a good, and yet all together do well. If it be true that the principal part of beauty is in decent motion, certainly it is no marvel though persons in years seem many times more amiable: pulchrorum autumnus pulcher [the autumn of the beautiful is beautiful];〔2〕for no youth can be comely but by pardon, and considering the youth as to make up the comeliness. Beauty is as summer fruits, which are easy to corrupt, and cannot last; and for the most part it makes a dissolute youth, and an age a little out of countenance: but yet certainly again, if it light well, it maketh virtues shine, and vices blush.

注释

〔1〕　Greek painter, fourth century BC.

〔2〕　A saying of Euripides, preserved in Plutarch, Alcibiades, Ⅰ.3.

Of Deformity

Deformed persons are commonly even with nature: for as nature hath done ill by them, so do they by nature, being for the most part (as the Scripture saith) void of natural affection and so they have their revenge of nature. Certainly there is a consent between the body and the mind, and where nature erreth in the one, she ventureth in the other: Ubi peccat in uno, periclitatur in altero [While she errs in the one, she runs a risk in the other]. But because there is in man an election touching the frame of his mind, and a necessity in the frame of his body, the stars of natural inclination are sometimes obscured by the sun of discipline and virtue. Therefore it is good to consider of deformity, not as a sign, which is more deceivable, but as a cause, which seldom faileth of the effect. Whosoever hath anything fixed in his person that doth induce contempt, hath also a perpetual spur in himself to rescue and deliver himself from scorn. Therefore all deformed persons are extreme bold - first, as in their own defence, as being exposed to scorn, but in process of time, by a general habit. Also, it stirreth in them industry, and especially of this kind, to watch and observe the weakness of others, that they may have somewhat to repay. Again, in their superiors, it quencheth jealousy towards them, as persons that they think they may at pleasure despise; and it layeth their competitors and emulators asleep, as never believing they should be in possibility of advancement, till they see them in possession. So that upon the matter, in a great wit deformity is an advantage to rising. Kings in ancient times (and at this present in some countries) were wont to put great trust in eunuchs, because they that are envious towards all are more obnoxious and officious towards one. But yet their trust towards them hath rather been as to good spials and good whisperers than good magistrates and officers. And much like is the reason of deformed persons. Still the ground is, they will, if they be of spirit, seek to free themselves from scorn, which must be either by virtue or malice. And therefore let it not be marvelled if sometimes they prove excellent persons; as was Agesilaus, Zanger the son of Solyman, Aesop, Gasca, President of Peru; and Socrates may go likewise amongst them, with others.

Of Building

Houses are built to live in, and not to look on; therefore let use be preferred before uniformity, except where both may be had. Leave the goodly fabrics of houses, for beauty only, to the enchanted palaces of the poets; who build them with small cost. He that builds a fair house upon an ill seat, committeth himself to prison. Neither do I reckon it an ill seat only where the air is unwholesome, but likewise where the air is unequal. As you shall see many fine seats set upon a knap of ground, environed with higher hills round about it, whereby the heat of the sun is pent in and the wind gathereth as in troughs; so as you shall have, and that suddenly, as great diversity of heat and cold as if you dwelt in several places. Neither is it ill air only that maketh an ill seat, but ill ways, ill markets, and (if you will consult with Momus) ill neighbours. I speak not of many more: want of water; want of wood, shade, and shelter; want of fruitfulness, and mixture of grounds of several natures; want of prospect; want of level grounds; want of places at some near distance for sports of hunting, hawking, and races; too near the sea, too remote; having the commodity of navigable rivers, or the discommodity of their overflowing; too far off from great cities, which may hinder business, or too near them, which lurcheth all provisions, and maketh everything dear; where a man bath a great living laid together, and where he is scanted. All which, as it is impossible perhaps to find together, so it is good to know them and think of them, that a man may take as many as he can, and, if he have several dwellings, that he sort them so, that what he wanteth in the one he may find in the other. Lucullus answered Pompey well, who, when he saw his stately galleries and rooms so large and lightsome in one of his houses, said, Surely an excellent place for summer, but how do you in winter? Lucullus answered, Why, do you not think me as wise as some fowl are, that ever change their abode towards the winter?

To pass from the seat to the house itself; we will do as Cicero doth in the orator's art, who writes books De Oratore, and a book he entitles Orator, whereof the former delivers the precepts of the art, and the latter the perfection. We will therefore describe a princely palace, making a brief model thereof. For it is strange to see, now in Europe, such huge buildings as the Vatican and Escurial and some others be, and yet scarce a very fair room in them.

First, therefore, I say you cannot have a perfect palace except you have two several sides: a side for the banquet, as is spoken of in the book of Hester, and a side for the household; the one for feasts and triumphs, and the other for dwelling. I understand both these sides to be not only returns, but parts of the front, and to be uniform without, though severally partitioned within; and to be on both sides of a great and stately tower in the midst of the front, that, as it were, joineth them together on either hand. I would have on the side of the banquet, in front, one only goodly room above stairs, of some forty foot high, and under it a room for a dressing or preparing place at times of triumphs. On the other side, which is the household side, I wish it divided at the first into a hall and a chapel (with a partition between), both of good state and bigness; and those not to go all the length, but to have at the further end a winter and a summer parlour, both fair. And under these rooms, a fair and large cellar, sunk under ground, and likewise some privy kitchens, with butteries and pantries, and the like. As for the tower, I would have it two stories, of eighteen foot high apiece, above the two wings; and a goodly leads upon the top railed with statuas interposed; and the same tower to be divided into rooms, as shall be thought fit. The stairs likewise to the upper rooms; let them be upon a fair open newel, and finely railed in with images of wood cast into a brass colour; and a very fair landing place at the top. But this to be, if you do not point any of the lower rooms for a dining place of servants. For otherwise you shall have the servants' dinner after your own: for the steam of it will come up as in a tunnel. And so much for the front. Only, I understand the height of the first stairs to be sixteen foot, which is the height of the lower room.

Beyond this front is there to be a fair court, but three sides of it of a far lower building than the front. And in all the four corners of that court, fair staircases, cast into turrets on the outside, and not within the row of buildings themselves. But those towers are not to be of the height of the front, but rather proportionable to the lower building. Let the court not be paved, for that striketh up a great heat in summer and much cold in winter. But only some side alleys, with a cross, and the quarters to graze, being kept shorn, but not too near shorn. The row of return, on the banquet side, let it be all stately galleries, in which galleries let there be three or five fine cupolas in the length of it, placed at equal distance, and fine coloured windows of several works. On the household side, chambers of presence and ordinary entertainments, with some bedchambers; and let all three sides be a double house, without thorough-lights on the sides, that you may have rooms from the sun, both for forenoon and afternoon. Cast it also that you may have rooms both for summer and winter, shady for summer, and warm for winter. You shall have sometimes fair houses so full of glass that one cannot tell where to become to be out of the sun or cold. For inbowed windows, I hold them of good use (in cities, indeed, upright do better, in respect of the uniformity towards the street), for they be pretty retiring places for conference; and besides, they keep both the wind and sun off, for that which would strike almost thorough the room doth scarce pass the window. But let them be but few, four in the court, on the sides only.

Beyond this court, let there be an inward court of the same square and height, which is to be environed with the garden on all sides; and in the inside, cloistered on all sides, upon decent and beautiful arches, as high as the first storey. On the under storey, towards the garden, let it be turned to a grotta, or place of shade or estivation; and only have opening and windows towards the garden; and be level upon the floor, no whit sunk under ground, to avoid all dampishness. And let there be a fountain, or some fair work of statuas, in the midst of this court; and to be paved as the other court was. These buildings to be for privy lodgings on both sides, and the end for privy galleries. Whereof you must foresee that one of them be for an infirmary, if the prince or any special person should be sick, with chambers, bedchamber, antecamera, and recamera joining to it. This upon the second storey. Upon the ground storey, a fair gallery, open, upon pillars; and upon the third storey likewise, an open gallery upon pillars, to take the prospect and freshness of the garden. At both corners of the further side, by way of return, let there be two delicate or rich cabinets, daintily paved, richly hanged, glazed with crystalline glass, and a rich cupola in the midst; and all other elegancy that may be thought upon. In the upper gallery too, I wish that there may be, if the place will yield it, some fountains running in divers places from the wall, with some fine avoidances. And thus much for the model of the palace, save that you must have, before you come to the front, three courts. A green court plain, with a wall about it; a second court of the same, but more garnished, with little turrets, or rather embellishments, upon the wall; and a third court, to make a square with the front, but not to be built, nor yet enclosed with a naked wall, but enclosed with terraces, leaded aloft, and fairly garnished, on the three sides; and cloistered on the inside, with pillars and not with arches below. As for offices, let them stand at distance, with some low galleries, to pass from them to the palace itself.

Of Gardens

God Almighty first planted a garden. And indeed it is the purest of human pleasures. It is the greatest refreshment to the spirits of man, without which buildings and palaces are but gross handyworks: and a man shall ever see that when ages grow to civility and elegancy, men come to build stately sooner than to garden finely, as if gardening were the greater perfection. I do hold it, in the royal ordering of gardens, there ought to be gardens for all the months in the year, in which severally things of beauty may be then in season. For December and January and the latter part of November, you must take such things as are green all winter: holly, ivy, bays, juniper, cypresstrees, yew, pineapple-trees; fir-trees; rosemary, lavender; periwinkle, the white, the purple, and the blue; germander, flags; orange-trees, lemon-trees; and myrtles, if they be stoved; and sweet marjoram, warm set. There followeth, for the latter part of January and February, the mezereon-tree, which then blossoms; crocus vernus both the yellow and the grey; primroses, anemones, the early tulippa, hyacinthus orientalis, chamaïris, fritillaria. For March, there come violets, specially the single blue, which are the earliest; the yellow daffodil, the daisy, the almond-tree in blossom, the peach-tree in blossom, the cornelian-tree in blossom, sweet-briar. In April follow the double white violet, the wall-flower, the stock-gillyflower, the cowslip, flower-de-luces, and lilies of all natures; rosemary flowers, the tulippa, the double peony, the pale daffodil, the French honeysuckle; the cherry-tree in blossom, the damson and plum-trees in blossom, the white-thorn in leaf, the lilac-tree. In May and June come pinks of all sorts, specially the blush pink; roses of all kinds, except the musk, which comes later; honeysuckles, strawberries, bugloss, columbine; the French marigold, flos Africanus: cherry-tree in fruit, ribes, figs in fruit, rasps, vine-flowers, lavender in flowers; the sweet satyrian, with the white flower; herba muscaria, lilium convallium, the apple-tree in blossom. In July come gillyflowers of all varieties, musk-roses, the lime-tree in blossom, early pears and plums in fruit, jennetings, codlins. In August come plums of all sorts in fruit, pears, apricots, barberries, filberts, musk-melons, monk-hoods of all colours. In September come grapes, apples, poppies of all colours, peaches, melocotones, nectarines, cornelians, wardens, quinces. In October and the beginning of November come services, medlars, bullaces, roses cut or removed to come late, hollyhocks, and such like. These particulars are for the climate of London; but my meaning is perceived, that you may have ver perpetuum [perpetual spring], as the place affords.

And because the breath of flowers is far sweeter in the air (where it comes and goes like the warbling of music) than in the hand, therefore nothing is more fit for that delight than to know what be the flowers and plants that do best perfume the air. Roses, damask and red, are fast flowers of their smells, so that you may walk by a whole row of them, and find nothing of their sweetness, yea, though it be in a morning's dew. Bays likewise yield no smell as they grow, rosemary little, nor sweet marjoram. That which above all others yields the sweetest smell in the air is the violet, specially the white double violet, which comes twice a year, about the middle of April, and about Bartholomew-tide. Next to that is the musk-rose. Then the strawberry-leaves dying, with a most excellent cordial smell. Then the flower of the vines; it is a little dust, like the dust of a bent, which grows upon the cluster in the first coming forth. Then sweet-briar. Then wall-flowers, which are very delightful to be set under a parlour or lower chamber window. Then pinks and gilly-flowers, specially the matted pink and clove gillyflower. Then the flowers of the lime-tree. Then the honeysuckles, so they be somewhat afar off. Of bean-flowers I speak not, because they are field flowers. But those which perfume the air most delightfully, not passed by as the rest, but being trodden upon and crushed, are three: that is, burnet, wild thyme, and water-mints. Therefore you are to set whole alleys of them, to have the pleasure when you walk or tread.

For gardens (speaking of those which are indeed prince-like, as we have done of buildings), the contents ought not well to be under thirty acres of ground, and to be divided into three parts: a green in the entrance; a heath or desert in the going forth; and the main garden in the midst; besides alleys on both sides. And I like well that four acres of ground be assigned to the green, six to the heath, four and four to either side, and twelve to the main garden. The green hath two pleasures: the one, because nothing is more pleasant to the eye than green grass kept finely shorn; the other, because it will give you a fair alley in the midst by which you may go in front upon a stately hedge, which is to enclose the garden. But because the alley will be long, and, in great heat of the year or day, you ought not to buy the shade in the garden by going in the sun thorough the green, therefore you are, of either side the green, to plant a covert alley upon carpenter's work, about twelve foot in height, by which you may go in shade into the garden. As for the making of knots or figures with divers coloured earths, that they may lie under the windows of the house on that side which the garden stands, they be but toys: you may see as good sights many times in tarts. The garden is best to be square, encompassed on all the four sides with a stately arched hedge, the arches to be upon pillars of carpenter's work, of some ten foot high and six foot broad, and the spaces between of the same dimension with the breadth of the arch. Over the arches let there be an entire hedge of some four foot high, framed also upon carpenter's work; and upon the upper hedge, over every arch, a little turret, with a belly, enough to receive a cage of birds; and over every space between the arches some other little figure, with broad plates of round coloured glass, gilt, for the sun to play upon. But this hedge I intend to be raised upon a bank, not steep, but gently slope, of some six foot, set all with flowers. Also I understand that this square of the garden should not be the whole breadth of the ground, but to leave on either side ground enough for diversity of side alleys, unto which the two covert alleys of the green may deliver you. But there must be no alleys with hedges at either end of this great enclosure: not at the hither end, for letting your prospect upon this fair hedge from the green; nor at the further end, for letting your prospect from the hedge, through the arches, upon the heath.

For the ordering of the ground within the great hedge, I leave it to variety of device, advising nevertheless that whatsoever form you cast it into, first, it be not too busy or full of work. Wherein I, for my part, do not like images cut out in juniper or other garden stuff: they be for children. Little low hedges, round, like welts, with some pretty pyramides, I like well; and in some places, fair columns upon frames of carpenter's work. I would also have the alleys spacious and fair. You may have closer alleys upon the side grounds, but none in the main garden. I wish also, in the very middle, a fair mount, with three ascents and alleys, enough for four to walk abreast; which I would have to be perfect circles, without any bulwarks or embossments; and the whole mount to be thirty foot high; and some fine banqueting-house, with some chimneys neatly cast, and without too much glass.

For fountains, they are a great beauty and refreshment; but pools mar all, and make the garden unwholesome and full of flies and frogs. Fountains I intend to be of two natures: the one, that sprinkleth or spouteth water, the other, a fair receipt of water, of some thirty or forty foot square, but without fish or slime or mud. For the first, the ornaments of images gilt or of marble, which are in use, do well: but the main matter is so to convey the water as it never stay, either in the bowls or in the cistern; that the water be never by rest discoloured, green or red or the like, or gather any mossiness or putrefaction. Besides that, it is to be cleansed every day by the hand. Also some steps up to it, and some fine pavement about it, doth well. As for the other kind of fountain, which we may call a bathing-pool, it may admit much curiosity and beauty, wherewith we will not trouble ourselves: as that the bottom be finely paved, and with images, the sides likewise; and withal embellished with coloured glass, and such things of lustre; encompassed also with fine rails of low statuas. But the main point is the same which we mentioned in the former kind of fountain, which is that the water be in perpetual motion, fed by a water higher than the pool and delivered into it by fair spouts, and then discharged away under ground by some equality of bores, that it stay little. And for fine devices, of arching water without spilling, and making it rise in several forms (of feathers, drinking-glasses, canopies, and the like), they be pretty things to look on, but nothing to health and sweetness.

For the heath, which was the third part of our plot, I wish it to be framed, as much as may be, to a natural wildness. Trees I would have none in it, but some thickets, made only of sweet-briar and honeysuckle, and some wild vine amongst; and the ground set with violets, strawberries, and primroses. For these are sweet, and prosper in the shade. And these to be in the heath, here and there, not in any order. I like also little heaps, in the nature of mole-hills (such as are in wild heaths), to be set, some with wild thyme; some with pinks; some with germander, that gives a good flower to the eye; some with periwinkle; some with violets; some with strawberries; some with cowslips; some with daisies; some with red roses; some with lilium convallium; some with sweet-williams red; some with bear's-foot; and the like low flowers, being withal sweet and sightly. Part of which heaps to be with standards of little bushes pricked upon their top, and part without. The standards to be roses, juniper, holly, barberries (but here and there, because of the smell of their blossom), red currants, gooseberries, rosemary, bays, sweet-briar, and such like. But these standards to be kept with cutting, that they grow not out of course.

For the side grounds, you are to fill them with variety of alleys, private, to give a full shade, some of them, wheresoever the sun be. You are to frame some of them likewise for shelter, that when the wind blows sharp you may walk as in a gallery. And those alleys must be likewise hedged at both ends, to keep out the wind; and these closer alleys must be ever finely gravelled, and no grass, because of going wet. In many of these alleys likewise, you are to set fruit-trees of all sorts, as well upon the walls as in ranges. And this would be generally observed, that the borders wherein you plant your fruit-trees be fair and large, and low, and not steep, and set with fine flowers, but thin and sparingly, lest they deceive the trees. At the end of both the side grounds, I would have a mount of some pretty height, leaving the wall of the enclosures breast high, to look abroad into the fields.

For the main garden, I do not deny but there should be some fair alleys ranged on both sides with fruit-trees, and some pretty tufts of fruit-trees, and arbours with seats, set in some decent order; but these to be by no means set too thick, but to leave the main garden so as it be not close, but the air open and free. For as for shade, I would have you rest upon the alleys of the side grounds, there to walk, if you be disposed, in the heat of the year or day; but to make account that the main garden is for the more temperate parts of the year, and, in the heat of summer, for the morning and the evening, or overcast days.

For aviaries, I like them not, except they be of that largeness as they may be turfed, and have living plants and bushes set in them; that the birds may have more scope and natural nestling, and that no foulness appear in the floor of the aviary. So I have made a platform of a princely garden, partly by precept, partly by drawing, not a model, but some general lines of it; and in this I have spared for no cost. But it is nothing for great princes, that for the most part taking advice with workmen, with no less cost set their things together; and sometimes add statuas and such things for state and magnificence, but nothing to the true pleasure of a garden.

Of Negotiating

It is generally better to deal by speech than by letter, and by the mediation of a third than by a man's self. Letters are good when a man would draw an answer by letter back again, or when it may serve for a man's justification afterwards to produce his own letter, or where it may be danger to be interrupted or heard by pieces. To deal in person is good when a man's face breedeth regard, as commonly with inferiors, or in tender cases, where a man's eye upon the countenance of him with whom he speaketh may give him a direction how far to go; and generally, where a man will reserve to himself liberty either to disavow or to expound. In choice of instruments, it is better to choose men of a plainer sort, that are like to do that that is committed to them, and to report back again faithfully the success, than those that are cunning to contrive out of other men's business somewhat to grace themselves, and will help the matter in report for satisfaction sake. Use also such persons as affect the business wherein they are employed, for that quickeneth much; and such as are fit for the matter, as bold men for expostulation, fair-spoken men for persuasion, crafty men for inquiry and observation, froward and absurd men for business that doth not well bear out itself. Use also such as have been lucky and prevailed before in things wherein you have employed them; for that breeds confidence, and they will strive to maintain their prescription. It is better to sound a person with whom one deals afar off, than to fall upon the point at first, except you mean to surprise him by some short question. It is better dealing with men in appetite, than with those that are where they would be. If a man deal with another upon conditions, the start or first performance is all; which a man cannot reasonably demand, except either the nature of the thing be such which must go before; or else a man can persuade the other party that he shall still need him in some other thing; or else that he be counted the honester man. All practice is to discover, or to work. Men discover themselves in trust, in passion, at unawares, and of necessity, when they would have somewhat done and cannot find an apt pretext. If you would work any man, you must either know his nature and fashions and so lead him; or his ends, and so persuade him; or his weakness and disadvantages, and so awe him; or those that have interest in him, and so govern him. In dealing with cunning persons, we must ever consider their ends, to interpret their speeches; and it is good to say little to them, and that which they least look for. In all negotiations of difficulty, a man may not look to sow and reap at once, but must prepare business, and so ripen it by degrees.

Of Suitors

Many ill matters and projects are undertaken, and private suits do putrefy the public good. Many good matters are undertaken with bad minds; I mean not only corrupt minds, but crafty minds that intend not performance. Some embrace suits which never mean to deal effectually in them, but if they see there may be life in the matter by some other mean, they will be content to win a thank, or take a second reward, or at least to make use in the meantime of the suitor's hopes. Some take hold of suits only for an occasion to cross some other; or to make an information whereof they could not otherwise have apt pretext, without care what become of the suit when that turn is served; or generally to make other men's business a kind of entertainment to bring in their own. Nay, some undertake suits with a full purpose to let them fall, to the end to gratify the adverse party or competitor. Surely there is in some sort a right in every suit; either a right of equity, if it be a suit of controversy, or a right of desert, if it be a suit of petition. If affection lead a man to favour the wrong side in justice, let him rather use his countenance to compound the matter than to carry it. If affection lead a man to favour the less worthy in desert, let him do it without depraving or disabling the better deserver. In suits which a man doth not well understand, it is good to refer them to some friend of trust and judgement, that may report whether he may deal in them with honour; but let him choose well his referendaries, for else he may be led by the nose. Suitors are so distasted with delays and abuses, that plain dealing, in denying to deal in suits at first, and reporting the success barely, and in challenging no more thanks than one hath deserved, is grown not only honourable, but also gracious. In suits of favour, the first coming ought to take little place. So far forth consideration may be had of his trust, that if intelligence of the matter could not otherwise have been had but by him, advantage be not taken of the note but the party left to his other means, and in some sort recompensed for his discovery. To be ignorant of the value of a suit is simplicity; as well as to be ignorant of the right thereof is want of conscience. Secrecy in suits is a great mean of obtaining, for voicing them to be in forwardness may discourage some kind of suitors, but doth quicken and awake others. But timing of the suit is the principal. Timing, I say, not only in respect of the person that should grant it, but in respect of those which are like to cross it. Let a man, in the choice of his mean, rather choose the fittest mean than the greatest mean, and rather them that deal in certain things than those that are general. The reparation of a denial is sometimes equal to the first grant, if a man show himself neither dejected nor discontented. Iniquum petas, ut aequum feras [Ask for more than what is just, so that you may get your due]〔1〕is a good rule where a man hath strength of favour, but otherwise a man were better rise in his suit, for he that would have ventured at first to have lost the suitor, will not in the conclusion lose both the suitor and his own former favour. Nothing is thought so easy a request to a great person as his letter, and yet if it be not in a good cause it is so much out of his reputation. There are no worse instruments than these general contrivers of suits; for they are but a kind of poison and infection to public proceedings.

注释

〔1〕　Quintilian, The Education of an Orator, Ⅳ.5.16.

Of Studies

Studies serve for delight, for ornament, and for ability. Their chief use for delight, is in privateness and retiring; for ornament, is in discourse; and for ability, is in the judgement and disposition of business. For expert men can execute, and perhaps judge of particulars, one by one; but the general counsels, and the plots and marshalling of affairs come best from those that are learned. To spend too much time in studies is sloth; to use them too much for ornament is affectation; to make judgement wholly by their rules is the humour of a scholar. They perfect nature, and are perfected by experience, for natural abilities are like natural plants that need proyning by study; and studies themselves do give forth directions too much at large, except they be bounded in by experience. Crafty men contemn studies, simple men admire them, and wise men use them; for they teach not their own use; but that is a wisdom without them and above them, won by observation. Read not to contradict and confute; nor to believe and take for granted; nor to find talk and discourse; but to weigh and consider. Some books are to be tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and digested: that is, some books are to be read only in parts; others to be read, but not curiously; and some few to be read wholly and with diligence and attention. Some books also may be read by deputy, and extracts made of them by others, but that would be only in the less important arguments, and the meaner sort of books; else distilled books are like common distilled waters, flashy things. Reading maketh a full man; conference a ready man; and writing an exact man. And therefore, if a man write little, he had need have a great memory; if he confer little, he had need have a present wit; and if he read little, he had need have much cunning, to seem to know that he doth not. Histories make men wise, poets witty, the mathematics subtle, natural philosophy deep, moral grave, logic and rhetoric able to contend. Abeunt studia in mores [Studies go to make up a man's character].〔1〕Nay, there is no stond or impediment in the wit but may be wrought out by fit studies, like as diseases of the body may have appropriate exercises. Bowling is good for the stone and reins; shooting for the lungs and breast; gentle walking for the stomach; riding for the head; and the like. So if a man's wit be wandering, let him study the mathematics; for in demonstrations, if his wit be called away never so little, he must begin again. If his wit be not apt to distinguish or find differences, let him study the Schoolmen, for they are cymini sectores [hairsplitters]. If he be not apt to beat over matters, and to call up one thing to prove and illustrate another, let him study the lawyers' cases. So every defect of the mind may have a special receipt.

注释

〔1〕　Ovid, Heroides, XV.83.

Of Vainglory

It was prettily devised of Aesop,〔1〕The fly sat upon the axle-tree of the chariot wheel, and said, 'What a dust do I raise!' So are there some vain persons that, whatsoever goeth alone or moveth upon greater means, if they have never so little hand in it, they think it is they that carry it. They that are glorious must needs be factious, for all bravery stands upon comparisons. They must needs be violent to make good their own vaunts. Neither can they be secret, and therefore not effectual, but according to the French proverb, Beaucoup de bruit, peu de fruit: much bruit, little fruit. Yet certainly there is use of this quality in civil affairs. Where there is an opinion and fame to be created, either of virtue or greatness, these men are good trumpeters. Again, as Titus Livius noteth in the case of Antiochus and the Aetolians,〔2〕There are sometimes great effects of cross lies, as, if a man that negotiates between two princes to draw them to join in a war against the third, doth extol the forces of either of them above measure, the one to the other: and sometimes he that deals between man and man raiseth his own credit with both by pretending greater interest than he hath in either. And in these and the like kinds, it often falls out that somewhat is produced of nothing, for lies are sufficient to breed opinion, and opinion brings on substance. In militar commanders and soldiers, vainglory is an essential point, for as iron sharpens iron, so by glory one courage sharpeneth another. In cases of great enterprise, upon charge and adventure, a composition of glorious natures doth put life into business, and those that are of solid and sober natures have more of the ballast than of the sail. In fame of learning, the flight will be slow without some feathers of ostentation. Qui de contemnenda gloria libros scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt [Men who write books on the worthlessness of glory take care to put their names on the title-page].〔3〕Socrates, Aristotle, Galen, were men full of ostentation. Certainly vainglory helpeth to perpetuate a man's memory, and virtue was never so beholding to human nature, as it received his due at the second hand. Neither had the fame of Cicero, Seneca, Plinius Secundus, borne her age so well, if it had not been joined with some vanity in themselves: like unto varnish, that makes ceilings not only shine but last. But all this while, when I speak of vainglory, I mean not of that property that Tacitus doth attribute to Mucianus, Omnium quae dixerat feceratque arte quadam ostentator [He had a certain skill of displaying to advantage all that he had said or done],〔4〕for that proceeds not of vanity, but of natural magnanimity and discretion, and in some persons is not only comely, but gracious. For excusations, cessions, modesty itself well governed, are but arts of ostentation. And amongst those arts there is none better than that which Plinius Secundus speaketh of, which is to be liberal of praise and commendation to others, in that wherein a man's self hath any perfection. For saith Pliny very wittily: In commending another you do yourself right, for he that you commend is either superior to you in that you commend, or inferior. If he be inferior, if he be to be commended, you much more; if he be superior, if he be not to be commended, you much less.〔5〕Glorious men are the scorn of wise men, the admiration of fools, the idols of parasites, and the slaves of their own vaunts.

注释

〔1〕　Not Aesop, but Lorenzo Bevilaqua.

〔2〕　Antiochus, King of Syria, allied with the Aetolians against Rome, but was defeated. See Livy, History, XXXV.12 and 17-18.

〔3〕　From Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, Ⅰ.15.

〔4〕　From Histories, Ⅱ.80.

〔5〕　From Letters, Ⅵ.17.4.

Of Anger

To seek to extinguish anger utterly is but a bravery of the Stoics. We have better oracles: Be angry, but sin not. Let not the sun go down upon your anger. Anger must be limited and confined, both in race and in time. We will first speak how the natural inclination and habit to be angry may be attempered and calmed. Secondly, how the particular motions of anger may be repressed, or at least refrained from doing mischief. Thirdly, how to raise anger or appease anger in another.

For the first: there is no other way but to meditate and ruminate well upon the effects of anger, how it troubles man's life. And the best time to do this is to look back upon anger when the fit is throughly over. Seneca saith well that anger is like ruin, which breaks itself upon that it falls.〔1〕The Scripture exhorteth us to possess our souls in patience.〔2〕Whosoever is out of patience is out of possession of his soul. Men must not turn bees,

animasque in vulnere ponunt.

[and lay down their lives in the wound.]〔3〕

Anger is certainly a kind of baseness; as it appears well in the weakness of those subjects in whom it reigns: children, women, old folks, sick folks. Only men must beware that they carry their anger rather with scorn than with fear, so that they may seem rather to be above the injury than below it: which is a thing easily done if a man will give law to himself in it.

For the second point: the causes and motives of anger are chiefly three. First, to be too sensible of hurt, for no man is angry that feels not himself hurt; and therefore tender and delicate persons must needs be oft angry, they have so many things to trouble them which more robust natures have little sense of. The next is the apprehension and construction of the injury offered to be, in the circumstances thereof, full of contempt; for contempt is that which putteth an edge upon anger, as much or more than the hurt itself. And therefore, when men are ingenious in picking out circumstances of contempt, they do kindle their anger much. Lastly, opinion of the touch of a man's reputation doth multiply and sharpen anger. Wherein the remedy is, that a man should have, as Consalvo〔4〕was wont to say, telam honoris crassiorem [a thicker web of honour]. But in all refrainings of anger, it is the best remedy to win time, and to make a man's self believe that the opportunity of his revenge is not yet come, but that he foresees a time for it; and so to still himself in the meantime and reserve it.

To contain anger from mischief, though it take hold of a man, there be two things whereof you must have special caution. The one, of extreme bitterness of words, especially if they be aculeate and proper; for communia maledicta [general revilings] are nothing so much; and again, that in anger a man reveal no secrets, for that makes him not fit for society. The other, that you do not peremptorily break off in any business in a fit of anger; but howsoever you show bitterness, do not act anything that is not revocable.

For raising and appeasing anger in another: it is done chiefly by choosing of times, when men are frowardest and worst disposed, to incense them. Again, by gathering (as was touched before) all that you can find out to aggravate the contempt. And the two remedies are by the contraries. The former, to take good times, when first to relate to a man an angry business, for the first impression is much. And the other is to sever, as much as may be, the construction of the injury from the point of contempt, imputing it to misunderstanding, fear, passion, or what you will.

注释

〔1〕　On Anger, Ⅰ.1.2.

〔2〕　See Luke 21.19.

〔3〕　Virgil, Georgics, Ⅳ.238.

〔4〕　Gonzalo, Hernandez de Cordova, Spanish general, d. 1515.